Midweek Review
Rajiva on Batalanda controversy, govt.’s failure in Geneva and other matters

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent interview with Mehdi Hasan on Al Jazeera’s ‘Head-to-Head’ series has caused controversy, both in and outside Parliament, over the role played by Wickremesinghe in the counter-insurgency campaign in the late’80s.
The National People’s Power (NPP) seeking to exploit the developing story to its advantage has ended up with egg on its face as the ruling party couldn’t disassociate from the violent past of the JVP. The debate on the damning Presidential Commission report on Batalanda, on April 10, will remind the country of the atrocities perpetrated not only by the UNP, but as well as by the JVP.
The Island sought the views of former outspoken parliamentarian and one-time head of the Government Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha on a range of issues, with the focus on Batalanda and the failure on the part of the war-winning country to counter unsubstantiated war crimes accusations.
Q:
The former President and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s interview with Al Jazeera exposed the pathetic failure on the part of Sri Lanka to address war crimes accusations and accountability issues. In the face of aggressive interviewer Mehdi Hasan on ‘Head-to-Head,’ Wickremesinghe struggled pathetically to counter unsubstantiated accusations. Six-time Premier Wickremesinghe who also served as President (July 2022-Sept. 2024) seemed incapable of defending the war-winning armed forces. However, the situation wouldn’t have deteriorated to such an extent if President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who gave resolute political leadership during that war, ensured a proper defence of our armed forces in its aftermath as well-choreographed LTTE supporters were well in place, with Western backing, to distort and tarnish that victory completely. As wartime Secretary General of the Government’s Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (since June 2007 till the successful conclusion of the war) and Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights (since Jun 2008) what do you think of Wickremesinghe’s performance?
A:
It made him look very foolish, but this is not surprising since he has no proper answers for most of the questions put to him. Least surprising was his performance with regard to the forces, since for years he was part of the assault forces on the successful Army, and expecting him to defend them is like asking a fox to stand guard on chickens.
Q:
In spite of trying to overwhelm Wickremesinghe before a definitely pro-LTTE audience at London’s Conway Hall, Hasan further exposed the hatchet job he was doing by never referring to the fact that the UNP leader, in his capacity as the Yahapalana Premier, co-sponsored the treacherous Geneva Resolution in Oc., 2015, against one’s own victorious armed forces. Hasan, Wickremesinghe and three panelists, namely Frances Harrison, former BBC-Sri Lanka correspondent, Director of International Truth and Justice Project and author of ‘Still Counting the Dead: Survivors of Sri Lanka’s Hidden War,’ Dr. Madura Rasaratnam, Executive Director of PEARL (People for Equality and Relief in Lanka) and former UK and EU MP and Wickremesinghe’s presidential envoy, Niranjan Joseph de Silva Deva Aditya, never even once referred to India’s accountability during the programme recorded in late February but released in March. As a UPFA MP (2010-2015) in addition to have served as Peace Secretariat Chief and Secretary to the Disaster Management and Human Rights Ministry, could we discuss the issues at hand leaving India out?
A:
I would not call the interview a hatchet job since Hasan was basically concerned about Wickremesinghe’s woeful record with regard to human rights. In raising his despicable conduct under Jayewardene, Hasan clearly saw continuity, and Wickremesinghe laid himself open to this in that he nailed his colours to the Rajapaksa mast in order to become President, thus making it impossible for him to revert to his previous stance. Sadly, given how incompetent both Wickremesinghe and Rajapaksa were about defending the forces, one cannot expect foreigners to distinguish between them.
Q:
You are one of the many UPFA MPs who backed Maithripala Sirisena’s candidature at the 2015 presidential election. The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo perpetrated the despicable act of backing the Geneva Resolution against our armed forces and they should be held responsible for that. Having thrown your weight behind the campaign to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa’s bid to secure a third term, did you feel betrayed by the Geneva Resolution? And if so, what should have the Yahapalana administration done?
A:
By 2014, given the total failure of the Rajapaksas to deal firmly with critiques of our forces, resolutions against us had started and were getting stronger every year. Mahinda Rajapaksa laid us open by sacking Dayan Jayatilleke who had built up a large majority to support our victory against the Tigers, and appointed someone who intrigued with the Americans. He failed to fulfil his commitments with regard to reforms and reconciliation, and allowed for wholesale plundering, so that I have no regrets about working against him at the 2015 election. But I did not expect Wickremesinghe and his cohorts to plunder, too, and ignore the Sirisena manifesto, which is why I parted company with the Yahapalanaya administration, within a couple of months.
I had expected a Sirisena administration to pursue some of the policies associated with the SLFP, but he was a fool and his mentor Chandrika was concerned only with revenge on the Rajapaksas. You cannot talk about betrayal when there was no faith in the first place. But I also blame the Rajapaksas for messing up the August election by attacking Sirisena and driving him further into Ranil’s arms, so that he was a pawn in his hands.
Q:
Have you advised President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government how to counter unsubstantiated war crimes allegations propagated by various interested parties, particularly the UN, on the basis of the Panel of Experts (PoE) report released in March 2011? Did the government accept your suggestions/recommendations?
A:

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
I kept trying, but Mahinda was not interested at all, and had no idea about how to conduct international relations. Sadly, his Foreign Minister was hanging around behind Namal, and proved incapable of independent thought, in his anxiety to gain further promotion. And given that I was about the only person the international community, that was not prejudiced, took seriously – I refer to the ICRC and the Japanese with whom I continued to work, and, indeed, the Americans, until the Ambassador was bullied by her doctrinaire political affairs officer into active undermining of the Rajapaksas – there was much jealousy, so I was shut out from any influence.
