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R. ‘Killi’ Rajamahendran

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by Krishantha Prasad Cooray

It was early 2005, a few months after I had been made the CEO of Rivira Media Corporation, founded by Richard Pieris and Co. PLC. I had been warned that the media industry was a cutthroat one, and to expect little help for a fledgling newspaper like Rivira. Still I decided to reach out to the heads of some electronic media organizations to see if we could work together.

Among those I emailed was the Chairman of MTN Networks, Raja Rajamahendran, better known as Killi Maharaja. I introduced myself and the newspaper and asked if I could meet him at his convenience. Having sent the email, I took a moment to scoff at my own hubris. Mr. Rajamahendran, was not just the head of the country’s largest private broadcasting empire. He also chaired dozens of companies in areas as diverse as manufacturing and infrastructure development. There was no chance he would have time to spare for a young upstart trying to start a newspaper.

I soon discovered how wrong I was. He was exactly that kind of man.

Within hours, Mr. Rajamahendran had personally replied my email. He congratulated me on starting the newspaper and gave me an appointment to meet him the very next day. I was stunned, honoured and extremely impressed. When I went to his office on Dawson Street the next day, he met me on time, greeted me warmly and extended his full support. For over an hour, he advised me on the ins and outs of the media industry and gave me tips on everything from cultivating advertisers to assembling a first-class team. When I got up to leave, the man I now knew as Killi rose with me, escorted me downstairs and saw me to my car. He gave me his personal phone number. “Call me anytime,” he said as I left.

After that meeting I realized that it was no accident that he had built and rebuilt one of the most consequential conglomerates in the history of Sri Lanka. Killi had an eye for those who were different, who stood out, and who took on challenges. Whenever he saw these qualities in others, he was reminded of his own youth, and the challenge he and his brother faced having to fill their father’s shoes and take over the Maharaja Organization when Killi was just 23-years old. In the years since, he learned to recognize and groom people for success. He identified talent, ambition and drive, and made room for such people in his own life, irrespective of their age. And so it was that Killi and I became fast friends.

It wasn’t too long before that climate turned both our lives upside down.

On the night of 22 May, 2008, one of my deputy editors (of The Nation), Keith Noyahr, was abducted outside his home by a team of military intelligence commandos. Of course, at that time, we had no idea who had taken Keith or why, but we knew that time was of the essence if he was to be saved. Killi was one of the people I called for help. He mobilized the full power of his media juggernaut. Every one of his radio and TV stations slammed the brakes on their regular programming and focused on Keith’s abduction. That wall-to-wall coverage would have gone a long way in putting pressure on the government.

But our efforts to save Keith’s life took their toll. Killi and his network were already in the cross-hairs of bloodthirsty and powerful people. Now, for my role in saving Keith and exposing the state’s part in his ordeal, there was a price on my head, and I had to leave Sri Lanka for the United Kingdom. I was in London for several months before returning to Colombo.

While I was in the UK, Killi visited on more than one occasion. He would insist I stay with him at his home away from home in St John’s Wood. He would rib me ceaselessly and joke about how I was the “culprit” who had to flee Colombo for “stirring the pot”. When I returned to Sri Lanka, many friends including Lasantha Wickremetunga, warned me that I was at the top of the hit list. Heeding the demands of my friends, I left Sri Lanka again, this time for India on January 7, 2009, a day after Sirasa TV’s broadcasting station in Pannipitiya was bombed by a team of heavily armed commandos. Killi had left the country just a few days prior, for what was to be the most painful vacation he would ever take.

By then, Killi had received the deeply consoling news that none of his staff had died or suffered serious injury during the assault on his broadcast studio. But the relief would have been short lived. Soon he was to hear that Lasantha, another closed friend, had been killed on the street. For Killi, losing Lasantha was like having a vital organ torn out of his body.

Killi Maharaja could be called many things. From kind, to thoughtful, impish, strong headed, resolute, sensitive or intuitive. Those who butted heads with him could find him to be irascible at best and maddening at worst. But there was one thing that Killi never, ever was: afraid.

He never feared being judged, being wrong or being harmed. He did not fear friendship or intimacy. He was not afraid to laugh or be laughed at. He was unafraid of bad luck, unfortunate timing, consequences, impossible tasks or putting himself in harm’s way. Most uniquely, he was never ever afraid of politicians. In the truest sense of the word, he was a Maharaja from head to toe, unabashedly unbowed and unfailingly unafraid.

