Features
Property tax: a new tax Sri Lanka is going to be introduced in 2027
Expanded budget deficits and continuous borrowing by successive governments pushed the Sri Lankan economy into a recession. These heavy borrowings placed a significant burden on the shoulders of today’s citizens. The previous government was compelled to seek assistance from the IMF to revive the economy, which led to increased tax rates, a broader tax base, and the introduction of new taxes. The present NPP government has introduced some tax revisions. However, it too must increase revenue in order to address the economic crisis and promote sustainable growth. This is why the country is going to introduce property tax in 2027. In other words, the government’s tax demand increases in the near future. This note is to provide a brief introduction on property tax that we will have to pay.
Property tax
Governments may impose various types of taxes, though some countries choose not to levy certain kinds. Property tax is no exception. After considering the taxation of income and expenditure, many countries also tax stocks of wealth. Such taxes may be imposed on individual pieces of property—payable by the owner and classified as impersonal in rem taxes (those imposed on objects or activities)—or on the total property holdings or net worth of a person, making them personal taxes.
When we hear the word property, the related concept of wealth also comes to mind. However, there is a distinction between property tax and wealth tax. Property tax generally applies to real property, while wealth tax is levied on total net wealth (all assets minus liabilities). Some countries, such as Spain, Switzerland, Norway, and France, impose both taxes simultaneously. Property tax, however, is widespread globally, though it remains relatively novel in Sri Lanka. Property tax is generally divided into two categories: real property taxes and personal property taxes, both of which are often referred to as ad valorem taxes (taxes based on the value of property).
Real property (realty) is defined as land and whatever is erected or growing on the land or permanently affixed to it. It also includes subsurface features such as mineral deposits. Real property taxes are levied on the ownership of land and buildings, with the tax base being the property’s monetary value. Because real estate cannot be moved or hidden, and its ownership is a matter of public record, it provides governments with a highly reliable tax base. These taxes are typically assessed annually, based on market value as determined by local authorities. Elected or appointed officials are responsible for valuing the property and notifying owners of the assessed amount. A distinctive feature of real property taxes is that the tax rate is set each year according to the jurisdiction’s revenue needs for that budget cycle.
Personal property, in contrast, refers to any asset that is not real property. Like real estate, personal property is taxed based on its value, but unlike real property, its value is usually not assessed by government officials. Instead, individuals and businesses must determine the value of their taxable assets and report it to the tax assessor. Taxable personal property generally falls into three categories: household tangibles, business tangibles, and intangibles. Household tangibles commonly taxed include automobiles, recreational vehicles, pleasure boats, and private aircraft. Business tangibles include inventory, furniture, fixtures, machinery, and equipment. Intangible assets most often subject to tax are marketable securities such as stocks and bonds.
Determination of tax rate
An individual’s property tax liability is calculated as the product of the tax rate and the property’s assessed value—the value assigned by the local authority. In most cases, jurisdictions (local authorities) attempt to align assessed values with market values. However, if a property has not been sold recently, its market value may be unknown, requiring the tax authority to estimate based on the market values of comparable properties. The degree of divergence between market and assessed values depends on the accuracy of the estimating process.
Empirical evidence shows that many jurisdictions perform poorly in assessing property values, leading to situations where properties subject to the same statutory tax rate face vastly different effective tax rates. In the United States, for example, thousands of jurisdictions operate their property tax systems independently. None include a comprehensive measure of wealth in their tax base, and there are significant differences in what types of property are excluded and what tax rates are applied.
Some communities grant preferential treatment to new business facilities to encourage investment, while few tax personal wealth beyond homes. Assets such as cars, jewelry, and financial securities are usually exempt. Generally, structures and the land on which they are built form the core of the property tax base, though effective rates vary widely across jurisdictions.
For businesses, calculating property taxes can appear complex, but with the right tools and a sound understanding of the fundamentals, the process becomes more manageable. The cornerstone is determining the assessed value, typically carried out by a government assessor who evaluates factors such as land, buildings, and improvements. Equally important is establishing the tax rate, commonly referred to as the mill rate. The mill rate represents the amount of tax owed per Rs.1,000 of assessed property value and is determined annually by local authorities in line with revenue requirements.