But even the admirable effort, headed by Godfrey Gunatilleke, was not properly used. Mahinda Rajapaksa seemed to me more concerned with providing joy rides for people rather than serious counter measures, and representation in Geneva turned into a joke, with him even undermining Tamara Kunanayagam, who, when he supported her, scored a significant victory against the Americans, in September 2011. The Ambassador, who had been intriguing with her predecessor, then told her they would get us in March, and with a little help from their friends here, they succeeded.
Q:
As the writer pointed out in his comment on Wickremesinghe’s controversial Al Jazeera interview, the former Commander-in-Chief failed to mention critically important matters that could have countered Hasan’ s line of questioning meant to humiliate Sri Lanka?
A:
How could you have expected that, since his primary concern has always been himself, not the country, let alone the armed forces?
Q:
Do you agree that Western powers and an influential section of the international media cannot stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over separatist Tamil terrorism?
A:
There was opposition to our victory from the start, but this was strengthened by the failure to move on reconciliation, creating the impression that the victory against the Tigers was seen by the government as a victory against Tamils. The failure of the Foreign Ministry to work with journalists was lamentable, and the few exceptions – for instance the admirable Vadivel Krishnamoorthy in Chennai or Sashikala Premawardhane in Canberra – received no support at all from the Ministry establishment.
Q:
A couple of months after the 2019 presidential election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa declared his intention to withdraw from the Geneva process. On behalf of Sri Lanka that announcement was made in Geneva by the then Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, who became the Premier during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. That declaration was meant to hoodwink the Sinhala community and didn’t alter the Geneva process and even today the project is continuing. As a person who had been closely involved in the overall government response to terrorism and related matters, how do you view the measures taken during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s short presidency to counter Geneva?
A:
What measures? I am reminded of the idiocy of the responses to the Darusman report by Basil and Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who went on ego trips and produced unreadable volumes trying to get credit for themselves as to issues of little interest to the world. They were planned in response to Darusman, but when I told Gotabaya that his effort was just a narrative of action, he said that responding to Darusman was not his intention. When I said that was necessary, he told me he had asked Chief-of-Staff Roshan Goonetilleke to do that, but Roshan said he had not been asked and had not been given any resources.
My own two short booklets which took the Darusman allegations to pieces were completely ignored by the Foreign Ministry.
Q:
Against the backdrop of the Geneva betrayal in 2015 that involved the late Minister Mangala Samaraweera, how do you view President Wickremesinghe’s response to the Geneva threat?
A: Wickremesinghe did not see Geneva as a threat at all. Who exactly is to blame for the hardening of the resolution, after our Ambassador’s efforts to moderate it, will require a straightforward narrative from the Ambassador, Ravinatha Ariyasinha, who felt badly let down by his superiors. Geneva should not be seen as a threat, since as we have seen follow through is minimal, but we should rather see it as an opportunity to put our own house in order.
Q:
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake recently questioned both the loyalty and professionalism of our armed forces credited with defeating Northern and Southern terrorism. There hadn’t been a previous occasion, a President or a Premier, under any circumstances, questioned the armed forces’ loyalty or professionalism. We cannot also forget the fact that President Dissanayake is the leader of the once proscribed JVP responsible for death and destruction during 1971 and 1987-1990 terror campaigns. Let us know of your opinion on President Dissanayake’s contentious comments on the armed forces?
A: I do not see them as contentious, I think what is seen as generalizations was critiques of elements in the forces. There have been problems, as we saw from the very different approach of Sarath Fonseka and Daya Ratnayake, with regard to civilian casualties, the latter having planned a campaign in the East which led to hardly any civilian deaths. But having monitored every day, while I headed the Peace Secretariat, all allegations, and obtained explanations of what happened from the forces, I could have proved that they were more disciplined than other forces in similar circumstances.
The violence of the JVP and the LTTE and other such groups was met with violence, but the forces observed some rules which I believe the police, much more ruthlessly politicized by Jayewardene, failed to do. The difference in behaviour between the squads led for instance by Gamini Hettiarachchi and Ronnie Goonesinghe makes this clear.
Q:
Mehdi Hasan also strenuously questioned Wickremesinghe on his role in the UNP’s counter-terror campaign during the 1987-1990 period. The British-American journalists of Indian origins attacked Wickremesinghe over the Batalanda Commission report that had dealt with extra-judicial operations carried out by police, acting on the political leadership given by Wickremesinghe. What is your position?
A:
Wickremesinghe’s use of thugs’ right through his political career is well known. I still recall my disappointment, having thought better of him, when a senior member of the UNP, who disapproved thoroughly of what Jayewardene had done to his party, told me that Wickremesinghe was not honest because he used thugs. In ‘My Fair Lady,’ the heroine talks about someone to whom gin was mother’s milk, and for Wickremesinghe violence is mother’s milk, as can be seen by the horrors he associated with.
The latest revelations about Deshabandu Tennakoon, whom he appointed IGP despite his record, makes clear his approval for extra-judicial operations.
Q:
Finally, will you explain how to counter war crimes accusations as well as allegations with regard to the counter-terror campaign in the’80s?
A:
I do not think it is possible to counter allegations about the counter-terror campaign of the eighties, since many of those allegations, starting with the Welikada Prison massacre, which Wickremesinghe’s father admitted to me the government had engendered, are quite accurate. And I should stress that the worst excesses, such as the torture and murder of Wijeyedasa Liyanaarachchi, happened under Jayewardene, since there is a tendency amongst the elite to blame Premadasa. He, to give him his due, was genuine about a ceasefire, which the JVP ignored, foolishly in my view though they may have had doubts about Ranjan Wijeratne’s bona fides.
