By Uditha Devapriya
Saliya Pieris, who needs no lengthy, eloquent introduction, comes from a “political family.” His mother’s relatives had been Left stalwarts; one of them had been Cholomondeley Goonewardene, MP for Kalutara from the LSSP. His father, on the other hand, had worked under Esmond Wickremesinghe at Lake House, a repository of rightwing politics. “We always had lively debates at home. It Doesn’t mean we stuck to one position, but each of us defended whatever we stood for the way we could.”
Here he reflects on his father, Harold Pieris. “He was principled enough to criticise his own political stances, when he felt it was right to do so. Although he was Editor of the Sunday Observer, he criticised the removal of Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s civic rights. He also opposed the 1982 referendum, which extended the parliament and prevented a General Election. Both he and my mother believed it was unethical.”
Young Pieris was educated at St Joseph’s College in Maradana. Father Stanley Abeysekera had been the Rector then. “My school didn’t shape me in a political sense. Father Stanley did. He was quite informed about current affairs, and would engage us with his views. That kept us in line with what went on in the world outside.”
Apparently, an avid quizzer at school, he had come second at the Dulux “Do You Know Quiz” in 1984. He had also been Head Prefect, which had brought him into contact with another Josephian, Ranasinghe Premadasa.
“I spoke on an occasion at school where Mr Premadasa was the Chief Guest. He sent a message saying that he wanted to see me. I neglected to make the appointment. When my father met him a year later, he asked why I didn’t reply. He then told me to come see him in parliament.”
Meeting Premadasa had been a turning point, because by then Pieris had become interested in law. Probably moved by how he had spoken that day, Premadasa told him to read Hansard reports before 1956, though he didn’t explain why.
Things moved fast thereafter. Pieris completed his A Levels in 1987, having opted for science. “Initially, I didn’t want a career in law,” he admits. “I wanted to pursue medicine. Since my results weren’t good enough, however, I had no alternative.”
He entered Law College that same year, completing the qualification in 1992. Having joined the Attorney General’s Department a year later, he eventually became a State Counsel. He also managed to complete the LL.B. at the Open University in 1998, with a Masters Degree from the University of London seven years later. After working as a Counsel for four years, specialising in Criminal Law, Pieris finally opened up his own practice in Colombo. From that point on, he began handling Fundamental Rights cases more frequently.
Everyone’s a red at 20, or so they say. I ask Pieris whether he too “turned red.” “Not really. We saw a rift in the Left in our time. The New Left, the JVP, took to violence to achieve their ends. The Old Left was in dire straits. We realised that both had self-imposed limitations and became disenchanted. Marxism didn’t shape us. Progressivism did.”
At Law College he had been a member of the “Pragathi Pila”, a student body which stood for progressive values. “We were a mishmash of Left and Right, tilting to neither extreme and adhering to a middle ground.” The “Pragathi Pila” idealised liberal ideals, which he admits overwhelmed him. Through that they began pushing for what they felt to be much needed, urgent reforms at College.
Among their key concerns had been language. “Union meetings were almost always held in English. We proposed that they should be held in Sinhala or Tamil. Not that we wanted to marginalise English, but we were concerned about students who weren’t fluent in it.” In hindsight, though, Pieris says things have changed since then. “Maybe we shouldn’t have shrugged off English. We could have engaged our students with it. Still, given how diverse Law College was linguistically, we felt that prioritising the vernacular was best.”
What followed was a colourful, certainly illustrious career. Pieris became Counsel for Sarath Fonseka and Shirani Bandaranayake. When the 18th Amendment was being tabled, he did not mince words when criticising it. Here he tells me, claiming he never aligned himself with a specific political ideology, that his notions of justice, equality, and fair play reflected the times he lived in. “In a way, I think my career has been dependent, though not completely, on my beliefs, which do change from time to time.”
I ask him what belief he values the most. “For me, the Judiciary is above everything else. Courts don’t make laws. The Legislature does. Courts don’t administer the country. The Executive does. But what we have seen in the past is a Judiciary that let both Legislature and Executive interfere. In such a situation, we can’t safeguard our independence.”
