Features
Public funding of higher education: Seeking private funds to fill the gap?
In December 2024, the Sunday Observer reported that the Vice Chancellor (VC) of the University of Colombo (UoC) had announced plans to reduce the University’s reliance on State funding by increasing foreign student intake and strengthening private sector ties. With 225 international students, and plans to double that number, the VC claimed the University was on track to meet its goal. His remarks echo national strategies and global trends aimed at decoupling public universities from state-funded education.
Marketised model

University of Peradeniya
The VC’s words reflect an ideology that is profoundly reshaping higher education. The shift from viewing universities as pillars of democracy to self-funded “autonomous” entities serving private interests has been gradual. This vision, rooted in a neoliberal framework, backed by institutions like the World Bank, re-orients universities to support a global marketplace of free-flowing capital, unrestrained by national borders and other barriers (Harvey, 2006). People’s aspirations for good jobs, strong public services, and a thriving environment, when clashing with market logic, are dismissed as outdated, impractical, ineffective, or inefficient.
In other words, a fully functioning market requires “inefficiencies” like free education to be weakened. Along these lines, a World Bank (2017) report on Sri Lanka’s higher education policy notes, “The private sector in higher education currently operates under heavy restrictions” (p.20). These so-called restrictions are our policies for free education that identify the State as the primary provider of education. The Bank continues, “Attracting the participation of [the private] sector, both for-profit and nonprofit, is crucial to meet the double challenge of improving access and quality, given capacity and resource constraints” (p.20).
In search of alternatives

University of Jaffna
Globally, such reforms are shifting the state’s role into a mainly regulatory one, marketising/ commodifying education, and developing pathways for private actors to enter the sector. Therefore, it is no surprise that Sri Lanka has encouraged the expansion of private and fee-levying state education, while offering subsidies, like land, infrastructure, and utilities, to new higher educational enterprises, and proposing a voucher system, and introducing loans and public-private partnerships to support them.
The bolstering of private higher education has been accompanied by drastic cuts in public education funding. For decades, Sri Lanka’s allocations for education have been abysmally low, relative to regional and global figures, and by 2022 had fallen to 1.5% of GDP, down from 4.25 in the 1960s (Sarvananthan, 2020). The shortfall in funds needed for universities to function must be bridged somehow. Universities have been left to find alternative ways to cover operational costs.
At the UoC, strategies include tapping into the international student market and furthering private sector ties. The University of Peradeniya can leverage its beautiful campus and extensive infrastructure for this purpose. In contrast, universities like the University of Jaffna (UoJ), scarred by war, ongoing militarisation, and under-resourced in the Northern Province, or Uva Wellassa University (UWU), young, understaffed, and distant from Colombo, have fewer avenues for generating funds.
Intensifying disparities
Such differences are reflected in 2022 UGC data, with the UoC generating one-fifth of its income through earned funds, while UoJ and UWU earned under 2%. They suggest that peripheral universities are in danger of weakening further if earnings are identified as our primary funding source for higher education. (See graph)

Disparities go beyond funding, however, indicating that the problem is even greater. UGC data reveals that UoJ enrols more students with fewer academic staff than UoC. To illustrate, UoC has a 1:1 ratio of probationary lecturers to professors, but for UoJ, the ratio is 3:1. UoJ also relies more on temporary staff (40% of 867) compared to UoC (30% of 959; UGC, 2022). Enrolments seem to have risen steeply for UoJ after the war; in 2007, UoC had twice the numbers enrolled relative to UoJ, but by 2022, UoJ slightly surpassed UoC enrolments. However, according to UGC data, per-student income (state allocations and generated funds combined) for UoJ (LKR 326) is roughly one-third of UoC’s (LKR 959), reflecting the significant inequality in access to resources (assuming that ‘income’ reflects access to resources universities can deploy to achieve their goals). These figures also indicate that the rapid enrolment increases UoJ made were without commensurate State funding.
These differences stem from the unequal political influence each institution possesses, which have also shaped disparities in allocations historically (CEPA, 2017). But the core question is not whether disparities exist, because they clearly do, but whether the current trajectory of reforms will reduce them, and whether our universities’ free education mandate and by extension a democratic and just society, can be fulfilled and/or achieved by such reforms. My answer to both is No.
Serious consequences