With regard to war crimes accusations, I have shown how, in my ‘Hard Talk’ interview, which you failed to mention in describing Wickeremesinghe’s failure to respond coherently to Hasan. The speeches Dayan Jayatilleke and I made in Geneva make clear what needed and still needs to be done, but clear sighted arguments based on a moral perspective that is more focused than the meanderings, and the frequent hypocrisy, of critics will not now be easy for the country to furnish.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
B’caloa Tigers’ 2004 shock revolt in retrospect

Pilleyan, a key element in that drama now arrested for political expediency?
The LTTE killed two Karuna loyalists on July 15, 2004 in the Batticaloa Prison. The dead included Satchi Master. The killer was an LTTEer serving a short sentence for jewellery theft and assault. The killings in the Batticaloa Prison caused anxiety among senior government officials. On Aug. 24, 2004, an LTTEer shot dead another Karuna loyalist, P. Jayakumar, in the Akkaraipattu Magistrate’s Court. A jail guard and a court clerk sustained minor injuries. The police arrested Jayakumar, along with another LTTE dissident, Saravanamuthu Shanthakumar, at a road block, at Akkaraipattu, on May 19th, 2004. They were in possession of a pistol, one hand grenade and 15 rounds of ammunition. Shanthakumar was killed on July 15, 2004 at the Batticaloa Prison along with Satchi Master.
Against the backdrop of one-time LTTEer Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pilleyan’s arrest on April 08, 2025 and subsequent detention under Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) over Eastern University Vice Chancellor Prof. S. Raveendranath’s disappearance on Dec. 15, 2006, whose life was actually under threat from the TIGERS several years after Karuna and Pilleyan broke away from it, various interested parties started commenting on the role played/atrocities perpetrated by Pilleyan and Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, aka Karuna Amman, during the conflict, and after.
Both Karuna and Pilleyan entered mainstream politics before the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009. Pilleyan is the current leader of TMVP (Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal).
In a way it is a pity that the police are now trying to pin Pilleyan for the disappearance of Prof Raveendranath, obviously to please the current political masters.
Comments included their role in LTTE terrorism and what they did after switching their allegiance to the government in March 2004. Let me stress that they daringly rebelled against the LTTE during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the Prime Minister. The UNP has repeatedly claimed the credit for the unprecedented schism in what was considered a monolithic terror organisation and some asserted that the LTTE engineered Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 presidential election to avenge the catastrophic split.
Pilleyan’s arrest caused a political storm with his counsel Udaya Gammanpila alleging that an attempt was being made to compel his client to confess complicity in the 2019 Easter Sunday suicide attacks. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader and former Minister Gammanpila is no stranger to controversy, but he has remained unscathed when it comes to his integrity.
In spite of vindictive attacks on him, Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila declared that nothing could be as ridiculous as accusing Pilleyan, who had been detained at the Batticaloa Prison for a period of five years (Oct. 11, 2015 to Nov. 24, 2020) of arranging National Thowheed Jaamaath (NTJ) to bomb churches and hotels on April 21, 2019. Having granted bail to Pilleyan and four others held in connection with the Christmas Day, 2005, assassination of TNA MP Joseph Pararajasingham on two personal sureties of Rs. 100,000/- each, the Batticaloa High Court acquitted and released them on January 13, 2021.
It would be pertinent to examine the devastating split caused by Karuna in March 2003 and its impact on the Eelam War IV (2006 August to May 2009).
Karuna’s move
Having received information that ‘Colonel’ Karuna decamped, the Kilinochchi-based leadership acted swiftly and decisively to neutralise the impending threat. The LTTE planned to take hold of both Karuna Amman, responsible for Ampara-Batticaloa sector, and his colleague, Sivasubramanium Varadanthan, aka ‘Colonel’ Paduman, in charge of the neighbouring Trincomalee District, to Kilinochchi. The Kilinochchi-based leadership, or Vanni leadership, wanted to ensure that those deployed under the command of Karuna and Paduman remaind loyal to the organisation. Both Karuna and Paduman had held the rank of ‘Colonel’ at that time, though Karuna was in the limelight due to his involvement in negotiations with the UNF government.
The Kilinochchi command cleverly used the Defence Ministry and SCOPP (Secretariat for Coordinating Peace Process) officials to arrange for an SLAF chopper to fly Karuna Amman, along with Paduman, to Kilinochchi. SCOPP records prove that on the authorisation of the Defence Ministry, it directed the SLAF to pick Paduman from Trincomalee and then touch down at a pre-arranged location in the Batticaloa District, on March 2, 2004, to take on board Karuna.
Fearing that he would have to face a firing squad in Kilinochchi, Karuna declined to join Paduman. Instead, he set in motion a strategy, which finally debilitated the LTTE’s conventional fighting capability. The writer disclosed the LTTE’s counter-move in a Sunday Island report headlined ‘Prabhakaran plotted Karuna capture’ in its March 28, 2004, edition.
Both Karuna and Paduman, at that time, confirmed the LTTE using SCOPP/ SLAF to arrange their transfer from the East to Kilinochchi.
The UNP and the Norwegians never bothered to raise the issue with the LTTE at that time. The Defence Ministry continued to provide chopper rides to the LTTE and did everything possible to appease the outfit, even at the expense of national security.
Norwegian peace facilitator and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), too, had been aware of the LTTE request for an SLAF chopper ride for top Tigers in the East. Had Karuna got into that chopper and ended up in a secret LTTE detention camp or executed, Eelam War IV would have taken a different course.
The Vanni leadership used Paduman, on several occasions, to counter reports of a debilitating split in the LTTE. The LTTE never allowed Paduman to leave the Vanni throughout Eelam War IV. Paduman surrendered on May 15, 2009, four days before troops killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.