He adds that this affects even Fundamental Rights (FR) cases. “The Attorney General’s Department looks into FR cases, except those involving torture. Both victims and alleged perpetrators of torture seek private counsel, which is where we come in. When courts are free and independent, they take up cases implicating State authorities, including the police, without any fear. When they are not, we see a slump.
“From 1991 to 1999, FR cases peaked. This was especially because G. P. S. de Silva, the then Chief Justice, ensured that the Courts remained independent. Even though the Premadasa regime is considered as a violent period, I would say the Judiciary was protected well. Later, however, after judges like Mark Fernando and Ranjith Dheeraratne retired, these cases began to slump. The Courts’ attitude to them changed, often for the worse.”
At a time when judges weren’t politically appointed and didn’t get involved with the government, there wouldn’t have been a conflict of interest. While I don’t agree that this absolves a dictatorship, judicial independence is a powerful guarantor of the legality, and legitimacy, of a regime, whatever its political ideology may be. When courts lose that, the stage is almost invariably set for a revolution, a regime change.
In a way, he argues, this is reflected in a country’s Constitution. “Looking back, I feel that the 1978 Constitution failed to stick to the spirit of the law. That was its biggest weakness. But compared with more recent times, the Executive respected the Judiciary more readily. Still, there was a lacuna, a setback, when it came to the implementation of the law.”
Winding down a different path, I put to him that we saw a transition from nationalism to chauvinism between 1956 and 1977, and that the laws enacted during this time reflected it. He says that while the 1956 signalled a rupture, subsequent political shifts came to acknowledge a multicultural society. “The 1972 Constitution may have alienated sections of the minorities,” he admits. “But its successor tried to remedy this.”
I ask him why he thinks 1956 was needed. “It was inevitable. Even the Schools Takeover Act couldn’t be avoided. The reason is that we had Catholic schools outside Colombo where Catholics were in the minority. It clearly showed that the Church couldn’t handle everything, which is where the State had to intervene. So, in a way, what happened in 1956 was more or less inevitable. Same goes, I believe, for 1972, when we became a Republic.”
Pieris emphasises that governments, like schools, are never entirely free from religious influence. I contend that this would hardly go down with those who want to separate religion from the State. He argues that the two are kept separate to keep one from intruding into the other. I ask him whether this means keeping the clergy out of the government. “Not at all. Only if the clergy itself restricts its members can we ‘keep them out’, as you so crudely put it. So long as they don’t, there’s no problem in allowing, say, monks to enter parliament. It’s their democratic right. The law must not stand in their way.”
His stance provokes me. I tell him that if we are to subscribe to a multicultural society, we might as well do away with Article Nine of the Constitution, i.e. the State’s obligation to Buddhism. He disagrees, to my surprise. “Removing Article Nine would be impractical. We must base our ideals on realities. You can argue that ours is a multicultural society. On the other hand, demographics must be taken into account as well. Besides, don’t forget that the Constitution in other provisions accords equal respect for all religions.”
Switching over to another topic, I ask him whether the Marxists have any force left today. “Not really,” he replies. He does agree that Marxism, and Trotskyism in particular, held sway in Sri Lanka. “The problem was that they compromised. During Dudley Senanayake’s time, for instance, they used the slogan ‘Dudleyge bade masala vadey’ to oppose his pact with S. J. V. Chelvanayakam. This alienated Tamil Leftists. As the years went by, Trotskyites began to sacrifice their ideals. When that happened, people lost their faith in them.”
Pieris tells me here that ideologically, he is opposed to Marxism. “The State can’t control the individual. He is best left alone. That is why, in many Western countries which practise free enterprise, dissent tends to be tolerated.” I disagree, but let his remarks pass.
He also argues that we have been virtually blanketed by anti-Western propaganda, with key articulators of chauvinism dominating the discourse as such over the last decade or so. “We mustn’t shield ourselves from that part of the world. Certain commentators seem to earn a living out of speaking against the West. They think that vilifying it is necessary to become a nationalist. To me, that’s bankrupt. We must admit that dissent is tolerated over there. Only then can we hope to bridge whatever democracy deficit we have.”