Reasons to pay
There are several theoretical bases for imposing taxes. One rationale for wealth taxation is the benefit principle: public services, such as road modernisation, increase the value of real property and should therefore be financed by property owners. This argument can be traced back to seventeenth-century natural-law theorists, who viewed one of the state’s primary functions as the protection of property. From this perspective, property owners are obliged to contribute toward the state’s expenses. Logically, such reasoning supports a comprehensive tax base that includes all forms of property—both tangible and intangible.
Property tax can also be understood as a user fee, since communities rely on it to finance essential public services such as education, healthcare, and policing. In this sense, the tax is not merely a levy but the cost of accessing and maintaining vital services that benefit society as a whole. Beyond theory, Sri Lanka faces practical imperatives for broadening its tax base and strengthening its fiscal framework. Expanding property taxation could play a critical role in addressing the country’s debt crisis while fostering long-term economic growth and development.
Impact, incidence and effects of the tax
The impact of a tax refers to its first point of contact with taxpayers—that is, the person who initially pays it. In the case of property tax, the legal liability usually falls on the property owner. Local governments assess the value of land and improvements, and the owner must pay tax based on this assessment. Thus, the immediate burden is borne by the property holder, whether an individual, household, or business. Because property taxes influence both investment and location decisions, most European countries allow businesses to deduct them: of the 27 that levy property taxes, 23 permit deductions from corporate income, thereby reducing the effective burden and encouraging investment.
The incidence of a tax, however, concerns who ultimately bears the economic burden after adjustments in behavior, prices, and markets. Although property owners are legally responsible, the real incidence may shift. Landlords may raise rents to pass part of the burden to tenants, while businesses may shift costs forward to consumers through higher prices or backward to workers through lower wages.
The question of who ultimately bears the burden of the property tax has long been debated. Three main perspectives can be identified: the traditional view, the capital tax view, and the excise-on-capital view. Under the first, property tax is seen as an excise tax on land and structures.
Since the supply of land is fixed, landowners cannot escape the tax and thus bear the full burden. In many cases, the tax becomes capitalized into land values: prospective buyers discount the purchase price to account for future tax liabilities. As a result, landowners effectively bear the tax indefinitely. Capital tax view holds that if property tax is treated as a uniform tax on all capital, then the entire burden falls on capital owners.
Since capital income is concentrated among higher-income households, property tax in this view is progressive, contradicting the traditional view. According to final view property tax rates, in practice, vary by jurisdiction and property type, meaning it functions as a set of excise taxes on capital. Capital tends to migrate from high-tax to low-tax areas until after-tax returns equalize. This reallocation affects returns to other factors of production depending on their mobility. Land, being immobile, cannot escape the tax, while less mobile forms of capital are more likely to bear the burden. Over the long run, even the overall supply of capital may respond to property tax rates.
Property taxes have a range of economic and social effects. Firstly property taxes provide a stable and predictable source of income for local governments, often funding essential services such as education, infrastructure, and public safety. Secondly, when designed well, property taxes can contribute to equity by taxing wealth more directly than income or consumption taxes. However, poorly assessed property taxes can be regressive, disproportionately affecting those with lower incomes relative to property value. Thirdly, property taxes on land are often considered efficient since land is immobile and cannot be hidden, making it a strong tax base.
Taxes on improvements (buildings) can, however, discourage investment in property development or maintenance. Fourthly, high property taxes may influence housing decisions, business location choices, or patterns of land use. Preferential rates or exemptions can also create distortions, such as attracting businesses or encouraging certain types of development. Fifthly, because property taxes are highly visible and often unpopular, they can provoke resistance from taxpayers, influencing local politics and policymaking.
Sixthly, as a tax on real estate, property taxation can distort economic choices. It may encourage substitution away from real property toward other inputs, or toward consumer durables in states where personal property is taxed less heavily. This can discourage housing production and consumption. Finally, property taxes may also affect location decisions. Since rates vary across communities, industries that rely heavily on real estate tend to locate in lower-tax areas. At the same time, businesses also weigh the public services financed by local property taxes when deciding where to operate.