Karuna caused the split just over a year after the LTTE quit the negotiating table. President CBK, PM Wickremesinghe, and the co-chairs of the peace process, agreed that the LTTE should be allowed to deal with the situation. They allowed the situation to develop into a bloody confrontation. They failed to realise that Karuna’s revolt caused irreparable damage to the organisation by dividing the LTTE’s fighting cadre on regional lines. The crisis denied the LTTE recruitment in the Batticaloa and Ampara sectors, while its operations in the Trincomalee District, too, experienced difficulties due to the detention of ‘Colonel’ Paduman, the senior man in charge of the area. ‘Colonel’ Paduman, too, was perceived as a threat due to his close association with Karuna.
Karuna acted swiftly to ensure his protection and that of the eastern cadres. The well-proven battlefield strategist felt that his security, as well as the safety of the Batticaloa fighting cadre, depended on an understanding with the Sri Lankan military. Karuna pushed for a separate agreement on the lines of the Norwegian arranged CFA between the GoSL and the LTTE in February 2002.
The Island dealt with Karuna’s move in an exclusive headlined ‘Rebel Karuna wants separate deal with government’ in the March 5, 2004 issue, which was based on information provided by Varathan, an aide to Karuna. The then Army Chief, Lieutenant General Lionel Balagalle and DIG Nimal Lewke confirmed what Varathan had to say on behalf of Karuna.
Karuna offered to negotiate a separate ceasefire in the Ampara-Batticaloa sector, though both the Norwegians and the government promptly rejected the move, while reiterating their commitment to the CFA. But, an influential section, within the establishment, supported Karuna’s move. Varathan alleged that a wave of killings in the Eastern Province, in the wake of the CFA, and a demand for 1,000 more cadres from the Batticaloa-Ampara sector for deployment in the Northern Province, too, had contributed to Karuna’s decision to break ranks.
Wobbling goverment
An unprecedented crisis caused by Karuna sent shock waves through the LTTE and its supporters. Among the affected parties were the TNA and the Tamil Diaspora. The LTTE struggled to contain the developing crisis. In spite of specific government orders issued to the Army not to intervene, at certain levels the military cooperated with Karuna.
Karuna wanted the Army to prevent a group of senior cadres, who had been under his overall command, from crossing the entry/exit point at Omanthai, north of Vavuniya, back to the Vanni. The LTTE dissident also urged the Army to facilitate an operation to help his men, deployed in the Northern Province, to return through Army lines on the night of March 3, 2004. The government prohibited the Army from supporting Karuna’s efforts, hence a group of senior cadres, including ‘Colonel” T. Ramesh and their families, crossed the entry/exit point. Immediately after their arrival in Kilinochchi, ‘Colonel’ Ramesh was declared as Karuna’s successor.
Undaunted by the government’s refusal to back his revolt against, what Karuna called, the treacherous Kilinochchi leadership, he ordered public protests in Batticaloa. The first of a series of protests was held at Kiran, Karuna’s home town, where a crowd of over 2,000 people gathered in support of Karuna. Some of them set fire to effigies of Prabhakaran and Ramesh, while Karuna reiterated his demand for a separate CFA with the government. Much to the glee of the LTTE and the Norwegians, the government rejected Karuna’s call for cooperation out of hand. But, the military continued to extend support to Karuna.
In spite of the LTTE’ pull-out from negotiations in April 2003, the government reiterated its commitment to a non-existent peace process thereby bending backwards to please the LTTE and the so-called peace facilitator with its own ultimate agenda coinciding with those of the LTTE.
The LTTE ordered the Tamil media not to provide space for the rebellious group. No one dared challenge the LTTE, though Karuna, too, exerted pressure on the media. Undergraduates from the Northern Province, studying at the Eastern University at Vantharamoolai ,returned to their villages amidst rising tension.
Regardless of the government directive that the military kept its distance from the rebel faction, an influential section of those in the military, who were earlier deployed in clandestine operations behind enemy lines, threw their weight behind the former LTTE field commander.
Batticaloa’s hostility towards the LTTE increased after an LTTE operative shot dead eight Karuna loyalists, including Kuheneshan, widely believed to be a high ranker among the renegade group, at Crystal Terrace housing scheme, Kottawa, on July 25, 2004. They were slain in their sleep
Batticaloa Tamils defied an LTTE directive prohibiting public participation at the funerals of the three Karuna loyalists killed at Kottawa. Several hundred people paid their last respects to Pakyam Amarasevan, alias Tehvan, of Main Street, Kommathurai, Chennkalady, Ponnathurai Thurainadan alias Ruban of the same address, and Kandiah Annandakumar of Kattankudy. The LTTE distributed leaflets warning the public of dire consequences if they attended, what they called, traitors’ funeral. The LTTE made an attempt to prevent public participation, having failed to dissuade families of the victims from bringing the bodies to Batticaloa. Families, living in military held areas, accepted the bodies, whereas those living in the LTTE-controlled region had no option but to accept the directive.
It would be important to examine the circumstances under which the LTTE hunted down those given refuge at the Crystal Terrace housing scheme. They had moved in on July 13, 2004, and were in the process of trying to obtain passports to leave the country. The police quoted a neighbour as having said he heard gunshots around 3.30 a.m. As people used to light crackers to scare monkeys away, he had not taken much notice, he said.
In fact, the first indication of the LTTE operation, the biggest directed against the Karuna faction in Colombo, since the March 2004 split, came to light after the military intercepted a conversation between two LTTE personnel. Although they discussed a successful hit in Colombo, there was no clue as regards the location. The conversation revealed that those involved in the operation had reached Karuna’s successor, ‘Colonel’ Thambirajah Ramesh based in the Batticaloa district. The Colombo police took about four hours to locate the scene of the massacre.
Impact on CFA
The crisis created by Karuna quickly engulfed the entire CFA process. Those trying to save the CFA soon realised that they were fighting a losing battle. They understood Karuna’s action had caused irreparable damage and nothing could resurrect the Norwegian initiative.