I tell him at this point that while people like Noam Chomsky and George Carlin may appear to be dissidents, anti-Western nationalists tend to argue, and not without justification, that they are “planted” in that position to convince the rest of the world that there is dissent. I point out that this is a reasonable presumption. He disagrees. “I have been there frequently. I have been to Chicago, I have passed by the White House, and I have seen how protesters are treated there. It would be foolish to claim all that’s a façade. It’s not.”
Looking at Saliya Pieris’s career now, I am reminded of Martin Lee, that brilliant lawyer who spearheaded Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement in the 1990s. I see the same monkish calm, which breaks into a gentle smile, an open laugh, once in a while. I see the same high, unblemished commitment to certain ideals, which he hasn’t let go, not even by a notch. He still can aim higher. He still can aim far. He certainly has gone far.
The writer can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org
Teach students animal rights for a better world
Five years ago, I requested the Head of the Bar Council of India to get animal welfare introduced as a subject in the law colleges. He did it immediately. The result has been much more sensitive and informed lawyers, an annual moot court that is hosted by NLU Bangalore, PhDs in animal welfare (the first one was in NLU Cuttack), more people aware of animal welfare activism and far more sensitive judges. A big thank you to Shri Manan Kumar Mishra!
22 years ago, at the instance of Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, who supported all new ideas, we built the National Institute for Animal Welfare in Ballabgarh. Unfortunately, the government fell when it was ready. The Congress shut it down, and now the BJP is in its seventh year without restarting it. The Minister for Environment gave it to JNU. They fooled around for 2 years and then returned it to the Ministry, who slept on it for two years and then handed it to Lala Lajpat Rai University of Veterinary and Animal Sciences, who have ignored it for three years and only now have appointed a retired vet to make a course. I have lost all hope. In 2002, I wrote out all the courses, made some textbooks, contacted Oxford, Cambridge and the University of Edinburgh, for teachers, got a grant from UNEP for the library. But nothing has happened and nothing ever will. The magnificent seven-acre centre now houses ten people of the Animal Welfare Board of India and runs “awareness” courses of three days each for the student vets of The Lala Lajpat Rai University of Veterinary and Animal Sciences (LUVAS).
But there are huge job opportunities for trained animal welfare people: shelter managers, gaushala managers, laboratory managers, forest and wildlife officers, city management of animals, elephant rescue centres, city snake rescuers, poultries, slaughterhouses, to begin with and hundreds of others. I simply cannot understand why it has taken so long for even one course to begin.
A huge thank you to the Vice Chancellor of IGNOU, Prof. Nageshwar Rao, and to Professor P. V. K. Sasidhar, for starting the first-degree related course in India for animal welfare. Prof. Sasidhar has been labouring at the modules for over three years now. The first session itself has over 800 students!
It is a PG Diploma in Animal Welfare (PGDAW) and the admissions are open for the January 2021 Session. The Online Admissions ink: www.ignouadmission.samarth.edu.in/.
The PGDAW programme is meant for animal welfare volunteers and professionals across India, and for graduates / post-graduates interested in studying animal welfare. I have seen the learning module and I like it. I wish I had been able to compile the 3000+ articles I have written on every aspect of animal welfare. They could have been part of the course. But my editor has been fooling around with the 7 volume compilations for 5 years now, and I have no idea when she will be done. National Book Trust had offered to print them all, but not even the first volume is ready.
The IGNOU course has four core components: Animal welfare science and ethics, Animal welfare issues, Animal welfare laws and policies, and Animal welfare practices and standards.
