Opinion
Rise against state repression: A call to the people
2022 has seen the most dramatic uprising of people against the government’s tyrannical rule since independence. Amidst a devastating economic crisis, the people raised their voices against corruption, misrule and economic mismanagement, demanding greater democracy. Instead of heeding the people’s call for change in the political culture and economic accountability, the government has responded with repression. The state’s crackdown on protesters is intended to prevent the expression of public dissatisfaction with the administration, as well as the austerity measures it has imposed which are causing tremendous hardship and suffering.
We, the undersigned, call on the government to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, to cease its persecution of protestors, and ensure the civil, political and economic rights of all citizens, especially of marginalised and vulnerable communities. The multiple, interconnected political and economic crises confronting us now cannot be resolved through a move towards greater authoritarianism but by the people’s continued involvement in the democratic space that has been created and by an administration willing to engage with its citizens.
The Security State
From its inception, state security and its repressive arms were key to the functioning of the Sri Lankan postcolonial state. The insurgencies in the south and the rise of militancy in the north and east, the protracted war that lasted almost 30 years, were used to legitimise the repressive arms of the state. The all-powerful executive presidency (1978) compounded matters by densely concentrating executive powers in one office, enabling swift authorisation of questionable laws and actions.
In 1979, the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was introduced, giving the government sweeping powers to arrest anyone without a warrant on the hazy grounds of their engaging in “unlawful activities” and detain them for up to 18 months without being produced before a court, and often incarcerating them for decades without a fair trial. Presented, debated and enacted in parliament within a single day, the PTA was a “temporary” measure to purportedly stem the tide of Tamil militancy. It was complemented by several other organised forms of repression. In addition to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), units like the police Special Task Force (STF), and the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID), paved the way for increased securitisation and militarisation of the state. In the long years of the war and unrest, militarisation seeped into the fabric of society.
Post War and Post Easter Bombings
The template for what we see today was shaped during the post-war years as well, as the state continued to target minorities. Instead of pursuing genuine reconciliation and power-sharing, the state reinforced its military apparatus in the north and east. This has allowed the retention of High Security Zones, preventing people from returning to their homes and livelihoods, and enabled land grabbing that is rationalised in the name of security or development. In the aftermath of the Easter bombings of April 2019, in which some 270 people lost their lives, anti-terror campaigns targeted Muslim youth. Terror and fear seized the Muslim community as they came under attack by the repressive arms of state security. The PTA was to arbitrarily arrest and confine persons known and unknown, on very flimsy charges. The arrest and detention of Hejaaz Hizbullah and Ahnaf Jazeem are only two cases in point of how the PTA is used in a gross violation of all concerns of justice.
An earlier development in this regard has drawn insufficient public attention. In compliance with UN Security Council Resolution No. 1373 calling on member states to take measures to curb terrorist activity, the Sri Lankan state drew up a list of names in 2020, identifying 300-odd persons as terror suspects. The overwhelming majority of those named in the list are Muslim and Tamil. Some were already behind bars during the period in which they are suspected of having engaged in suspicious activity. Persons included in the list undergo untold difficulties: they no longer enjoy access to their financial assets and have no indication of when they may expect to have such access again. They cannot seek legal redress because their financial assets are barred to them. They have trouble securing or holding on to employment due to the disrepute of being included in the list. They live under constant surveillance, with the threat of potential punitive measures despite the absence of any evidence of misconduct.
Bureau of Rehabilitation Bill
The Bureau of Rehabilitation Bill is the most recent in a series of laws that seek to sanction repression by the state and must not be viewed in isolation, but in the totality of a process we understand as securitisation of the state. The broad reach of the Bill allows for sending into compulsory detention “drug dependent persons, ex-combatants, members of violent extremist groups and any other group of persons” without necessarily citing sufficient cause for such action.
Even though the Supreme Court has ruled that “certain provisions” of the Bill are unconstitutional such as the reference to ‘ex-combatants’ and ‘any other persons’, the criminalisation of drug dependency that seems to be considered unproblematic suggests that the law itself should not be accepted without questioning. Its draconian features allow virtually any person to be sent into detention and it does not specify the procedure by which claims of drug abuse, past involvement in armed activity, and violent extremism may be reasonably established. It leaves space for the criminalisation of democratic activism that has characterised our recent past. The Bill in its entirety should be struck down.