The SLMM (Norway led Sri Lanka monitoring mission) suspended the monitoring process in areas under Karuna’s control. Overnight, the Northern and Eastern Provinces were divided into three sectors, under the control of the GoSL, the LTTE and the breakaway LTTE faction. The Norwegians and the SLMM rejected Karuna’s overtures to have a separate CFA negotiated between the breakaway faction and the GoSL. Karuna also emphasised that the LTTE should recognise that the Batticaloa-Ampara sector was outside its purview. UNICEF and the UNHCR, too, pulled out of Karuna’s territory.
Today only a few remember the dicey situation the country experienced at thatime.
The SLMM also turned down an SLA request to arrange for a meeting between the Army and Karuna. In spite of the Army chief, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, who held the post of the Chief of Defence Staff, personally pushing for a meeting, which he felt could help ease tensions, the SLMM refused to comply. The LTTE insisted that there shouldn’t be any interaction whatsoever between the SLMM and the breakaway faction. Erik Solheim ruled out a Norwegian intervention, thereby effectively ending any sort of mediation effort.
In a desperate bid to settle the crisis, the UK stepped in. The UK sent its top diplomat in Colombo, Steven Evans, along with its Defence Attaché, Lt. Col. Mark Weldon, to find a way out.
Efforts to isolate Karuna failed. Premier Wickremesinghe compelled Ali Zarheer Moulana to resign his parliamentary seat after the disclosure of his role in facilitating Karuna to leave the Batticaloa district. Before that, the battlefield tactician quickly won over the confidence of the Tamil-speaking people in the region. He took advantage of the situation by offering to discuss long standing grievances of the public. Then General Officer Commanding (GoC) the Army’s 23 Division, headquartered at Welikanda, Brigadier Vajira Wijegunawardene, recalled how Karuna moved swiftly to consolidate his power in areas under his control. Karuna offered to discuss the forcible takeover of land by the LTTE in the east. Soon, the UNP and the TNA realised that the crisis was having a debilitating impact on their campaign for the April 2, 2004 parliamentary polls. In fact, Premier Wickremesinghe had to avoid Batticaloa during campaigning in the East as the Defence Ministry couldn’t guarantee his security.
Vanni move on East
Under the noses of the Norwegians, the LTTE moved cadres to beef up its strength in the Batticaloa District to take on Karuna. The SLMM and the government facilitated the transfer of LTTE cadres from the North to the East in the run-up to the parliamentary polls. The CFA permitted transfers, though there had been restrictions as regards the number of personnel. The LTTE overcame the problem by sending groups in small batches across Army controlled entry and exit points at Omanthai and Uliyankulam. Although the Army had managed to detect some of those entering the East illegally, it couldn’t thwart the LTTE plans. Then the LTTE humiliated the government by launching a series of sea landings on the night of April 9, 2004 to wipe out the breakaway group. The LTTE operation had got underway a few hours after the service commanders arrived at Trincomalee. In spite of the Defence portfolio being under her control, President Kumaratunga did nothing, while the Prime Minister and the Norwegians looked the other way. A confident LTTE leadership told the government that it intended to use sea routes to mount an operation targeting Karuna. The government was told to keep the Navy out of the LTTE’s way. The government gave in to LTTE demands. Following urgent consultations in Colombo between the military and the President, the top brass summoned a meeting at the Batticaloa Brigade Headquarters, where senior officers, in charge of the region, were told to keep out of the fight.
After Karuna’s decision to give up the fight on April 9, 2004, when the LTTE confronted his cadres on the banks of the Verugal River, many believed that Prabhakaran’s erstwhile friend wouldn’t survive.
Karuna’s decision has been influenced by the realisation that the sea borne assault was led by Batticaloa cadres, the majority of those who had fought under him. Had Karuna engaged them on the banks of the Verugal River, there would have been many casualties. Instead of fighting, Karuna ordered his men to leave the battlefield and return to their villages, while he fled Batticaloa with the help of UNP National List MP Ali Zaheer Moulana. Until Moulana acknowledged his role in Karuna’s escape, the UNP, a section of the medi, and even the Norwegians, blamed the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) for helping Karuna escape. Once the UNP had established Moulana’s involvement, PM Wickremesinghe demanded his resignation. He swiftly complied. Moulana sought protection abroad. After years in the US, he returned to the country to pledge his allegiance to President Rajapaksa.
Karuna loyalists killed five LTTE cadres, including ‘Lt. Colonel’ Neelan, the deputy head of the Batticaloa District Intelligence outfit before fleeing the area. A furious Kilinochchi leadership vowed to hit back wherever Karuna and his top men took refuge.
A spate of killings undermined SLMM efforts to restore normalcy in the Batticaloa-Ampara sector, where unidentified gunmen killed 10 LTTE personnel, in three separate incidents on April 24, May 2 and May 6, 2004. The LTTE accused the DMI of carrying out the killings, a charge vehemently denied by the DMI. The LTTE hit back. An LTTE operative shot dead Lance Corporal Wasantha Liyanage. He was shot through the head inside a private bus approaching Batticaloa town on May 9, 2004. The bus was coming from Chenkaladi.
The LTTE struck again on May 19, 2004, outside the Batticaloa hospital. Reserve police constable, Dassanayake (32658) of police intelligence shot through his head in broad daylight. The gunman walked out of the nearby post office and shot the policeman before walking away.
In spite of a change of government in April, 2004, the UPFA’s response to the LTTE, too, remained the same.