It is common among business leaders to make decisions written in sand, easily blown away by a breath of air from the political powers of the day. But when Killi Maharaja made a decision, it was irreversible – carved in stone. He stood by his friends; the consequences be damned.

So, when I returned to Sri Lanka, and the most powerful rulers in the land personally called major business leaders and warned them of dire consequences if any of them dared to give me a job, he could not have cared less. Knowing that the government wanted to harm me only doubled his resolve to invite me to work for him at the Capital Maharaja Organization.

He was unfailingly loyal to his friends and employees. Throughout my professional career, I have closely associated with those in the highest echelons of the Sri Lankan business world. Having done so, I can count on one hand our “titans of industry” who shared Killi’s loyalty and devotion. Even on one hand I would still have three fingers to spare. The sad truth is I know only of a single person other than Killi who would put his friends and colleagues above political pressure, intimidation or expediency and fearlessly stand by you.

Many business people inherited their empires or built them through political cronyism. Killi did not inherit, build and run a successful business empire despite his unique blend of courage and generosity. He succeeded because of it, as a cardinal rule never putting profit before people.

It was not long after I started working for him that I realized he had a remarkable attitude towards life. Here was a man who had had his businesses bombed and burned down several times. Several close friends, from Gamini Dissanayake to Lasantha Wickrematunge to Neelan Tiruchelvam had been assassinated. He was forced to send his children abroad to ensure their safety while he stood by his employees and stood up to the gale force headwinds of running a non-state media network in Sri Lanka. No matter what hardship came his way, or how often he was betrayed by those he groomed, he picked himself up and moved on, helping those around him to do the same. However hard life was, however, cruel or unfair it was to him, he responded with love and embraced it without a hint of regret or a shred of remorse.

But sadly, when I remember Killi and everything he did for me, there is no escaping my own burden of regrets and remorse. As we worked together over the years, our friendship was tested. Our differences of opinion started to emerge. Tensions rose. As two people equally defined by our stubbornness, Killi and I often found ourselves diametrically opposed to each other. In the four years that I worked for him our relationship changed. As an employee, my disagreeing with Killi on political issues was no longer just a matter of opinion but one of insubordination.

When I decided in 2013 to leave the Maharaja group over one of the most serious differences we had, Killi refused to accept my resignation. When he realized I had already made up my mind he insisted that I meet him. I went to his office and we had a candid heart-to-heart. We decided to part ways professionally. When I got up to leave, Killi, ever the gentleman, re-enacted our first meeting from 2005. He got up, walked me down to the car, and told me that I should never hesitate to call him anytime. For the first time since I’d known him, his voice was grave, without even a hint of humour. There was no “adey” or “you bugger”. Our relationship was never the same again.

In hindsight, I regret not making enough effort to reconcile with someone who had done so much for me at a time when many were afraid to even speak my name in public for fear of political persecution. On matters close to his heart, Killi often succumbed to an “either you are with me or against me” approach to people. Rather than be open and reason with him, I unfortunately mirrored that same attitude.

Whatever our differences were, I could have found a way to reconcile us. Perhaps I made the mistake of taking for granted that one day soon, we would all be fighting the same battle together and would be on the same side again.

Today, I can find some solace in the fact that my brother Priyantha became very close to Killi in his final years and was a better friend to him. My brother also admired him and appreciated him for who he was, what he had achieved, and what he had done for the country especially the poor and the helpless.

Many fear that losing Killi would mark a death blow to the electronic media similar to that suffered by the print media with the loss of Lasantha Wickrematunge in 2009. After Lasantha died, the print media very quickly learned to “behave” and avoid the wrath of those whose swords had proved mightier than their pens. I don’t share that fear.

Killi didn’t just build companies. He built institutions. He groomed people. I have known and worked with most of the leadership of NewsFirst. Whatever their individual strengths or talents, the one thing Killi cultivated in them all was courage. He built a team whose only fear was letting him down. That fear alone will motivate them now more than ever.

There will never be another Killi. There is no doubt about that. However, Killi has laid the groundwork to cultivate a generation of talented leaders, empowered with the skills and support they need to chart their own course. He gave them a chance to demonstrate their potential and to make an impact on the world.