Empirical evidence further illustrates these dynamics. In 2011, China introduced property taxes in Shanghai and Chongqing, targeting second homes and high-end properties. A 2021 study found little effect on housing prices, mainly due to the narrow tax base, low rate, and generous exemptions. By contrast, a German study (March 2021) found that higher property taxes were fully passed on to rental prices within three years, though the pass-through was weaker when housing supply was inelastic. More broadly, property taxes tend to be capitalized into purchase prices, lowering what buyers are willing to pay, while in rental markets, part of the burden may also be shifted to tenants.
Decisions to be made
Sri Lanka is expected to introduce a property tax in 2027. However, several key decisions must be made before implementation. First, which level of government will be responsible for imposing the tax? In many countries, property tax is administered by local authorities. In Sri Lanka, it must be decided which layer of government will have the authority to levy and collect the tax.
Second, the scope and rate of taxation must be determined. Property can take many forms, but for real property, land and buildings are the main categories. If buildings are included, should the tax apply to all types—including residential houses? Since houses vary greatly in size, facilities, and value, questions arise as to whether very small houses should be taxed. In some countries, only second or additional properties are taxed. With respect to land, it must be decided whether all types of land will be taxed. For example, paddy land presents a special case, as profit margins in paddy farming are often extremely low, or even negative. This calls for certain exemptions, deductions, or abatements. Common exemptions internationally include those for non-profit organizations, historical properties, or primary residences (homesteads).
Third, the treatment of depreciation and improvements must be clarified. Property assessors typically evaluate factors such as age, condition, and maintenance in determining depreciation, as well as any improvements or renovations that increase value. Since different assessors may apply varying standards, this can result in inconsistencies in assessed values.
Why is the property tax so unpopular?
Several explanations have been offered. Because housing transactions occur infrequently, property tax assessments are based on estimated values. If these valuations are inaccurate or biased, the tax is seen as unfair. The tax is also highly visible: unlike income and payroll taxes, which are withheld from wages and remitted by employers, property taxes are typically paid directly by homeowners, often in large quarterly or annual installments. These lump-sum payments can feel like a financial shock. Some property owners, particularly the elderly, do not have enough cash to make property tax payments and may therefore be forced to sell their homes. A high property tax rate also affects property values. Other things equal, a heavily taxed property will sell for less. This means that while current owners may feel burdened, new buyers are not necessarily worse off once the lower purchase price is taken into account.
One ambitious reform would be to replace the property tax with a personal net worth tax. This tax would be levied on the difference between the market value of all a taxpayer’s assets and liabilities. Unlike the property tax, such a system reflects a truer measure of ability to pay, since debts can be deducted. It would also allow for exemptions and progressive rates. However, because people often hold assets and debts across multiple jurisdictions, a net worth tax would need to be administered at the federal level.
Conclusion
Alongside the need to address technical and political barriers to reform, the construction of more effective property tax systems also depends on improving levels of tax compliance. A key foundation of compliance is the presence of credible and fair enforcement: few taxpayers will willingly comply if they believe there are no consequences for evasion or if they suspect their neighbours are not paying their fair share.
It is well known that taxes are unpopular. However, Sri Lanka needs to broaden its revenue base and is preparing to introduce a new tax in the near future. In the past, widespread corruption undermined public trust, and many citizens paid taxes reluctantly, while some were able to evade them altogether. Today, with corruption more effectively controlled and public confidence in government improving, the conditions are more favourable for introducing a property tax. Still, such a measure must be implemented carefully to maintain public support and fairness.
Importantly, property taxes are widely considered the least harmful form of taxation, as they have the smallest negative impact on household and business economic decisions compared to most alternatives. For example, in 2010 the OECD ranked tax instruments by efficiency, from most to least: property taxes, value-added tax (VAT), personal income tax, and corporate income tax.
by Dr. Tikiri Nimal Herath✍️
Emeritus Professor
tikiriherath@gmail.com
Features
‘Lord Edgware Dies’
It has been some time since I read an Agatha Christie, the plot of which I cannot remember. So, I was delighted to find on the shelves of a friend Lord Edgware Dies, which I had a vague memory of, but no certainty about who had done it.
When I read it, I found that my memory of who was probably the killer was correct, but I could not be certain and the red herrings Christie threw in were so diverting that until almost the very end I wondered if I had been wrong.