But the military responded to the LTTE threat by stepping up clandestine action, particularly in the East. A growing relationship, mutually beneficial to the military and the breakaway LTTE faction, gradually undermined the LTTE in the Eastern Province. By the time Eelam War IV erupted in Aug 2006, the LTTE had suffered a debilitating setback in the East.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Power of colour beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty

Use of colours in pre-historic era
Humans have been long fascinated by colour, which has played a significant role since the beginning of human civilization. Ancient people had painted caves even before they settled in houses. Cave paintings were created during the stone age from 10,000 to 40,000 years ago. Primitive artists used natural materials available to them to mark their territory, beautify their surroundings, and tell their stories. For thousands of years, paints were handmade from ground mineral-based pigments. Ochre, a natural pigment which comes in shades of red, yellow, orange and brown, was the first pigment used by humans, in the Middle Stone Age of Africa. Ochre, also called hematite, is found all over the world and has been used by nearly every prehistoric culture, whether as paint on caves and building walls, for staining of pottery or other types of artifacts, or as part of a burial ritual or body painting.
Man’s irresistible desire to create pigments was not without untoward consequences. For instance, in 1,775, Carl Wilhelm Scheele, a Swedish chemist, invented a bright green pigment, but it was laced with the deadly poisonous chemical arsenic; it was cheap to produce, but dangerous for artists and patrons alike. However, the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte was so fascinated by and passionate about this colour, he wanted his bedroom wallpaper painted with Scheele’s Green. Historians believe that the green pigment used in the wallpaper caused his untimely death in 1821 at the age of 51 due to cancer. By the end of the 19th century, Paris Green—a mixture of copper and arsenic—replaced Scheele’s Green as a more durable alternative, enabling Claude Monet, Paul Cézanne, and Pierre-Auguste Renoir to create vivid, emerald landscapes. It is also toxic, and thus has also been used as a rodenticide and insecticide. The blindness which Monet subsequently succumbed to may have been due to the toxicity of Paris Green, which was banned in the 1960s.
The Egyptians artists added binders such as eggs, resins and beeswax to pigments so that the paint would adhere to plaster and began painting on it. Hence, Egyptian tombs made of limestone were covered with plaster that was painted using six colours: charcoal black, red ochre, yellow orpiment, brown ochre, blue azurite, and green malachite. Natural mineral pigments were dug from the earth and shaped into sticks that were used as chalks by artists including Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Rembrandt. Dyes made from plants were also used in artwork in the Mediterranean region. By the mid-nineteenth-century, watercolors became available for sale to the public. Since the 1940s, technological advances have produced synthetic pigments and chemical processes for paint making which greatly contributed to expanding the once mineral-based limited colour palette to all the colours of the rainbow. Since then, colour-based industries have grown progressively in the world and the worth of the paint and coatings industry and of colour cosmetics industries in 2023 amounted to around $ 180 billion and $ 80 billion, respectively.
Physics of colour and vision
In the 1660s, English physicist and mathematician, Isaac Newton, demonstrated that clear white light was composed of seven visible colours. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in 1810 published his treatise on the nature, function, and psychology of colours titled “Theory of Colours”. One of his most radical points was a refutation of Newton’s ideas about the colour spectrum, suggesting that darkness is an active ingredient rather than the mere passive absence of light. Though his work was dismissed by a large segment of the scientific community, it remained of intense interest to a cohort of prominent philosophers and physicists, including Arthur Schopenhauer, Kurt Gödel, and Ludwig Wittgenstein.
Colour springs from the alchemy of light and perception. Light, an ethereal wave of electromagnetic radiation, spans a spectrum visible to human eyes from approximately 380 to 750 nanometers. As light touches an object, it may be reflected, absorbed, or transmitted, with the reflected wavelengths crafting the hue perceived by the eye. This interaction is interpreted by the brain, transforming raw light into the rich palette of the world around us.
The human eye, a wondrous instrument, houses three types of photoreceptor cells known as cones, each attuned to different wavelengths of light:
S Cones: Sensitive to short wavelengths, peaking around 420 nm, endowing us with the perception of blue.
M Cones: Responsive to medium wavelengths, peaking around 534 nm, allowing us to see green.
L Cones: Tuned to long wavelengths, peaking around 564 nm, revealing the red hues.
Human beings can only see the colours that these receptors can receive. Together, these cones create a symphony of signals that the brain harmonises into the countless colours we perceive, enabling us to distinguish millions of shades.
Nature’s creatures possess a diversity of vision, often surpassing human capabilities. Birds and insects, for instance, enjoy a tetrachromatic[DC1] vision (having four types of cone cells in the eye to perceive colour), with an additional type of cone sensitive to ultraviolet (UV) light, unveiling a hidden spectrum invisible to human eyes. Many bird species use UV signals for mating, navigation, and foraging.
Colours are ‘illusions’
People are quite interested in and passionate about colours; thus, they generally make an initial judgment about a product, person, or environment within 90 seconds, and a significant proportion of this assessment, i.e. 60-90%, is based on colour. This shows how strong the influence of colour on perception and decision-making is. Despite this extraordinary experience of colour perception, all colours are ‘illusions’ in the sense that they do not belong to objects independently of how these are perceived. Neither objects nor lights are coloured ‘in themselves’, but are seen as coloured as a result of neural processes and perceptual mechanisms. In fact, the physical properties of colours are different from the way colours are perceived. For example, take a yellow sunflower; it absorbs the blue, red and other colour energy waves, and then reflects back wavelengths that appear yellow. The colour receptors in our eyes then translate the flower’s wavelength into its colour and send that to our brain.
Blue colours in animals are not caused by chemical pigments, but rather by physics and the way light bounces off a surface. Blue-winged butterflies have layered nanostructures on their wing scales that manipulate light layers, cancelling out certain colours and projecting the fluorescent blue colour that we see; thus, they are called structural colours. Another classic example of structural coloration is the peacock’s feather. The microscopic structures in the feathers manipulate light to produce brilliant blues and greens that shift and change as the viewing angle alters. Thus, blue butterflies, roses, and peacocks aren’t actually blue and our eyes have duped us (Fig. 1).
