Editorial
Rajapaksas emerge from the woodwork
There was an element of mea culpa (my fault) in the first televised address to the nation by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after the present crises, economic, political and social hit this country. He noted that no Rajapaksa, save Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, were in the cabinet he had just sworn. That in fact was an admission that years of packing the government with Rajapaksas, placing a huge slice of the national economy in their (should we say greasy?) hands was a huge mistake. Eldest brother, Chamal, said as much when he admitted in parliament that brother, Mahinda, should have retired at the end of his second term as president. But what happened? MR changed the constitution abolishing the two-term limit on the presidency and ran for a third term suffering a stunning defeat.
GR had to finally get rid of MR after the latter tried to end the Galle Face protest by previously tried and tested methods he had employed. This led to disastrous consequences. The law and order and national security platforms on which Gotabaya Rajapaksa swept into power with 6.9 million votes, that he and his supporters never tired of talking about, were in tatters. Law enforcers were idle bystanders when the ruling political class took its worst beating ever in clearly organized and orchestrated violence which, rightly or wrongly, is now being attempted to be fathered on the extreme left.
Even as dramatic changes continued to unfold in the crisis-wracked country, a president nobody wants and a prime minister nobody elected continues to be in command. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was not prophetic when he said that things will get worse before they become better; and that is exactly what is happening. Although a new Central Bank Governor in whom those who matter have confidence is in office, several hard decisions have been taken and engagement with the IMF is nearing completion, the queues for fuel and gas in which a few people have died continue. The cost of essentials has not been reined – indeed cannot be reined – and inflation gallops not just in double digits but at an unimaginable pace with no end in sight.
The Ranil Wickremesinghe cabinet has reinstated Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) ministers, some with unsavory reputations, albeit wearing different hats. Two defectors from Sajith Premadasa’s Samagi Jana Balavegaya, swallowing much of their own vomit, have not given the new cabinet the desired ‘all party’ flavour. We are still in early days with ministerial numbers far exceeding not only the desirable dozen but also the promised 20. With a slew of state ministerial appointments due in the coming days, the country will surely be in for more of the same. Some defeated UNP faces are also on display in various committees, sometimes flanking the prime minister. He, whatever their electoral fate, no doubt has to put people he trusts into positions where they can help to tackle the formidable challenges facing the country. He himself was a loser whose preference votes were not counted because the UNP did not win a single seat in the Colombo district where he ran. But he’s ended up as prime minister!
A former public servant who served in senior capacities before he became a U.N. consultant has in a letter we publish today succinctly summed up the present situation. The country at present, he says, is confronted by two crises – one political and the other economic. Given that the economic crisis is critical to the welfare if the poor people who form the majority of our population, and they are only marginally concerned about politics and the constitution, it is imperative that the rulers come to grips with matters affecting their day to day life. But the parliamentary and perhaps media focus is elsewhere. Most of what transpires in parliament is related to politics and the economy is in second place. This is true of the media too. GR’s belated admission of sorts that his chemical fertilizer ban to make Sri Lanka’s the world’s first green economy was disastrous – he didn’t use that right word though – is not a magic wand to make everything instantly right. The farmers as well as consumers have already paid a heavy price. The course correction will take months to implement assuming that we’ll have the dollars to pay for necessary fertilizer, weedicide, pesticide, seed stock and other inputs.
New Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapaksa made an interesting comment in Kandy last week on what can happen if the president resigns. The constitution decrees that the prime minister acts as president until parliament, by secret ballot, elects a successor from one among their number. What, he asked, if Basil Rajapaksa is elected to fill the vacancy? He is the national organizer of the SLPP, many of whose MPs are beholden to him for their parliamentary or national list seats. Both MR and BR together with Namal attended a SLPP parliamentary group meeting summoned by the president last week. The prime minister and the two SJB defectors were also there by invitation. GR appears in television bulletins nowadays showing the country that he’s still on the job despite the ‘Go Home’ demand. The Rajpaksas are emerging from the woodwork regardless of the “bad patch” Namal admitted in a television interview. Meanwhile, the suffering the people continues unabated.
Editorial
Govt. drops fig leaf
Saturday 11th April, 2026
The JVP-NPP government has dropped the fig leaf of good governance and defended Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody allegedly involved in a coal procurement scam, which has cost the state coffers billions of rupees and caused a huge drop in the national power supply. It went so far as to defeat a no-faith motion against him in Parliament yesterday. In 2023, the JVP/NPP vehemently condemned the then SLPP-UNP government for defending Minister Keheliya Rambukwella allegedly involved in a pharmaceutical procurement scandal. It has just done what it vilified its predecessor for.
The SLPP-UNP government at least allowed legal action to be taken against Rambukwella, who was arrested, remanded and prosecuted, but the incumbent administration has ensured that Jayakody remains above the law.