The job of ensuring that Killi’s passing does not mark the end of an era falls to everyone who benefited from his courage, optimism, wisdom and generosity. It will not be an easy task. But few things that Killi ever did were easy. Given the vast sea of talent and social capital that Killi left in his wake, I have no doubt that he will loom even larger in death than he did in life. Over the last several decades, he planted enough seeds of human potential to dwarf any forest. In the decades to come, these human investments will bear fruit and leave a lasting impact on the country he loved.



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2025 Budget: Challenges, hopes and concerns

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Sri Lanka’s recent government budget has sparked both hope and concern. While some see it as a positive step toward improving the country’s economy, others worry about whether the government’s proposals can be successfully implemented. This analysis explores the budget’s approach and what it could mean for the country’s financial future.

Credit Rating Improvement and What It Means

Fitch Ratings recently upgraded Sri Lanka’s credit rating, moving it from a risky “Restricted Default” (RD) to a “CCC+” rating. This shows that the country’s financial situation is improving, though it still faces a high risk of default. The government aims to increase its revenue, especially through trade taxes and income tax, but experts warn that the success of these plans is uncertain, particularly when it comes to lifting restrictions on imports.

Economic Democracy and Market Regulation

The government claims that this budget is based on the idea of “economic democracy,” aiming to balance market forces with government control. While it promises fairer distribution of wealth, critics argue that it still relies on market-driven policies that may not bring the desired changes. The budget seems to follow similar strategies to past administrations, despite the government’s claim of pursuing a new direction.

The current government, led by a Marxist-influenced party, has shifted its approach by aligning with global economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This represents a departure from its previous, more radical stance. The government’s vision focuses on rural development, support for small businesses, and an export-driven economy, continuing strategies from previous administrations rather than implementing drastic changes.

Stability and Continuity in Policy

One of the more positive aspects of the budget is its consistency with the fiscal policies of the past government. Sri Lanka’s economy has suffered from sudden policy changes in the past, often triggered by political transitions. By maintaining a steady course, the current government seeks to ensure stability in the recovery process, despite criticisms from political opponents.

Sri Lanka continues to face significant financial challenges, including a large budget deficit. The government’s spending in 2025 is expected to exceed its revenue by about LKR 2.2 trillion, leading to a deficit of around 6.7% of GDP. To cover this gap, the government plans to borrow both locally and internationally. However, debt repayment remains a major concern, with billions needed to settle existing obligations.

Tax Revenue and Public Spending Issues

Sri Lanka’s tax collection remains critically low, which worsens the country’s financial troubles. Tax evasion, exemptions, and inefficient administration make it hard to collect sufficient revenue. The government has raised VAT to 18% to boost income, but this could increase inflation, further harming families’ ability to afford basic goods. Additionally, corruption in public institutions continues to drain state resources, preventing effective use of funds for national development.

The Auditor General’s Department recently uncovered financial irregularities in several ministries, reinforcing concerns over systemic corruption.

Sectoral Allocations, Budget Inequities and Falures

Despite claims of prioritizing social welfare, the government’s budget allocation for key sectors remains insufficient. For example, while the government allocated LKR 500 million to improve 379 childcare centers nationwide, this amount pales in comparison to regional standards. In neighboring Bangladesh, the government spends around USD 60 per child annually, while Sri Lanka spends less than USD 25. It’s unclear whether this allocation represents an increase in funding or just a reshuffling of existing resources.

One of the biggest criticisms of the budget is its failure to address the high cost of essential goods, going against promises made during the election. Prices for basic items like rice and coconut are still high, due to supply chain issues, rising fuel costs, and tax policies. The absence of targeted subsidies or price controls has led to growing public dissatisfaction.

Public sector salary adjustments are also a point of contention. The government plans to introduce salary increases in three phases, with the full benefits expected by 2027. However, much of this increase was already granted in previous years through allowances, meaning the adjustment is more about restructuring existing funds than providing real pay increases. This slow approach raises concerns about whether employees’ purchasing power will improve, especially with inflation still a pressing issue.

The government has also urged the private sector to raise wages, but past experiences suggest that private companies often resist such requests. Without formal agreements or laws to enforce wage hikes, there is uncertainty over whether employees will see real wage growth that matches the rising cost of living.

Neglecting Vulnerable Workers and Obstinate Behaviour

Another group left out of the budget’s plans is casual and contract workers, who were expecting improvements in job security and wages, particularly those earning below LKR 1,800 per day. Despite promises made during the election, these workers have not seen any significant changes, which raises doubts about the government’s commitment to improving labor rights and income equality.