The Current Moment of Repression
Today, person after person is being arrested and detained. The lens of surveillance has dramatically turned to those who are deemed central to the people’s movement of the Aragalaya. Those who have stood up to state violence, including students, are being picked off the streets and sent away, into the dark corners of detention.
We are staring into the gaping mouth of a police state. We have to reclaim our voice, and rise against all acts of repression and all legal manoeuvres that are designed to silence dissent, resistance and democratic action. This is the task at hand, where we citizens must reclaim the democratic space to put an end to authoritarian repression. It is through democratic participation, through dialogue, protests and the vote, that the tremendous economic and political crisis can be addressed in the interests of all the people of Sri Lanka.
Signed:
Ranil Abayasekara, formerly University of Peradeniya
Udari Abeyasinghe, University of Peradeniya
Asha L. Abeyasekera, formerly University of Colombo
M.M. Alikhan, University of Peradeniya
Liyanage Amarakeerthi, University of Peradeniya
Fazeeha Azmi, M. I., University of Peradeniya
Crystal Baines. formerly, University of Colombo
Navaratne Bandara Formerly University of Peradeniya
Visakesa Chandrasekaram, University of Colombo
Erandika de Silva, University of Jaffna
Nadeesh De Silva, the Open University of Sri Lanka
Nirmal Dewasiri, University of Colombo
Kanchuka Dharmasiri, University of Peradeniya
Priyan Dias, Emeritus Professor, University of Moratuwa
Avanka Fernando, University of Colombo
Priyantha Fonseka, University of Peradeniya
Savitri Goonesekere, Emeritus Professor, University of Colombo
Camena Guneratne, Open University of Sri Lanka
Dileni Gunewardena, University of Peradeniya
Farzana Haniffa, University of Colombo
Shyamani Hettiarachchi, University of Kelaniya
Gayathri Hewagama, Visiting Lecturer, University of Peradeniya
Charudaththe B. Illangasinghe, University of the Visual and Performing Arts
Prabhath Jayasinghe, University of Colombo
Theshani Jayasooriya, University of Peradeniya
M. W. A. P. Jayatilaka, Retired, University of Peradeniya
Barana Jayawardana, University of Peradeniya
Pavithra Jayawardena, University of Colombo
Ahilan Kadirgamar, University of Jaffna
Anushka Kahandagamage, formerly University of Colombo
Pavithra Kailasapathy, University of Colombo
Maduranga Kalugampitiya, University of Peradeniya
A. K. Karunarathne, University of Peradeniya
Madara Karunarathne, University of Peradeniya
Chulani Kodikara, Visiting Lecturer, Faculty of Graduate Studies, University of Colombo
Pradeepa Korale Gedara, University of Peradeniya
Savitri Nimal Kumar, University of Peradeniya
Ramya Kumar, University of Jaffna
Shamala Kumar, University of Peradeniya
Vijaya Kumar, Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya
Amal Kumarage, University of Moratuwa
Aminda Lakmal, University of Sri Jayewardenepura
Rohan Laksiri, University of Ruhuna
Abdul Haq Lareena, Sabaragamuwa University
Hasini Lecamwasam, University of Peradeniya
Kamala Liyanage, Professor Emerita, University of Peradeniya
Nethmie Liyanage, University of Peradeniya
Sachini Marasinghe, University of Peradeniya
Tharinda Mallawaarachchi, University of Colombo
Sudesh Mantillake, University of Peradeniya
Prabha Manuratne, University of Kelaniya
Mahim Mendis, Open University of Sri Lanka
Rumala Morel, University of Peradeniya
Sitralega Maunaguru, retired formerly Eastern University of Sri Lanka
Kethakie Nagahawatte, University of Colombo
Sabreena Niles, University of Kelaniya
M. A. Nuhman, formerly University of Jaffna
Gananath Obeyesekere, formerly University of Peradeniya
Ranjini Obeyesekere, formerly University of Peradeniya
Arjuna Parakrama, University of Peradeniya
Sasinindu Patabendige, University of Jaffna
Pradeep Peiris, University of Colombo
Kaushalya Perera, University of Colombo
Nicola Perera, University of Colombo
Ramindu Perera, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Ruhanie Perera, University of Colombo
Sampath Rajapaksa, University of Kelaniya