University of Colombo
Firstly, neoliberal policies worldwide have widened social disparities (Mogendi, 2024; Ulhaq et al., 2023; Yulia et al., 2023). When universities prioritise revenue generation, their core undertaking, free undergraduate education, is sidelined. Even now, some students in hardship drop out. Expanding fee-levying programmes will likely expand accessibility for the middle classes but because universities will have to prioritise those with the capacity to pay, such a policy will also expand inaccessibility for those to whom free education remains the only possibility.
Furthermore, education reforms are not isolated as similar shifts are happening in relation to other hard-won democratic rights as well. As protections are rolled back to remove market “impediments,” precariousness grows through increased inaccessibility to health, landlessness, indebtedness, and informalised labour. These impacts are felt more acutely at the periphery (such as at UoJ in higher education), far from where capital is concentrated.
Secondly, this model makes universities servants of a greater power – those who determine whether a university deserves funds. About 15 years ago, the UGC admitted students to a new programme in my Faculty, but failed to provide the promised facilities. Unable to run the programme properly, the Faculty declined to admit new students. At the time, the University saw the provision of these resources as the government’s binding obligation. A decade later in 2019, when the President demanded a sharp increase in intake, universities, though already stretched, complied. While established universities were able to resist to some extent, others could not, making the burden far heavier for them.
Universities seem to have gradually lost their sense of worth, becoming more subservient to authority and the Government. This shift stems partly from reforms that have placed them on the defensive, having to justify their performance, efficiency, and value as a public good. True, public accountability is essential, and universities can do better. Yet accountability, as the UGC has conceived it, is disempowering and has undermined the effectiveness of existing mechanism (e.g., Faculty Boards and Senates) which are more democratic than what the UGC has newly instituted (e.g., UGC-instituted top-down quality assurance framework now in place). While other accountability mechanisms may be needed, they should not weaken internal mechanisms.
Thirdly, if this reform path continues, we may ultimately encounter performance-based funding or “incentives for good performance.” The 2023 National Education Policy Framework makes such a proposal, which could widen disparities if implemented, as the already disadvantaged universities will surely struggle to “perform.” The competitive environment performance-based funding fosters, another hallmark of an “efficient” market, will also limit space for universities to collaboratively address shared challenges.
In conclusion

University of Sabaragamuwa
Universities can help build the society we want, which for me is a just, kind, and democratic one. To realise these aspirations, we need a strong, accessible, and enriching education system.
While the 1960s and 1970s showed concerns about inequality and disparities driving policies on education globally (Klees, 2008), today’s dominant views generally disregard these issues. Increasing State investments in education and welfare are rarely supported globally. Instead, policy discussions centre on quality assurance-type governance structures. Countries like Sri Lanka, pushed into austerity measures under crisis, are construed as simply not able to afford to imagine a bolder vision for themselves. Looking back at the debates that shaped our education policy in the 1930s and 40s, however, it is clear that many in power believed we could not afford free education back then. Yet, because of tremendous public pressure, the free education policy was implemented.
Today, however, we live in a world that, as Klees puts it, “increasingly sing[s] one tune: neoliberalism.” Maybe it’s time we change the tune, toward something more inclusive and daring. Let’s rethink education reforms to create a truly free education system, not just a truly free market; one that reduces disparities instead of accepting them as a given. I wonder whether the NPP government has the political will to pursue this possibility?
(Shamala Kumar teaches at the University of Peradeniya)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
By Shamala Kumar
Features
The challenge of being positive about SAARC
It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.
Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.
However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?
There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.
The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.
Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.
Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.
The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.
On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.
In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.
Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.
Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.
The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.
These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.
Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.
There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.
However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.
Features
OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways
A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.
The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.
The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.
In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.
Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.
While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.
He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.
Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.
Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.
The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.
Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.
Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.
The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.
Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.
Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.
He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.
Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.
Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.
Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.
Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.
He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.
The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.
The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.
The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.
Features
Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka
Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.
“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”
Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.
She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.
“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”
Of course, music has taken her far.
One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.
She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.
Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.
Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.
Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”
Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.
“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”
However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.
Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.
“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.
“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”
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