The government’s handling of private sector wage increases has also been criticized for a lack of transparency. In a televised discussion, A government representative became visibly agitated when questioned about the date of the agreement with employers, displaying obstinate behavior and refusing to answer the opposition MP’s inquiry.

Review of the Banking Sector’s Role in Govt. Revenue and Economic Growth

The banking sector helps generate national revenue through taxes such as corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and financial transaction levies. However, the claim that it contributed 10% to government revenue in 2024 needs to be understood in context. Past figures have shown fluctuations in financial sector taxes, influenced by economic conditions and fiscal policies. The government’s growing reliance on the banking sector for tax revenue could signal financial stress, and this situation warrants further analysis to understand its long-term sustainability.

While the Sri Lanka Bankers Association (SLBA) emphasizes banks’ support for implementing the government’s budget proposals, their ability to do so effectively depends on broader economic conditions, regulations, and financial stability. Sri Lanka has faced persistent economic issues like high public debt and inflation, which could hamper the ability of banks to help implement fiscal policies effectively. The real impact of the banking sector in driving economic growth remains uncertain, especially given factors like currency instability and a lack of foreign investment.

Digitization and Financial Transparency

The proposal to introduce Point-of-Sale (POS) machines at VAT-registered businesses aligns with global trends in digital financial integration. This move is expected to improve transparency, reduce tax evasion, and increase banking efficiency. Research has shown that digital payments can boost financial inclusion and reduce informal economic activities. However, Sri Lanka faces challenges such as limited digital infrastructure, cybersecurity concerns, and resistance from businesses that still prefer cash transactions.

More digital services could strengthen anti-money laundering (AML) controls, improve transaction monitoring, and reduce cyber threats. However, shifting to a fully digital banking system requires substantial investments in technology, regulatory alignment, and digital literacy among consumers.

Support for SMEs and Development Banking Initiatives

The creation of a Credit Guarantee Institute for SMEs is a significant step. Research shows that credit guarantees can reduce lending risks and improve SME access to financing. However, past state-managed financial programs in Sri Lanka have been inefficient, often involving politicized lending practices.

For these new initiatives to succeed, they will need transparent governance, careful credit risk management, and strong regulations….

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s banking sector is crucial for economic stability and revenue generation, but the increasing fiscal demands and the push for digital transformation present both significant opportunities and risks. Policymakers need to avoid over-taxation that could stifle credit expansion and investment while addressing digital finance challenges like cybersecurity and infrastructure gaps. The 2025 budget underscores the nation’s vulnerable fiscal situation, where efforts for economic stabilization are hampered by public debt, corruption, and welfare constraints. Achieving sustainability requires comprehensive tax reforms, better public expenditure management, and stronger anti-corruption measures. Without these reforms, Sri Lanka faces prolonged economic hardship, rising inequalities, and diminishing trust in governance. The budget also reflects a blend of ideological transformation and economic pragmatism, with policies largely aligning with past approaches. Fitch Ratings’ cautious optimism signals the potential for recovery, contingent on successful policy implementation. Ultimately, policy continuity is seen as Sri Lanka’s best bet for navigating fiscal uncertainty and achieving economic stability.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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Rethinking cities – Sustainable urban innovation

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Dr. Chandrasena

by Ifham Nizam 

Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena is an urban innovator reshaping the landscape of sustainable development. With a background that spans journalism, banking, and military engineering, she brings a unique perspective to urban planning and environmental resilience.

Her work integrates cutting-edge technology with human-centered design, ensuring that cities of the future are not only livable but also adaptive to climate change and rapid urbanisation.

In this interview with The Island, Dr. Chandrasena shares insights into her journey—from her early days in journalism to pioneering the Smart Drain Initiative, a groundbreaking infrastructure project addressing urban drainage inefficiencies. She discusses the critical role of community engagement, the challenges of balancing innovation with political realities, and the urgent need for sustainable urban solutions in Sri Lanka and beyond.

Her story is one of relentless curiosity, problem-solving, and a deep commitment to building better cities. As she puts it, “Urbanisation is inevitable; our challenge is to shape it in ways that are inclusive, sustainable, and forward-thinking.”

Urbanisation is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, and few understand its complexities better than Dr. Chandrasena. A trailblazer in sustainable urban development, she has dedicated her career to bridging the gap between technological innovation and environmental sustainability. Through her work, she emphasises a crucial message: cities must evolve—not just grow.