Ramesh Ramasamy, University of Peradeniya
Harshana Rambukwella, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Rajitha Ranasinghe, University of Peradeniya
Rupika Subashini Rajakaruna, University of Peradeniya
Aruni Samarakoon, University of Ruhuna
Athula Siri Samarakoon, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Dinesha Samararatne, University of Colombo
Unnathi Samaraweera, University of Colombo
T. Sanathanan, University of Jaffna
Samitha Senanayake, formerly University of Peradeniya
Kalana Senaratne, University of Peradeniya
Anusha Sivalingam, University of Colombo
H. Sriyananda, Emeritus Professor, the Open University of Sri Lanka
Sivamohan Sumathy, University of Peradeniya
Hiniduma Sunil Senavi, University of Sabaragamuwa
Esther Surenthiraraj, University of Colombo
V. Thevanesam, Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya
Dayapala Thiranagama, formerly University of Kelaniya
Mahendran Thiruvarangan, University of Jaffna
Deepika Udagama, University of Peradeniya
Ramila Usoof, University of Peradeniya
Jayadeva Uyangoda, Professor Emeritus in Political Science, University of Colombo
Vivimarie Vanderpoorten, Open University of Sri Lanka
Ruvan Weerasinghe, University of Colombo
Nira Wickramasinghe, formerly, University of Colombo
Ranjit Wijekoon, formerly University of Peradeniya
Dinuka Wijetunga, University of Colombo
It was just over one month ago that Gnana Moonesinghe departed from this world after having lived a very fruitful life on this earth. It was indeed a privilege that Mallika and I came to know Gnana after we moved into Havelock City. During that short period, we became very close friends, along with another mutual friend of ours, Dr. Disampathy Subesinghe, who, too, was living in the same Tower after having come from the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Dr. Subesinghe pre-deceased Gnana.
Gnana was a graduate of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya having been at Peradeniya during the halcyon days of that University.
She tied the nuptial knot with Mangala Moonesinghe who was a very respected politician and who served as our High Commissioner in London and New Delhi. She was an exceptional hostess while being the wife of the High Commissioner. It was a very interesting coincidence that our second son, Anuke, had won a trip to New Delhi having won an All-Island essay competition about India while still a schoolboy. The team had met the High Commissioner and Gnana when they attended a reception hosted at the High Commission, where Gnana had been an exceptional hostess to the young boys.
Gnana was a member of many organisations and played an important role in all of them. In addition to these activities, she contributed to newspapers on varied subjects, especially relating to good governance and reconciliation. She was a keen player of scrabble and rummy with her friends and of course entertaining them to a meal if played at her home.
It was while in New Delhi that Gnana wrote and published a book titled “Thus have I heard…”in the year 2009 and she presented a copy to me). This book gives lucid descriptions of the Buddhist teachings of the Buddha and the places of interest in India with historical descriptions of what transpired in each place.
Gnana had brought up a very good daughter Avanthi and a son Sanath. She doted on her grandchildren and in turn they loved her. It was Avanthi and her husband, Murtaza who looked after Gnana during the last stages of her life.
We will miss Gana’s hospitality, soft spoken conversations, and the love that she used to emanate towards her friends.
HM NISSANKA WARAKAULLE
The current government’s spectacular electoral success, was in essence a clear rejection of the chaos, incompetence and corruption, that were hallmarks of the traditional parties that have exercised dominant electoral power since Independence in 1948.
The remarkably successful Aragalaya was an emphatic rejection of the ‘old’ parties and hopes of a refreshingly enlightened “System Change”. This was the unspoken reliance on the NPP, (a lightly disguised JVP).