Animal welfare is concerned about the welfare of all animals that are managed in some way by humans. Farm animal welfare means the care of animals grown for milk and meat, and that is where animals suffer the most. Welfare issues, pertaining to working, performing, companion, zoo, lab and street animals, need a great deal of attention as well. The PGDAW programme, in 85 modules, has covered welfare, science, ethics, issues, laws and standards, of all farm and draught animals – cattle, buffaloes, sheep, goats, pigs, poultry, working animals like donkeys and horses, performing animals, pets, zoo and lab animals. These modules have been developed in collaboration with The Jeanne Marchig International Centre for Animal Welfare Education, University of Edinburgh, UK.
It’s a one-year course, and graduates from any discipline can take it. It has two objectives: To impart science-based animal welfare education through open and distance learning. To build the capacities of stakeholders to take socially responsible decisions concerning animal welfare. The total fee of the course is Rs. 5400/-.
Who should take this course : Obviously all young people interested in animals, Employees Working in Animal Welfare Organizations/NGOs/Gaushalas, Faculty, Researchers, Technical Staff & PG/PhD Students in Universities, Research Organizations and Veterinary Colleges, Veterinarians / Para-veterinarians in State Central Government/RVC & Para-Military Forces, Members of State Animal Welfare Boards/SPCAs, Members of CPCSEA/ Institutional Animal Ethics Committees /Animal House Facilities, Civil Servants, Officials and Researchers Working in Forest Departments, Zoos and Wild Life Institutes, Faculty and Research Scholars under Zoological Survey of India and Zoology Departments, Law Professionals and Police Personnel dealing with Animal Welfare Laws and their Enforcement, Graduates Seeking Career as Animal Welfare Professionals.
Ideally, I would make it compulsory for all schools – if we want a better India.
The Programme Coordinator, Prof. P.V.K. Sasidhar, School of Extension and Development Studies, IGNOU, New Delhi (e-mail: email@example.com), has great credentials himself. He has been in the Agricultural Research Service of ICAR (2003-09), a Norman Borlaug Fellow of USDA, Tuskegee University, USA (2008), USAID Fellow, Michigan State University, USA (2015), and an OIE Performance of Veterinary Services Evaluator, OIE (2018).
If you want to join this, now is the time. Also, if you have suggestions to make it better, write to the Professor. I would recommend it for activists in Sri Lanka and Nepal as well, as the issues are the same.
( To join the animal welfare movement contact firstname.lastname@example.org, www.peopleforanimalsindia.org)
SUPUN JAYASINGHE’S RITES OF PASSAGE
A tale of a boy’s courage
By Uditha Devapriya
Situated at Stanley Wijesundera Mawatha, the Planetarium continues to captivate and fascinate, yet unless you strain your eyes, you can easily miss it. It’s one of those places you go to, through a prior appointment, and emerge from wishing you could go back in again. I must have been in Grade Five when I visited it on a class trip in 2004. Supun Jayasinghe was in Grade Five, too, when he went there with the rest of his class seven years later. The only exception, apart from the year of the visit, was where he came from: a 100 miles away, in Dambulla. It was the first time he had been to the city.
Intriguing and exhilarating as such a trip may have been, he had other things in his head. A few months later, he wouldbe sitting the Grade Five Scholarship Exam. How would he study for it? What marks would he score? Where would he go, if those marks turned out to be high? These questions nagged him, yet for the moment he let them off.
In any case, the ride had been exhausting: having started at four in the morning, it was about nine when the bus entered the city. It made its way to Independence Avenue, and from there towards the University of Colombo.
Between Independence Avenue and Stanley Wijesundera Mawatha, the Race Course faces Royal College. Intrigued by the Arcade, then the College, Supun and his classmates turned to their teacher. Standing up, he looked at them and described what they were, laying emphasis on the school more than the complex. Having described it in detail – the oldest public school, the most popular such institution, and so on – he brought the discussion back to his audience. “You have your scholarship exams this year,” he reminded them. “Try scoring as high as you can, because if you do, you’ll get a chance to come and study there.”
The memory of those words remained in Supun for a long time. The moment he heard them, he vowed to get as high a mark as he could, to get that chance, to come here.