The no-faith motion was a smart move by the Opposition. It caused the government to make a mockery of its commitment to upholding the rule of law and accountability. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake himself defended his friend, Jayakody, in Parliament on Tuesday, sending a clear signal to the NPP parliamentary group; they had to vote en bloc against the no-faith motion on Friday. It is now clear that the JVP-NPP government has no qualms about defending tainted politicians.
The coal scam will not go away simply because the no-faith motion against Jayakody has been defeated. Governments abuse their parliamentary majorities to defend their members and protect their interests. Now, the Opposition will take the coal issue to the streets and flog it hard to gain political mileage. It held a demonstration near Parliament yesterday. It has got hold of something to beat the government with.
There is no way the government can prove its claim that there has been no wrongdoing on its part where the low-grade coal imports are concerned. The National Audit Office itself has pointed out serious procurement irregularities related to coal imports. Power tariffs will have to be increased again to meet the additional cost of operating oil-fired power plants to make up for the generation shortfall at Norochcholai. It has been reported that Sri Lanka’s household electricity tariffs are among the highest in South Asia, and further power tariff hikes will make the situation far worse, and Sri Lanka will have its work cut out to attract foreign investors who factor in power prices before parking their money in any investment destination. Ordinary Sri Lankans are struggling to make ends meet, and their patience is wearing thin, and this will make the task of mobilising popular support easier for the Opposition. It was people’s economic hardships and public protests that made the JVP’s meteoric rise to power possible in 2024.
Governments with supermajorities succumb to the arrogance of power and ruin things for themselves. The best way out of the current coal imbroglio would have been for the JVP-NPP government to ask Minister Jayakody to step down and let the national anti-graft commission and the police institute legal action against him. Such a course of action would have helped the government convince the public that it was serious about fulfilling its pledge to eliminate bribery and corruption and send a clear message to the corrupt elements in its ranks that they would not be protected.
The JVP/NPP is now without any moral right to be critical of former Presidents who defended their cronies involved in corrupt deals. A fish is said to rot from the head down.
Editorial
Corrupt vs Corrupt
Friday 10th April, 2026
A motion of no confidence against Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody is scheduled to be taken up in Parliament, today. The JVP-NPP government, which came to power promising to eliminate bribery and corruption and cleanse Parliament, finds itself in an unenviable position. It assured the public that its members would be above suspicion, but it is now in the dock over a corrupt deal. It has chosen to defend Minister Jayakody indicted of corruption and allegedly involved in a corrupt coal procurement deal. The only way the JVP/NPP can extricate itself from the current imbroglio is to ask Minister Jayakody to step down.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake badly dented his good governance credentials on Tuesday by claiming in Parliament that the low-quality of coal imports had caused a drop in electricity generation at the Norochcholai power plant, but there had been no irregularities in the coal procurement process. He sought to fix the blame squarely on the coal supplier. He was obviously defending his friend, Jayakody, caught in a cleft stick. Interestingly, no sooner had he made that claim than the National Audit Office released its report on the coal procurement process revealing very serious irregularities therein. This official document has helped knock the bottom out of the government’s argument in defence of Minister Jayakody.
Keheliya Rambukwella and several Health Ministry panjandrums who served under him were arrested, remanded and prosecuted for their involvement in the procurement of substandard medicines which caused huge losses to the state coffers. So, why Minister Jayakody and his officials have not been dealt with in a similar manner over the coal scam defies comprehension. There is a prima facie case against them. The JVP-NPP government has made a mockery of its commitment to upholding the rule of law and accountability. The SLPP-UNP government ruined its chances of winning elections by defending Rambukwella and defeating a no-faith motion against him in 2023. The JVP-NPP administration is doing something similar.
The worst is yet to come where the adverse impact of the coal scam is concerned. Electricity tariffs will have to be increased again to recover the additional cost of burning diesel to produce more than 150 MW of electricity a day to make up for the Norochcholai generation shortfall caused by low-grade coal imports, independent experts have pointed out, warning of power cuts in a few months. The Opposition has stated that unofficial load shedding is already on. It has produced documentary proof in support of its claim.
More information about the Health Ministry procurement rackets came to light after the defeat of the no-faith motion against Rambukwella. Similarly, the magnitude of the coal procurement scam is yet to be determined. JVP/NPP politicians are known for their glib tongue, but they will not be able to pull the wool over the eyes of the resentful public battered by the soaring cost of living.
Two-thirds parliamentary majorities are apparently accursed in this country. Governments with such steamroller majorities indulge in corruption, succumb to the arrogance of power, which blinds them to reality, and dig their own political graves. They remind us of Lord Acton’s words of wisdom about the corruptive nature of power. One may recall that the SLFP-led United Front government, which abused its two-thirds majority, had a Humpty-Dumpty-style fall in 1977.