The plot is very simple. Jane Wilkinson, who is married to Lord Edgware, tells him that she is desperate for a divorce since she is in love with a very proper Anglo-Catholic peer, Lord Melton, but Edgware refuses to divorce her. She asks Poirot to talk to him, which he does, and is surprised to find that Edgware has told Jane he is prepared to give her a divorce. This was, after he had categorically refused, through a letter, which Jane said she had not received.
That night Edgware is murdered, after Jane had been to see him, or so the butler said, and also Edgware’s secretary. But Jane had been that evening at a grand dinner many miles away, where a dozen fellow guests could swear to her presence.
There was a solution however to the mystery of two Jane Wilkinsons, namely a skilful impersonator called Carlotta Adams who, in the opening chapter had impersonated Jane Wilkinson, who had also been at the performance. But when Poirot goes to see her, he finds that she had been found dead on the morning after Edgware had been killed, of an overdose. And in her bag was a gold case, with a strange inscription, that contained the drug, along with a pair of pince-nez.
Her maid said she had written a letter to her sister in America and posted it the previous night. Poirot asks Inspector Japp to get the letter, and a transcript is received from America, and in it the name of Edgware’s nephew Ronald Marsh is mentioned; he had taken Carlotta to dinner after her performance, with which the book opens, and had then set her a challenge. Japp arrests Marsh, but Poirot is not happy and asks for the original of the letter, which the sister sends him. That shows that a page is missing, and the tear is obvious, though that raises the question as to why it had not simply been cut.
Matters are further complicated by the fact that Marsh had gone in a taxi to the Edgware house, along with Edgware’s daughter Geraldine, in the interval of an opera which had previously seemed to provide them with cast iron alibis. Geraldine had gone in to fetch her pearls so that Marsh could raise money he needed, and thus had an opportunity to kill Edgware, as did Marsh, for the driver said he had got out of the taxi while waiting and gone into the house.
Marsh explained why he had gone to the house on the night of the murder as having followed Bryan Martin, an American actor, who had been in love with Jane, whom he saw go into the house with a key. But there was no one visible when he entered, and Geraldine almost immediately came down and they left together. And Martin too has become an object of suspicion to Poirot, for he had been to see him before the murders were discovered with a story of being followed by a man with a gold tooth – a story Poirot immediately realized was false when he was asked how old the man was, and was told he was young, for young people did not have gold teeth.
A heap of French money Edgware had got for a trip to Paris was missing, but since Marsh had no need for it after his cousin’s offer of help, Poirot deduces that it must have been taken by the butler, who has disappeared. Christie has stressed that he is astonishingly handsome, unusual in a butler, and Poirot notes a resemblance to Martin, so he thinks the mysterious man going into the house must have been him.
Incidentally, later Poirot assumes that Edgware’s change of mind was because he was involved in some scandal, and I believe Christie intends us to see the cause of this in his handsome butler, though this is not specified.
Meanwhile, Poirot has asked Japp to find out the provenance of the case found in Carlotta’s handbag, and it turns out to have been made in Paris, specially commissioned, and collected by a woman with pince-nez.
But then another murder occurs—that of another guest at the grand dinner, which provided Jane with her alibi. The victim is an actor who had been bemused when Jane, at a lunch, thought the Judgment of Paris referred to the city. He told Hastings he wanted to see Poirot, but was killed before he could get to the appointment. Poirot had rushed there when told about his request, but it was too late.
Meanwhile, Poirot has tried out the pince-nez on Edgware’s secretary, but she could not see through these. It was only a chance remark heard outside the theatre that led him to try them out on Wilkinson’s maid Ellis, a spare pair that had been appropriated for the night of the murders.
Poirot then lays things out, having summoned Martin and told him that he probably suppressed Edgware’s letter, as he had been dropped by then and he did not want Jane to marry another. But after teasing Martin, Poirot says that Jane was in fact the murderer, and she got Carlotta to impersonate her at the dinner while she went to the house and killed her husband. After meeting Carlotta later and checking with her through a call that she had
not been rumbled, Jane had gone ahead with the murder – she put veronal into her drink and the case with veronal into the handbag. She forgot to take out the pince-nez she had used earlier to imitate an American. Carlotta had registered as the American in a hotel and Jane had gone to see her, and there they exchanged identities. After seen the letter, she made use of it by tearing off the page that referred to her, and the S of She, so that the person who had challenged Carlotta to impersonate her seemed to be a man.