Whatever the shortcomings of the Scholarship Exam may be, there’s no denying that it has opened up a world of opportunity for an aspiring lower middle-class. Supun’s father, a businessman, and mother, a teacher, hailed from this middle-class. Having attended a local Montessori and a Model School, he spent the whole of 2011 studying for the exam, forfeiting what little free time he had poring over books under a tree in his front yard. Yet, while he hit the books as hard and as much as he could, he did not push himself to compete with his peers. He’d told everyone he would ace the paper, but that owed less to a desire to be the best in the class than to a yearning to enter the best school he thought there was.
In any case, he got what he wanted. The marks came home somewhere in December 2011: having aimed at 180, he had scored 186. An even better piece of news came soon afterwards: the cut-off mark for Royal in 2012 happened to be 182. This meant only one thing: he would be boarded at the College Hostel, the following month, the following year.
The decision to go to Colombo did not come easy. Supun’s mother had opposed it at first, claiming it was too far. The marks were what convinced her. Even so, going to a city he’d only heard about and seen just once, and choosing to stay there for the better part of the next seven or so years, was a challenge. How would he fit in? What would he have to adjust to? Did people act there the way they did here? Did they differ in how they studied, read books, wrote answers? How they ate, drank, walked, and talked? He had much to think about, and as the weeks drew the year to a close, not much time to think them over.
Before everything, of course, there was the question of visiting the Hostel. On January 8 a letter arrived at his home, notifying them that the new term would commence a few weeks later, and that an orientation would be held before it did, on January 20.
Excited as he was, Supun nevertheless felt uneasy. On January 19, he and his father made their way to a rented house at Mount Lavinia, where a not-so distant relative lived. The next day came slowly, excruciatingly slowly. “I couldn’t sleep, I did not want to,” he remembers it today. Somehow, the night passed, and the following morning, having consulted and checked out at an auspicious time, the two of them made their way to Colombo.
Sri Lanka’s public schools, in particular those whose origins go back to the 19th century, are distinctly British in their architecture. The historian K. M. de Silva not unjustifiably calls it bland, unremarkable, and passé, when compared with Portuguese and Dutch architecture. For all their blandness, though, the British invested these buildings with an aura of expansiveness, with corridors giving way to gardens, quadrangles, and still other corridors.
Finding their way through an endless maze of entrances and exits, Supun and his father could not locate the Hostel. When they finally did, they were ushered into an orientation. Supun remembers two things from that day: his new class (6N), and the school song. The latter awed him: he hadn’t listened to many English songs, let alone school anthems, until then.
Having returned home after the orientation, father and son were told that the new term would begin five days later, on January 25. The second time around they came to Colombo in a car. Starting the journey of more than a hundred miles at four in the morning, they arrived at their destination at one or two in the afternoon.
At the Hostel the usual procedure was followed. The seniors directed him to his room. Each room had bunker beds. Not used to sleeping on them, he chose the first compartment, sharing the bunker with three others. When the last of the parents left, he predictably felt his nerves on the edge. The old fears returned: would he be able to fit in?
As with all public schools located in the city, the history of Royal College has woven itself into the history of its surroundings. Confusing at first, its topography extends from one end to another, covering a great many sites. To socialise into and familiarise himself with such an environment physically was not, however, tough for Supun. The real challenge lay elsewhere: the all too ubiquitous presence of English, and the melange of race and religion within the classroom. In other words, language proficiency plus cultural assimilation.
Glancing through his achievements from then, it struck me how his resolve stood out in them all. Back in Dambulla he had neither let the achievements of his peers ruffle him nor allowed himself to be overtaken by a desire to do better than them. He always, for instance, came first at his first school, but not because he wanted to beat everyone else to it; he just wanted to do something, and when he put his mind to it, he tried to do it somehow, on his own.
In Colombo this remained his philosophy. Whether it was winning creative composition and literary criticism prizes, becoming Junior Prefect (2015) and Junior Steward (2018), right before winding up as Steward (2019) and Chairman or Secretary of a great many clubs and societies (to list just some: Philatelic, Science, Library Readers), he let himself into whatever he took a fancy to. He did not, however, abandon his academics; studying for his O Levels, he ended up with nine As. Needless to say, on the field and in the class, at studies and sports, he confronted, and got over, those two challenges of proficiency and assimilation.