Effects of colour on human behaviour and wellbeing
People have long understood the power of colour over moods and well-being. Colour was used in ancient Egypt, China, and Greece to evoke emotions, aid in spiritual practices, and treat a variety of conditions. Many ancient civilizations, such as the Egyptians and Chinese, embraced the belief that colours possessed healing properties and could be harnessed for therapeutic purposes. This practice, known as chromotherapy, involved the use of specific hues to treat various ailments and promote overall well-being.
Colour is a multidimensional concept which goes beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty. It encompasses physical, psychological, cultural, symbolic, artistic, aesthetic and scientific dimensions, including physiological. The aesthetic beauty of colour has added a mesmerizing and exciting tapestry to nature and it is inconceivable to imagine a world without colour. Leigh Hunt (1784–1859), prolific English poet and journalist, said “Colours are the smiles of nature”.
Colour can affect humans in manifold ways ranging from psychological, physiological, cognitive to emotional, behavioural, healing etc., thereby having a profound influence on their mood, creativity, productivity, health and happiness. In addition, it has a remarkable power not only to heal, rejuvenate and inspire, but also to instill a sense of peace and harmony in us. Colour is also a powerful means of communication and a defining aspect of human experience, influencing our perceptions and preferences, and interactions with the world. Therefore, extensive studies have been carried out on those aspects which have led to the emergence of disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics. Colour can potentially be a powerful source of inspiration, delight, tranquility and solace when used in the right manner for the right place for the right purpose.
However, people generally apply colours purely based on the visual and aesthetic appeal, without a proper understanding of the profound impact that colour can have on people – their performance, experience and wellbeing. Therefore, the use of the right colour for a given place is crucially important in order to provide a more relaxed, congenial and harmonious living environment which goes beyond the aesthetic appeal. Here, it is important to explore the world of colour psychology without diving into technicalities
The colours you choose for your walls, furniture, and the decorations of your bedroom can influence your mood. A bedroom painted in calming tones, e.g. in light blue, might help you to unwind, and create a feeling of serenity. It is not recommended to paint the bedrooms in dark shades of blue as it could interfere with sleep. Similarly, the blue light emitted by electronic screens could produce a similar effect. Therefore, it is not advisable to work on the computer or watch film on electronic screens for long hours prior to retiring to bed. Because the blue light gives the impression to the brain that it is daytime, the body stops releasing the sleep hormone Melatonin. On the other hand, light shades of amber may promote the release of Melatonin helping us to wind down and prepare for sleep in nature’s way.
Feeling relaxed
As blue light causes people to feel relaxed, it has led countries to add blue street lights in order to decrease suicide rates. In 2000, the city of Glasgow installed blue street lighting in certain neighborhoods and subsequently reported the anecdotal finding of reduced crime in these areas. A railroad company in Japan installed blue lighting on its stations in October 2009 in an effort to reduce the number of rail suicide attempts (Fig. 2). Blue is often associated with calmness and serenity and is not naturally associated with food; hence, it can make food appear less appetizing and appealing and reduce the desire to eat. Therefore, blue is generally considered an appetite suppressant and eating off a blue plate could help to reduce overweight and obesity.
Walls of cafés are generally painted in warm, earthy tones like brown or terracotta which evoke a sense of comfort and homeliness. It helps the customers to settle in with a cup of coffee and a good book to spend some relaxing and rewarding time in a congenial ambience. On the other hand, some fast-food chains use red and yellow in their logos and external and internal walls in order to create a vibrant and exciting environment. It not only attracts attention, promotes quick decision making and creates a sense of excitement and urgency, but also stimulates appetite and encourages lively discussion. Though such colours attract both children and adults to fast-food restaurants, they may not wish to stay long in such an ambience after partaking of food, unlike in a coffee shop. Similarly, a kitchen with lively colours could energize you during meal preparation. (Figure 2)

Blue-winged butterfly (Source: https://pixabay.com/photos/butterfly-insect-animal-142506/) (left) and peacock (Source: https://www.photowall.co.uk/peacock-feathers-poster ) (right)
Even when designing websites, careful attention is paid not only to aesthetics, but to emotions that need to be evoked. When a company designs a new website, it carefully selects colours with this in mind. They might use blue for trust, green for growth, and orange for enthusiasm, creating a website that feels inviting and reliable while encouraging action. Architect William Ludlow advocated pale pastel blues and greens in hospitals for therapeutic purposes. The walls of hospitals are often painted in soft, calming colours like pale green or light blue which help to reduce stress and create a healing environment.
Colour can enhance or impair learning, morale, performance and the behaviour of students. It can affect students’ attention span, and perception of time. Visual stimulation rewires the brain, making stronger connections while fostering visual thinking, problem solving and creativity. It has been shown that the cold-coloured walls, such as blue and green, produced the highest levels of relaxation and pleasure, while the warm-colored walls such as yellow and red had the better attention and learning performance. And the white-walled classroom had the lowest subjective evaluation and the worst learning performance. Classrooms when painted with bright yellow — the colour of happiness and optimism – spark creativity and enthusiasm and makes learning more joyful. That’s why some educational spaces use yellow in order to foster a lively and energetic environment. School buses are generally painted yellow the world over for safety and visibility. Yellow colour is in the middle of the visible spectrum so that it strikes the cones (photoreceptors) of the eyes from both sides equally. That makes it almost impossible for anyone to miss a school bus even when it’s in one’s peripheral vision or under poor day light conditions or in bad weather.
Fitness spaces
Exercise rooms and fitness spaces are generally painted in bright orange which exudes energy, motivation and vitality, encouraging movement and activity. It helps to keep the energy high and spirits lifted. Studies have shown that red causes a significantly greater response in heart rate, respiration, brain wave activity, and other nervous system functions than green or blue. In addition, red decreases the perceived size of rooms and space and prompts a sense of warmth. Lush greenery in a park or a natural habitat has a refreshing and rejuvenating effect, creating a sense of harmony and tranquility. Besides, the choice of colour of clothing reflects and affects your mood and if you are feeling upbeat and confident, you might pick a vibrant red shirt or dress. On the other hand, if you seek comfort and tranquility, you may settle for soothing shades of blue, green, etc.