There is a coda in which Jane, condemned to death, writes to Hastings, still full of pride at her ingenuity hoping she will be remembered.
Features
Desilt reservoirs, learn from our ancient irrigation systems
by Prof. O. A. Ileperuma
Silting of reservoirs is a major problem today affecting our hydropower production and irrigation systems. The main Mahaweli reservoirs are silted to a considerable extent reducing the water holding capacity of them. Due to poor soil management practices, floodwaters deposit large amounts of silt in these reservoirs. When the Polgolla reservoir was fully drained about two years back, one could see mountains of silt in the lower reaches of the reservoir. A rough estimate is that 50% of the total capacity of these reservoirs has been lost to siltation. This is a serious issue which affects not only power and agriculture but also flood control.
Our ancient irrigation systems ensured that desilting of reservoirs took place under royal decree where all users of the reservoirs were ordered to carry out desilting of reservoirs during the dry season. The clay thus collected was used in making bricks for the construction of great stupas which dot the landscape of our ancient kingdoms. This ensured that the reservoirs had their full capacity filled with water for the next cultivating season. Our ancient kings were clever enough not to construct reservoirs by blocking main rivers such as the Mahaweli. A classic example is the Minipe left canal where they tapped only the surface water of Mahaweli. Even the bigger tanks such as Nuwara Wewa and Parakrama Samudraya were fed with minor rivulets. There were also other ingenious features in the cascade irrigation systems built by the ancient kings, such as mud sluice canals and forest reservations between the reservoirs in the cascade system. These reservations helped trap silt and remove excess nutrients, which could otherwise contribute to increasing salinity as water flowed from one reservoir to another.
- Parakrama Samudraya
- Kalawewa
- Kotmale
A classic engineering marvel is the former Yoda Ela, which carries water from Kalawewa to Nuwara Wewa and Tissa Wewa. It is 87 km long although the straight distance between these points is only about 40 km. The gradient of this canal is about 10 cm per km or 6 inches per mile. Yodha Ela functions as a moving reservoir and feeds about 4,600 hectares of paddy lands. It is a winding canal with about 120 smaller reservoirs on its way. It was constructed during the reign of King Dhatusena around 459 AD and later expanded by King Parakramabahu by connecting more reservoirs to the network. Unfortunately, during the Mahaweli project our modern-day engineers constructed a concrete canal replacing the winding path of this Yoda Ela also called Jaya Ganga. This effectively removed the ability of the old Yoda Ela to remove silt and nutrients. The bank of this Ela has wet zone trees such as jak and areca nut growing well. They take up the nutrients from the flowing stream making the water suitable for irrigation later.
Ancient Mesopotamian civilisations depended on dams constructed along the two main rivers, Euphrates and Tigris. After continuous irrigation of their fields over several thousand years, salinity of the irrigated lands increased making them unsuitable for agriculture. People died due to famine and this clearly illustrates the danger of blocking main rivers for agriculture. There is scientific evidence that the salinity of paddy soils in the Mahaweli C area is increasing.
We saw the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah. The sluice gates of the Kotmale Reservoir were opened, and Kandy and Peradeniya were flooded. If the reservoir had had greater storage capacity, couldn’t the opening of the gates have been delayed? This may not be an argument that modern-day engineers would readily accept, and I am not an irrigation expert. These ideas may well be naïve. But most of us tend to think of reservoirs mainly in terms of hydropower generation and irrigation, while their role in flood control receives much less attention. The question therefore deserves serious consideration. Could restoring lost reservoir capacity through desilting help improve our ability to manage extreme rainfall and reduce flood risks?
Desilting our reservoirs should be considered a national priority.
Features
Losing out to Ethiopia
Export diversification – Missing the wood for the trees – Part III
by Gomi Senadhira
In Sri Lanka, the word “Ethiopia” is often used as disparaging slang to describe individuals or areas experiencing extreme poverty, starvation, or severe economic hardship. This linguistic habit originated in the 1980s with the Western media coverage of the devastating Ethiopian famine of 1983-85. That media coverage shocked the world but also left an outdated and offensive global stereotype that the country is permanently starving. Much has changed since then. By now, with an annual growth rate of around 9%, it is the fastest-growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Ethiopia has also emerged as a highly competitive exporter and is challenging not only its competitors in the region but also countries like Sri Lanka. This article is on how Sri Lanka has lost ground to Ethiopia (and a few other countries) in the GCC markets for agricultural and floricultural products.