The Mahinda Rajapaksa government, which had a razor-thin majority, defeated the LTTE, developed the economy, implemented many development projects and lived up to the people’s expectation, but it failed pathetically after securing a second term and mustering a two-thirds majority in 2010. It became a metaphor for corruption, and suffered a catastrophic fall. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government also became a victim of its two-thirds majority, so to speak. The JVP-NPP government is moving in the same direction, defending corrupt politicians and covering up crooked deals.
Ironically, many key Opposition figures who are flaying the JVP-NPP government for corruption and trying to engineer its ouster are themselves facing allegations of corruption. The people seem to have little option but to set thieves to catch thieves.
Editorial
Interval in hell
Thursday 9th April, 2026
The whole world must have heaved a huge sigh of relief yesterday when the US and Iran agreed to a two-week ceasefire, with Israel consenting to follow suit. Pakistan deserves praise for a timely intervention to de-escalate the West Asian conflict and prepare the ground for negotiations aimed at working out a lasting solution.
However, the situation is far from right as rain. What we are witnessing in the trouble-torn West Asia, which is red in tooth and claw, is an interval in hell, so to speak. Over the past several days, US President Donald Trump has repeatedly threatened to unleash hell on Iran unless the Hormuz Strait is reopened for international navigation. Hell hath no fury like a US President piqued, one may say with apologies to the Bard. There are some contentious issues to be resolved for a durable solution to be negotiated.
Iran has put forth 10 conditions and the US 15 for ending the conflict peacefully. It is now up to the other world powers and the UN to step in and ratchet up pressure on the US, Israel and Iran to reach a middle ground, without resuming hostilities, and give peace a chance. They ought to do so for their own sake. Occasions were not rare when the world experienced the so-called butterfly effect, or the phenomenon whereby a minute localised change in a complex system has large effects elsewhere. But what it has recently witnessed in West Asia may be described as the Pterosaur effect, as it were, the impact of the conflict on the rest of the world being so huge. Oil prices soared, making economies around the world scream. Some leading economists even warned of possible global stagflation risks in case of prolonged energy shocks from the Iran war. Oil prices came down significantly following the announcement of the ceasefire, but it is highly unlikely that they will return to the pre-conflict level of USD 70 a barrel any time soon due to irreparable damage suffered by critical energy infrastructure in the region. This has been the cost of US-Israeli military aggression.
Long dead as Mahatma Gandhi is, a core tenet of his teachings, nonviolent resistance, lives on today. What the Iranians adopted yesterday to protect their power plants, bridges, etc., vis-à-vis US President Trump’s threat to destroy them in a matter of a few hours was the Gandhian method of countering violence with nonviolence. According to media reports, a large number of Iranians gathered around potential US/Israeli targets, appealing to the conscience of the Americans. Whether their conscience-stirring method was the reason why Trump decided against carrying out his threat to annihilate the Iranian civilization in one fell swoop is a moot point, but blowing up infrastructural facilities together with thousands of unarmed civilians is something that no leader, other than someone like Hitler, can bring himself to do. Trump is already facing protests in the US against his war and has incurred international opprobrium for US aggression. Most of all, an attempt to wipe out a whole civilization would have triggered a spate of retaliatory attacks by Iran on multi-billion dollar US assets in the region.
It is ironic that the Iranian authorities who mercilessly ordered crackdowns on civilian protests before the eruption of the conflict had to urge the people to come out in their thousands and form human chains around infrastructural facilities to protect them.
One thing we gather from the West Asian conflict is that some elderly leaders’ dreams can become nightmares for others, especially the youth. Driven by his MAGA dream, Trump is trying to build an empire and grab the precious oil resources of other nations. He has graduated from abductions (in Venezuela) to assassinations (in Iran) in a bid to realise his goal. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has declared that a 40-year-old dream came true for him when he and Trump started attacking Iran. The Iranian leaders have also been dreaming of obliterating Israel. These dangerous dreams of ageing leaders remind us of Wilfred Owen’s Anthem for Doomed Youth: “What passing-bells for these who die as cattle? — Only the monstrous anger of the guns …” Perhaps, the best elderly leaders with a penchant for belligerence can do for the world, particularly the youth, who bear the brunt of any war, is to stop dreaming.
It is hoped that the peacemakers who have undertaken the onerous task of reconciling the warring parties in West Asia will not lose sight of the need to address the root cause of the conflict. While welcoming the Pakistan-brokered ceasefire, many seasoned analysts have pointed out that without a resolution of the Palestine question, particularly working towards a two-state solution supported by the UN, broader peace initiatives in West Asia are unlikely to reach fruition.
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