Supun’s story, I realise when I read through it, at once reflects and deviates from the norm. Reflects, because it conforms to the general pattern (initial difficulties at getting used to life in the city being followed by assimilation into the cultural and social patterns of that city), and deviates from, because his willpower is hard to find among his peers, or at least most of them. There is a reason for that: born with congenital anomalies on his right hand and leg, he has refused to let them get in his way, having won medals at the Para Games (2018) as well as for volleyball, boxing, table tennis, hockey, baseball, scouting (with a President’s Badge in 2019 to boot). By all accounts, this is to be admired, as it should be even now.
Steven Kemper dedicates the last chapter of his book on advertising in Sri Lanka (Buying and Believing) to a Sinhala lower middle-class family, residing in the outskirts of Colombo, who manage to realise their aspirations through their second son gaining entry to Supun’s school. Kemper, ever sensitive to the vagaries of class, points out how two-pronged entering a better school can be: a “singular opportunity”, yet one that comes with the price of accommodation “in a hostel.” Boarding their son, the family later relocates to Colombo. They make that move because they have to: the son is their link to the city, and to all it represents.
This country is home to a great many families who aspire for a better life, and one way through which they seek that life is education: not merely what you study, but where you study. Supun’s case is therefore illustrative: it’s the story of every other middle-class child. What’s interesting is how their integration to the city has brought about a transformation in the country’s elite schools. In that sense Supun’s story, as with that of the family in Kemper’s book, is not only illustrative, but also instructive. A Senior Prefect today, waiting for his A Level results, he finishes the conversation with a simple personal credo: “I’ve always aimed high and big, and I think I’ve always got there.” I am inclined to agree.
The writer can be reached at email@example.com
Cleaner production – an urgent need
By Dr. Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India
If we look into the areas close to the industrial sector, production of pollutants particularly from Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMEs) has damaged the natural environment by excess emission of wastewater, gas or other solid waste. Environmental agencies are failing miserably in controlling pollution from most of the SMEs across the country. SME contributes asignificant fraction of total environmental burden in developing countries like India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh. Despite enforcement of environmental acts and regulations, the consumption of huge quantities of resources and energy, within a remarkably short period through industrial production had a far-reaching influence on natural environment. Reducing this burden needs environmental improvement at the micro level, a goal which has been stubbornly elusive in India.
According to my observations, the major problems in SMEs, are old technologies, poor management practices, limited availability of funds, inadequately trained officials, lack of appropriate inspection and monitoring and overall sustainable gap between enforcement agencies, industries and communities because impassivity of top management in environmental sector and political will have impeded sustainable environment management. Regulatory pressure on the SMEs could not implicate positive effect on environment to maintain sound ecosystem as observed in many areas close to SMEs such as foundry, sponge iron, electroplating industry, food processing, tannery and others.
Environment Sustainability (ES) to maintain wholesomeness of the environment by controlling production of pollutants has been practically jeopardized. The possible reason is that several industrial complexes have been established without considering environmental and social impacts and thereby sustainability of industrial development is not gaining momentum. This dismal ES remains well hidden because social aspects (such as human rights, corruption, poverty, child mortality, land degradation, illiteracy and health problems) and their interrelation with economic and environment aspects are not considered with due emphasis by the regulatory agencies. The traditional approach of enforcing environmental acts and regulations is unable to explain and address the complex dynamic inter-relation among economics, environmental and social aspects with time. Though environmental impact assessment and environmental management system as per the Environment (Protection) Ac are mandatory to establish and to operate any project but, ES, and social benefits are always questionable. Industrial growth without ES under prevailing socio-economic condition is definitely neglected and delayed.