Choice of colour for prisons is of prime importance as it affects the mood of inmates. When colour is used properly in prisons and jails, it can lessen overall tension and conflicts and make the places more comfortable for the inmates to live and work in. Based on the research carried out, bright colours are recommended in the prison, with green and blue colours being the best rated because people perceive them as soothing, stimulating, pleasant and safe. Yellow is also acceptable because the prisoners perceive it as a bright and cheerful colour. Painting the walls of the room with soft shades of yellow and green (kiwi color) was seen by the prisoners as “refreshing”. In all these cases, colour psychology is at play.
Therefore, colours play a significant role in shaping how we feel and behave; thus, they are not just pretty hues, but are the emotions painted onto the canvas of our lives. Hence, colour psychology is like a storyteller that sets the mood and tone of a space, a product, or even a piece of clothing. It’s the silent language that whispers to our emotions, shaping our experiences without us even realizing it. However, these associations between colours and emotions are not universal, but are influenced by cultural, historical, and personal factors. Understanding colour psychology can help individuals and businesses harness the power of colour to evoke specific emotions and convey messages effectively. Whether in branding, interior design, fashion, or art, colour plays a central role in shaping our perceptions and experiences. It’s a fascinating aspect of our world that continues to intrigue and inspire creativity in various fields.
Further information in this regard is found in the book titled “The Power of Colour: Enhancing Human Wellbeing and Unleashing Human Potential” edited by Ranjith Senaratne and Raj Somadeva. It emanated from a conference conducted by the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science and includes contributions from a multidisciplinary team comprising artists, architects, engineers, biologists, environmentalists, psychiatrists, musicians and scientists.
Concluding remarks
Though the manifold effects of colour on humans have been recognized from time immemorial, there is very little appreciation and understanding of those effects on humankind and how these effects could be harnessed to enhance and enrich human wellbeing, including life experience, productivity, performance, satisfaction, memory and creativity. Because of the significance of colour on humans, disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics have emerged which have assumed considerable importance in day-to-day life.
A good grasp of Colour Psychology helps to create a psychologically satisfying, aesthetically pleasing, vibrant and energetic space, or a calm and tranquil environment by selecting the appropriate shades of colours depending on the need and occasion. This is crucially important in a fiercely competitive globalized environment characterized by anxiety, tension, disquiet and chaos where people are leading a stressful, restless and agitated life in a fast-paced world. In the circumstances, creating a relaxed, congenial and harmonious environment at home as well as at the workplace by painting the living and working environment with appropriate hues is of prime importance.
This need is paramount and should be addressed as a matter of great importance. Then only could we embark upon a colorful journey and paint our world with appropriate vibrant hues in order to unearth the boundless potential and transformative power that lies within us. However, there is a dearth of competent professionals, particularly in Sri Lanka who can proffer the right advice and guidance to clients in selecting appropriate colours for specific places such as the living room, bedroom, dining room, reading room, exercise room etc. in homes and public places such as hospitals, restaurants, coffee shops, gymnasiums theatres, prisons etc. for the human wellbeing. This issue has been further exacerbated due to hardly any academic interaction and collaboration, particularly between the Faculties of Arts, Science and Medicine.
The course unit system (CUS) developed in the USA enables students to pick and choose course modules from diverse fields so as to create complementarity and synergy; this in turn, leads to producing well-rounded and well-grounded creative graduates equipped with multiple competencies to address real-world issues more effectively. Though the CUS was introduced in our universities over 20 years ago, because of the heavy compartmentalization and fragmentation, course modules for degree programmed of a given faculty have been selected mainly from among the modules offered by the faculty concerned, thereby not deriving the key expected benefits from the CUS. Consequently, Sri Lankan universities have been hardly able to develop any cross-faculty academic programmed such as Colour Psychology, Colour Therapy, Music Therapy and such like. Therefore, it is imperative to make necessary interventions so as to facilitate and promote interfaculty degree programmed in Sri Lanka universities, paving the way for the development of such academic offerings jointly by the Faculties of Arts, Science, Medicine, Architecture etc. Moreover, cooperation and collaboration between faculties are needed to effectively address complex real-world issues such as SDGs which demand a holistic trans-disciplinary systems approach. Hence, the earlier such interventions are made, the better.
by Emeritus Professor
Ranjith Senaratne
University of Ruhuna, (ransen.ru@gmail.com)
Midweek Review
Silence of the Civilized

With his limbs ripped off in a blast,
Mounting challenges await the Gaza boy,
And though he will be winning good hearts,
When he cries that Mum can’t be held now,
The stony silence of the civilized world,
In the face of his stepped-up mute suffering,
Should be seen as another frontier of agony,
And herein we have the conclusive evidence,
That hearts are made numb by unending savagery.
By Lynn Ockersz
-
Business7 days ago
DIMO pioneers major fleet expansion with Tata SIGNA Prime Movers for ILM
-
News6 days ago
Family discovers rare species thought to be extinct for over a century in home garden
-
Features4 days ago
RuGoesWild: Taking science into the wild — and into the hearts of Sri Lankans
-
Foreign News6 days ago
China races robots against humans in Beijing half marathon
-
Editorial7 days ago
Selective use of PTA
-
News3 days ago
Orders under the provisions of the Prevention of Corruptions Act No. 9 of 2023 for concurrence of parliament
-
Features5 days ago
New species of Bronzeback snake, discovered in Sri Lanka
-
Features6 days ago
The ironies of history