The unsavoury history of the unimaginable and intolerable violence of the JVP, matched by an equally cruel retaliation by Government forces, thankfully faded out around the last decade of the 20th century, is still a feared eventuality, in the memories of those who experienced the nightmare. Maybe, most of the currently active youth, had not even been born at the time. But the fear lingers. It is not unusual that the current NPP leadership, is none too eager to remember that period of history, nor to market this ancestry.
The shift into oblivion of the LSSP, is perhaps a signal that the era of sloganeering and “catch phrases of Marxist verbiage” as electoral currency, is now past.
One hopes that a home-grown model, based on the rugged strengths of rural society, is much more marketable, and representative of the Swabasha nourished, youth leadership. The leader in this transformation, AKD stamps his class with remarkably effective oratorical skills. The ready recall of incidents and instances, to follow logical trends of thought, and the ease with which he changes style and substance, to suit his varied audiences, is simply brilliant. This, with not a note (or prompt) in support, nor an hour to craft his fresh delivery to a new audience. The massive crowds that attended the pre-election rallies, seem to have morphed significantly into votes. The 150-odd seats secured, would have surprised even the most committed supporters. However, can they “walk the talk” of electoral rhetoric?
It also seems that even the few of the Old Guard, possibly crippled by left wing ideology, have taken on a new stance, with emphasis on existing local reality.
The hopes of a majority, enthused by the change of attitudes, professionalism and integrity of the new dispensation, will endure and thrive. The early signs are positive, but this leopard may well change its spots.
The claim that the promised changes, especially of seizure of the proceeds of crime and lawful punishment of fraudsters, is demonstrably slow. There must however be much discomfort among these rogues, that the handcuffs to adorn their wrists, may not be too far away. The President assures the people that the seeming delay, was to allow irrefutable and water-tight evidence to be assembled for successful prosecution, and to eliminate the all too frequent instances where the accused are acquitted and released.
It is increasingly evident that the roots of criminality run deep and far, and even the institutions designed to aid in successful probes, can be compromised by massive enticements, which would be easily accommodated, within the sheer size of the sums involved.
The trails may be clear to the optimistic, but the craftiness of seasoned rogues ensures that although the truth will eventually prevail, it may be a very deep dig. If the lack of “legal provision” is a real impediment, the present parliamentary majority should facilitate speedy correction. However, in many instances, it seems apparent that it is not the lack of laws, but the tardiness in acting where sufficient laws already exist is the problem.
To return to the matter of lying or otherwise distorting reality, there seems to be a kind of permissible and generous threshold, beneath which unreal extravagance can be concealed. If conscience overrides mere legality, and zero tolerance of fraud prevails, there will be public aversion towards any departures from common decency and rectitude.
Credit will be its reward, for the “Clean Sri Lanka” initiative if it goes beyond mere elimination of environmental pollutants and encompasses restoration of moral and ethical standards as well.
But, are we not presently guilty of a shallow pretense of religiosity, when our Constitution urges (or permits), the creation of Ministries of Buddhism and those charged with the “protection” of Christian, Muslim or Hindu affairs? This is hypocrisy of a high order especially in a country, wedded to concepts of equality, compassion and fairness in a pluralistic community. It is infinitely easier to preserve unity in a mixed populace, than to repair a fractured one. As one of our political leaders asserted, in a different context, “We have scrambled the egg and invite any to try “unscrambling it”.
As the late D. M. Jayaratne, as PM, as well as Minister of Buddha Sasana, saw no qualms about declaring that “Only idiots would believe Election manifestos, when their intent was merely to deceive voters into voting for them”. One has to trust that this still prevails. We remain undaunted, in a country that prides itself in a religiosity cemented within a constitution which permits such divisive content.
Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda
by Sudharman Siripala
Sri Lanka is grappling with the increasing threat of climate change, which has led to unpredictable weather patterns. The country faces a dangerous combination of flooding in some regions and water shortages in others, a situation exacerbated by shifting rainfall patterns. Rivers originating in the Central Hills, such as the Mahaweli, Kalu, and Kelani, flow through much of the country, but these water sources are not being distributed evenly. Districts like Monaragala and Hambantota, located in the dry zone, are experiencing severe water shortages. To address this challenge, experts suggest the development of an interconnected river system to harness excess water during floods and redirect it to drier areas, ensuring a year-round water supply for agriculture and daily use.