Survey of these industries reveals that SMEs are mainly dependent on end-of pipe(EOP) technology and their functionality are not consistent. Regulatory pressure compelled these industries to install a pollution control system for compliance with standards. But non-compliance is a common feature due to non-availability/ non-operation/ failure of pollution control system. Though regulatory agencies inspect the industries once or twice a year they are unable to ensure consistent control of pollution. Also, the regulatory authority cannot evaluate the different compliance level and thereby violation of standard to any extent is subject to the same penalties as it is marginal violation. Environmental managers can easily control the pollution level within a permissible limit during inspection by manipulating raw materials feeding and/or by operating the pollution control devices. It is not always feasible with limited trained/experienced personnel to conduct in-depth study on material and water balance in order to justify the quantity of pollutants emitted to environment based on the monitoring data. Enforcement agencies put emphasis on performance evaluation of EOP technology as per the stipulated standard without considering ecological crisis and social problems in the area closed to the industries. As a result, owners of the industries are not serious to initiate CP despite economic benefits associated with its implementation. On the contrary, owners of the industries are well versed on how to tackle an adverse situation temporarily and make their units in operation. Regulatory agencies issue time to time closure notices or directives to improve the performance of pollution control system to the non-compliant industries. In response to these notices, owners of the industries with the help of outside experts, find out temporary solution with little financial investment just to fulfill the legal requirement and not “real” requirement. As a result, actual compliance status over time remains well hidden and thereby environmental and social problems remain unattended. One ofthe reasons may be vested interests of the concerned officers entrusted for verification of the report. Otherwise why water, air and soil are still so much polluted?
In this context it may be mentioned that the majority of residents are poor and do not have access to higher authorities for solving their problems as well as they are not well educated to explain their sufferings to the media/press highlighting ecological crisis created by these industries. Government has already launched various projects to remove poverty, to educate the people, to provide health facility and to create environmental awareness among the people to highlight the pollution problem, but implementation status of these projects is not always satisfactory. This has resulted environmental and social problems reaching alarming proportion in many industrial clusters in India and simply visual inspections supplement these findings. Limitations in government’s actions to solve the problems are not disseminated via media for public awareness for various reasons. Moreover accountability of government employees for implementing the projects in terms of success and failure is not properly evaluated because knowledge and hardship required for evaluating degree of success are practically lacking.
This problem in regulatory organization, may be attributed to top management persons because they often recruit either new scientists/engineers or retired government engineers/scientists on the basis of political connections or bribes or nepotism to look after activities related to environment management but their style of management clearly exhibit impassivity towards CP implementation because of their poor technical capability. Whereas huge potential offered by the country’s young population is far from being leveraged. Also many highly qualified young scientists/engineers refuse to take up the challenging works related to environment management in these organizations because of the lack of knowledgeable and skilled experts to guide the newly recruited personnel, hostile environment and bureaucracy.
This is really a disturbing situation. Thereby, India needs innovative minds to meet its formidable challenges. For this, both the state and central governments should take urgent action and must appoint highly qualified, broad-minded top most officers, who will recruit qualified competent engineers/scientists and give them state-of-the-art technology based on sound scientific evidence with no external interference. Fixing our organization system will require a complete overhaul of the recruitment system, changes in environment policy and implementation of CP concept in these SMEs. According to UN Environmental Progrmme (UNEP) CP is the continuous application of an integrated, preventive environmental strategy towards processes, products and services in order to increase overall efficiency and reduce damage and risks for humans and the environment. However this will be difficult with the present disconnect between science and policy in these organizations.
My experience clearly established the economic efficiency of CP through incremental innovation based on production process optimization and thereby the payback period of investment towards CP technology was short. Unfortunately, in India actual level of implementation of CP in industries in particular all SMEs as found in other countries to deliver environmental advantage is not determined. Therefore, evaluation of actual environmental and economic performance improvement is an emergent need to maintain sustainable industrial development, social welfare, social equity and sound ecosystem. In India, the manufacturing industries and the government can play a major role in this sustainable development. However, community pressure followed by enforcement of environmental acts and regulation has slowly changed the attitude of these industries but overall success towards consistent compliance is still a distant dream.
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