Sri Lanka – A Pioneer in the Agriculture and Floricultural Market in the GCC
As discussed in Part II of this article, by the mid-1980s Sri Lanka had established a strong foothold in the GCC’s fruit, vegetable, and floricultural market. Geographical proximity and well-established shipping and air links gave Sri Lanka a strong comparative advantage over Southeast Asian and African nations. Thailand, Vietnam, and Kenya were not even in the market. At that time, Ethiopia was experiencing (as BBC news reports described) “a biblical famine”.
The market was not very large, but it was lucrative and growing. Trade Minister Lalith Athulathmudali as well as the Chairman of the Export Development Board, Victor Santiapillai, who visited Kuwait (and the GCC countries), recognised the market potential for these products and encouraged us to continue with our work. The minister was particularly keen to further develop links between the market for these products, exporters, and his Export Production Villages (EPVs). So, it was becoming a successful case not only for export diversification but also for transferring gains from exports directly to rural households.
From Trailblazer to Tailender
As a result, even by the beginning of this century Sri Lanka had a larger market share than most of its competitors from Asia or Africa. But since then, our competitiveness has weakened significantly. The tables below provide a comparative snapshot of Sri Lanka’s performance vis-à-vis Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya and Ethiopia in the GCC market for vegetables, fruits and floricultural products. As illustrated therein, in 2001 Sri Lanka was ahead of Thailand, Kenya and Ethiopia in this small but rapidly growing market. Since then, we have fallen behind Thailand, Kenya and many other countries in that lucrative market. If this trend continues, Sri Lanka will fall behind Ethiopia within the next few years. (See Table 1)
In the GCC market for vegetables (covered in HS chapter 07), Sri Lanka was ahead of most other competitors in 2001. As illustrated in Table 1 , Sri Lanka had failed to develop this market, while Thailand, Kenya, and even Ethiopia had very efficiently increased their market shares. The GCC is a market to which Sri Lanka can supply some vegetables, like cabbages, by sea. It appears Sri Lanka had also failed to exploit this mode of supply.
We can see a similar trend in the market for fruits. Vietnam, Kenya, and Thailand have emerged as major players, while exports from Sri Lanka have staggered on slowly. In this segment, Vietnam has emerged as a leading player during the last twenty years and the GCC imports from Viet Nam have shot up from US$44 thousand in 2001 to US$346 million by 2024. In part one of these articles, I discussed the remarkable increase of jackfruit exports from Vietnam “…just $3 million in 2015 to an impressive $236.8 million in 2023” while most of our jackfruit production rots under the trees. This explains how countries develop their markets, geographically and product-wise. (See Table 2)
Sri Lanka’s performance has been weakest in the market for floricultural products (HS Chapter 06), which groups live trees, cut flowers, and ornamental foliage. When we first entered the market in the 1980s, the market was dominated by the Netherlands, and Kenya and Ethiopia were not even in the market. At that time, we identified the Gulf states as a market where Sri Lanka could have a dominant presence due to geographical proximity. Even in 2001, Sri Lanka was ahead of Kenya, Ethiopia, and Thailand. But by now, Kenya has emerged as the dominant supplier. Ethiopia is also expanding its market share and is the third-largest exporter. (See Table 3)
Missing the Wood for the Trees
In the mid-1980s, Sri Lanka first established its foothold in the GCC market. Since then, Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya, and even Ethiopia have moved well ahead of us and have become leading players. Why did we lag behind in our export diversification efforts in general and, more particularly, in the GCC market?
The reasons are very clear. After the initial attempts in the 1980s and early 1990s, Sri Lanka has not been proactively involved in identifying, developing, and promoting new products and markets, or protecting and further developing new markets already established. The focus has simply been on traditional exports: tea, coconut, cinnamon, and garments, while other products were almost ignored. In essence, we have been and continue to focus intensely on a narrow group of products and markets, and we have lost sight of the bigger picture.
(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
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