From Journalism to Urban Innovation

Dr. Chandrasena’s career path is anything but conventional. Beginning as a journalist, she honed her skills in field research and community engagement, which later became instrumental in her work as an urban planner. “Journalism taught me how to listen to people’s stories and understand the realities on the ground,” she explains. This background helped her develop urban solutions rooted in real-world insights rather than abstract theories.

Her transition into urban innovation was fueled by a deep-seated passion for environmental resilience. After a stint in banking and serving in the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Engineers, she pursued town and country planning, ultimately integrating her diverse experiences to address urban challenges holistically.

The Smart Drain Initiative: A Game Changer in Urban Infrastructure

One of Dr. Chandrasena’s most groundbreaking contributions is the Smart Drain Initiative—a next-generation urban drainage system designed to combat flooding and waste accumulation. Implemented in areas like Balapola and Ambalangoda, this technology incorporates IoT-based monitoring, predictive maintenance, and automated waste filtration to enhance resilience against climate change.

“Storm drains are often neglected, but they are the foundation of a city’s flood resilience,” she says. By modernising drainage infrastructure, her initiative is setting a precedent for cities worldwide to rethink their approach to urban water management.

Livability as the Core Urban Challenge

For Dr. Chandrasena, urban planning is not just about infrastructure—it’s about people. She identifies livability as the root problem that must be addressed in city planning. “Congestion, pollution, lack of green spaces, and inefficient waste management are all symptoms of poor urban planning,” she explains. Her work focuses on designing cities that prioritise well-being, accessibility, and sustainability.

Sri Lanka, in particular, faces unique challenges due to rapid urbanisation. With cities like Colombo struggling to accommodate a massive influx of commuters, Dr. Chandrasena advocates for affordable housing solutions near economic hubs and improvements in public transportation. “A city’s economic success should not come at the cost of its residents’ quality of life,” she insists.

Technology and Community Engagement: The Future of Urban Development

Dr. Chandrasena sees technology as a powerful tool for fostering inclusive urban development. From using social media for community consultations to deploying smart infrastructure, she believes digital solutions can democratise urban planning. “We need to move beyond traditional engagement methods and empower people through accessible technology,” she says.

Her leadership philosophy reflects this inclusive approach. Through initiatives like the MyTurn Internship Platform, she mentors young professionals, encouraging them to take an active role in shaping the future of cities. “Leadership is not about authority—it’s about creating opportunities for collaboration,” she adds.

Global Urban Challenges and the Need for Collaboration

Urban issues are not confined to national borders. Dr. Chandrasena highlights the importance of global partnerships, citing the twin-city concept as a model for knowledge exchange. By pairing cities with similar challenges—such as Galle, Sri Lanka, and Penang, Malaysia—municipalities can co-create solutions that address both local and global urban challenges.

Her work has not gone unnoticed. She recently won Australia’s Good Design Award for Best in Class Engineering Design, a testament to the impact of her innovative approaches.

Call to Action for Sustainable Cities

Dr. Chandrasena’s vision for the future is clear: cities must be designed to be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. While challenges like climate change and urban congestion persist, she remains optimistic. “There are no perfect cities—just as there are no perfect people. But by striving for practical solutions, we can make cities better for everyone.”

Her journey—from journalist to urban innovator—demonstrates that change begins with a vision and the determination to act on it. As urbanisation accelerates, her work serves as a blueprint for how cities can not only survive but thrive in an ever-evolving world.

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Need to appreciate SL’s moderate politics despite govt.’s massive mandate

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President Dissanayake

by Jehan Perera

President Donald Trump in the United States is showing how, in a democratic polity, the winner of the people’s mandate can become an unstoppable extreme force. Critics of the NPP government frequently jibe at the government’s economic policy as being a mere continuation of the essential features of the economic policy of former president, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The criticism is that despite the resounding electoral mandates it received, the government is following the IMF prescriptions negotiated by the former president instead of making radical departures from it as promised prior to the elections. The critics themselves do not have alternatives to offer except to assert that during the election campaign the NPP speakers pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement which they have done only on a very limited basis since coming to power.

There is also another area in which the NPP government is following the example of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. During his terms of office, both as prime minister and president, Ranil Wickremesinghe ruled with a light touch. He did not utilise the might of the state to intimidate the larger population. During the post-Aragalaya period he did not permit street protests and arrested and detained those who engaged in such protests. At the same time with a minimal use of state power he brought stability to an unstable society. The same rule-with-a-light touch approach holds true of the NPP government that has succeeded the Wickremesinghe government. The difference is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has an electoral mandate that President Wickremesinghe did not have in his final stint in power and could use his power to the full like President Trump, but has chosen not to.