Global Case Studies in River Management
Several countries facing similar water-related challenges have implemented successful water management systems that Sri Lanka could adapt to its unique circumstances:
The Netherlands – Room for the River Programme
The Netherlands, a country prone to flooding, widened its rivers and relocated dikes to create floodplains. This approach allows rivers to overflow without damaging urban areas, while preserving water flow and natural habitats. Sri Lanka could apply this concept by designating specific riverbank areas for temporary flood storage.
China – South-North Water Transfer Project
China’s massive project channels excess water from the flood-prone Yangtze River to drier northern regions. This system of canals and reservoirs could inspire Sri Lanka to divert water from rivers in the Central Hills to drier areas in the south and east.
Bangladesh – River Interlinking Projects
Bangladesh has implemented river interlinking projects to redistribute water from flood-prone rivers, such as the Brahmaputra, to drier regions. Sri Lanka could link its major rivers like the Mahaweli and Kelani to smaller rivers in water-scarce districts to balance water distribution.
India – National River Linking Project
India’s National River Linking Project connects major rivers to manage both floods and droughts. Sri Lanka could use similar strategies, connecting rivers around the 500-foot contour line in the Central Hills to help distribute water more effectively.
United States – Mississippi River and Tributaries Project
The Mississippi River system combines levees, floodways, and diversion channels to manage flooding. Sri Lanka could adopt similar flood-control measures in vulnerable river basins such as the Kelani and Kalu.
Japan – Underground Reservoirs and Flood Channels
Japan’s G-Cans Project in Tokyo channels excess water into underground reservoirs to prevent urban flooding. A similar underground system could be implemented in Colombo and other flood-prone cities in Sri Lanka.
Singapore – Marina Barrage
Singapore’s Marina Barrage serves as both a flood control measure and a water supply resource. Sri Lanka could develop similar systems to control flooding in urban areas and ensure water availability during dry spells.
Thailand – Chao Phraya River Basin Management
Thailand uses diversion channels in the Chao Phraya River Basin to prevent flooding in Bangkok and direct water to agricultural areas. Sri Lanka could replicate this by creating diversion channels to supply water to its agricultural zones.
Actionable Solutions for Sri Lanka
Develop an Interconnected River System
Establish water diversion channels along the 300-500 meter contour lines of the Central Hills to capture excess rainfall during floods and redirect it to drier areas.
Build Reservoirs and Storage Tanks
Construct reservoirs to store diverted water, ensuring a steady supply for agriculture and domestic use. Sri Lanka has around 14,000 ancient tanks out of 30,000 that could be revitalized for this purpose.
Improve Urban Flood Defenses
Drawing inspiration from Japan and Singapore, build underground reservoirs and flood channels in cities like Colombo to mitigate urban flooding.
Strengthen Watershed Management
Restore natural floodplains and create wetlands to absorb excess rainwater, as seen in the Netherlands, helping to reduce flood risks.
Encourage Public-Private Partnerships
Foster collaboration between the public and private sectors to fund large-scale water management infrastructure, leveraging models from China and the United States.
Leverage Technology
Utilise modern forecasting and real-time water management systems, similar to those in Bangladesh and Thailand, to monitor water levels and manage river flows dynamically.
International Collaboration
Form partnerships with countries that have successfully implemented flood control and water management systems to share expertise and technology.
Sri Lanka’s dual challenges of flooding and water scarcity, compounded by climate change, require immediate action. By developing an interconnected river system and learning from successful global water management models, Sri Lanka can mitigate the effects of floods while ensuring a sustainable water supply for agriculture and daily life. It is crucial for the country to act now, as these solutions have the potential to transform Sri Lanka’s water management system for the better.
Sudharman Siripala Managing Director of Geoinformatics Group and a Registered Licensed Surveyor, specializes in geo-spatial applications. He also serves as a freelance value chain consultant for Vivonta Green Tech Consultants (www.vivonta.lk)
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