At two successive national elections, the NPP obtained the people’s mandate, and at the second one in particular, the parliamentary elections, they won an overwhelming 2/3 majority of seats. With this mandate they could have followed the “shock and awe” tactics that are being seen in the U.S. today under President Donald Trump whose party has won majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The U.S. president has become an unstoppable force and is using his powers to make dramatic changes both within the country and in terms of foreign relations, possibly irreversibly. He wants to make the U.S. as strong, safe and prosperous as possible and with the help of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, the duo has become seemingly unstoppable in forging ahead at all costs.

EXTREME POWER

The U.S. has rightly been admired in many parts of the world, and especially in democratic countries, for being a model of democratic governance. The concepts of “checks and balances” and “separation of powers” by which one branch of the government restricts the power of the other branches appeared to have reached their highest point in the U.S. But this system does not seem to be working, at least at the present time, due to the popularity of President Trump and his belief in the rightness of his ideas and Elon Musk. The extreme power that can accrue to political leaders who obtain the people’s mandate can best be seen at the present time in the United States. The Trump administration is using the president’s democratic mandate in full measure, though for how long is the question. They have strong popular support within the country, but the problem is they are generating very strong opposition as well, which is dividing the U.S. rather than unifying it.

The challenge for those in the U.S. who think differently, and there are many of them at every level of society, is to find ways to address President Trump’s conviction that he has the right answers to the problems faced by the U.S. which also appears to have convinced the majority of American voters to believe in him. The decisions that President Trump and his team have been making to make the U.S. strong, safe and prosperous include eliminating entire government departments and dismissing employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) which were established to protect the more disadvantaged sectors of society. The targets have included USAID which has had consequences for Sri Lanka and many other disadvantaged parts of the world.

Data obtained from the Department of External Resources (ERD) reveal that since 2019, USAID has financed Sri Lankan government projects amounting to Rs. 31 billion. This was done under different presidents and political parties. Projects costing USD 20.4 million were signed during the last year (2019) of the Maithripala Sirisena government. USD 41.9 million was signed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, USD 26 million during the Ranil Wickremesinghe government, and USD 18.1 million so far during the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government. At the time of the funding freeze, there were projects with the Justice Ministry, Finance Ministry, Environment Ministry and the Energy Ministry. This is apart from the support that was being provided to the private sector for business development and to NGOs for social development and good governance work including systems of checks and balances and separation of powers.

MODERATE POLITICS

The challenge for those in Sri Lanka who were beneficiaries of USAID is to find alternative sources of financing for the necessary work they were doing with the USAID funding. Among these was funding in support of improving the legal system, making digital technology available to the court system to improve case management, provision of IT equipment, and training of judges, court staff and members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. It also included creating awareness about the importance of government departments delivering their services in an inclusive manner to all citizens requiring their services, and providing opportunities for inter-ethnic business collaboration to strengthen the economy. The government’s NGO Secretariat which has been asked to submit a report on USAID funding needs to find alternative sources of funding for these and give support to those who have lost their USAID funding.

Despite obtaining a mandate that is more impressive at the parliamentary elections than that obtained by President Trump, the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been more moderate in its efforts to deal with Sri Lanka’s problems, whether in regard to the economy or foreign relations. The NPP government is trying to meet the interests of all sections of society, be they the business community, the impoverished masses, the civil society or the majority and minority ethnic and religious communities. They are trying to balance the needs of the people with the scarce economic resources at their disposal. The NPP government has demanded sacrifice of its own members, in terms of the benefits they receive from their positions, to correspond to the economic hardships that the majority of people face at this time.

The contrast between the governance styles of President Trump in the U.S. and President Dissanayake in Sri Lanka highlights the different paths democratic leaders can take. President Trump is attempting to decisively reshape the U.S. foreign policy, eliminating entire government departments and overwhelming traditional governance structures. The NPP government under President Dissanayake has sought a more balanced, inclusive path by taking steps to address economic challenges and governance issues while maintaining stability. They are being tough where they need to be, such as on the corruption and criminality of the past. They need to be supported as they are showing Sri Lankans and the international community how a government can use its mandate without polarising society and thereby securing the consensus necessary for sustainable change.

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