Midweek Review
Prez warns of hard times ahead
Why did former President Sirisena vacate the Paget Road residence, having made it part of his ‘deal’ with the UNP?
A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justices Priyantha Jayawardena, Gamini Amarasekara, and Kumuduni Wickremasinghe, having examined the arguments put forward by both the petitioner and respondent parties, issued an interim order on March 29, 2022, suspending the decision of the Cabinet-of- Ministers to allow former President Maithripala Sirisena to continue use of the residence occupied by him at Paget Road.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The inordinate delay in filling the remaining vacancies in the Cabinet-of-Ministers underlines the continuing turmoil, within the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, grappling with the worst ever economic-political-social crisis in post-independence Sri Lanka.
UNP leader Wickremesinghe, in spite of having only one National List slot, polled 134 votes in Parliament, whereas his chief rival, Dullas Alahapperuma, secured 82 votes in the July 20, 2022, contest that elected him as the 8th executive president. Wickremesinghe’s job is to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term won at the last presidential election held in November, 2019.
Having comfortably secured the presidency in the first such vote by members of Parliament, Wickremesinghe appointed his first Cabinet on July 22, 2022. The first Cabinet consisted of 18 lawmakers. Twelve vacancies exist as in terms of the Constitution, 30 Cabinet and 40 non-Cabinet ministers can be appointed regardless of the size of the ruling party/ruling coalition.
The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) secured the lion’s share of portfolios though the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) received the premiership.
Wickremesinghe had no option but to go ahead with the appointment of the Cabinet after the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) declined to join what Wickremesinghe called an all-party government.
But Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Premier (April 12, 2022-July 20, 2022) managed to engineer two crossovers from the Opposition (Galle District SJB MP Manusha Nanayakkara and SJB National List MP Harin Fernando).
Wickremesinghe faced daunting challenges, on multiple fronts as his government struggled to avoid Local Government polls, scheduled for early this year. In spite of its leader being the President, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces as well as the Defence and Finance Minister, the UNP is in a precarious situation. Restricted to just one National List MP (Wajira Abeywardena), the UNP lacks the organisational strength to conduct a Local Government election campaign.
Wickremesinghe’s sponsor, the SLPP, though still the largest party in Parliament, has been weakened by nearly two dozen desertions.
However, Wickremesinghe as wily as his uncle, the late President Jayewardene, remains confident of pulling through.
During a brief informal chat with Editor of The Island Prabath Sahabandu, Editor of The Sunday Island Manik de Silva, Irida Divaina Editor, Udesh Sanjiva Gamage, Divaina Editor, Narada Nissanka, and the writer, Associate Editor of The Island, at the President’s official residence at Mahagama Sekera Mawatha (formerly Paget Road), Colombo 07, the President explained his position on a range of issues.
At that onset of the 40-minute conversation, President Wickremesinghe dealt with the economic crisis and how it could affect the country this year and possible scenarios, depending on the global situation.
Wickremesinghe warned of imminent hike in electricity tariffs while suggesting the fuel and power crisis couldn’t be tackled with a two-hour-and-20-minute power cut. The UNP leader recalled how successive governments had aggravated the power crisis by refusing to increase electricity tariffs since 2015.
Wickremesinghe, however, cannot absolve himself of responsibility for the current predicament as he served the Yahapalana government, as the Prime Minister, from 2015 to 2019.
The President found fault with the media for discouraging successive governments from increasing electricity tariffs.
The President separately received groups of senior representatives of both the print and electronic media at his official residence on Poya Day (06).
Second Prez at Paget
Road residence
It would be pertinent to discuss the circumstances Wickremesinghe moved to Paget Road residence, previously occupied by former President Maithripala Sirisena.
At the tail end of a politically turbulent five-year term, Sirisena, in his capacity as head of the Cabinet-of-Ministers, secured approval for him to retain his official residence, following the end of his term. Wickremesinghe served as the Prime Minister, at that time, though the proposal was made by the late Mangala Samaraweera, the then Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) raised this issue in Parliament as to whether it would have been fair for the former President to retain his official residence, though he was constitutionally entitled to an official residence, along with security, and a pension, at the end of his term.
Such extravagant facilities granted to ex-Presidents and their spouses should be re-examined against the backdrop of the current financial crisis. There should be consensus among political parties that such benefits entirely depend on their retirement. Twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Sirisena now serve as members of Parliament. Perhaps, ex-Presidents should be constitutionally barred from seeking office as part of the overall measures to improve the political culture here.
A violent group executed a meticulously planned attack on the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s private residence at 5th Lane, Kollupitiya, on the evening of July 09, hours after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled Colombo as rioters stormed the President’s House. The group stormed the well-guarded residence in the absence of clear instructions from the military and law enforcement higher-ups. The group mounted the attack after Wickremesinghe stoutly refused to resign. Had Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Premier, given in, the protest campaign could have taken a turn for the worse. Perhaps, Wickremesingthe decision to stay put and stand up to the Aragalaya storm troopers helped thwart their plans to storm the Parliament complex.
When the politically motivated gang destroyed Wickremesinghe’s private residence, he moved to the vacant Paget Road residence.
Why did former President Sirisena vacate the Paget Road residence, having made it part of his ‘deal’ with the UNP? Obviously, the SLFP leader’s intention was to occupy the place for the rest of his life. There cannot be any ambiguity about Sirisena’s intentions as far as the Paget Road residence is concerned. But thanks to a case filed by Executive Director of CPA, Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu, Maithripala Sirisena left the place in May 2022.
A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justices Priyantha Jayawardena, Gamini Amarasekara, and Kumuduni Wickremasinghe, having examined the arguments put forward by both the petitioner and respondent parties, issued an interim order on March 29, 2022, suspending the decision of the Cabinet-of-Ministers to allow former President Maithripala Sirisena to continue use of the residence occupied by him at Paget Road.
Prez confident of China,
India consensus
Making reference to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022 (minus 11) as well projected GDP this year (minus 04), President Wickremesinghe underscored the fact that Sri Lanka’s recovery depended on external factors, the difficulty in overcoming the ongoing crisis and how global issues could influence developments here. Wickremesinghe was referring to the much anticipated consensus with India and China in respect of the debt restructuring plan.
India had never been part of such a plan, President Wickremesinghe declared, referring to the USD 3.5 bn made available by India last year to meet the developing crisis here. The President acknowledged China’s dilemma in throwing a lifeline as it had to consider the implications of such a move.
According to Wickremesinghe, China deliberated the consequences of setting a precedent. The President explained how finalisation of USD 2.9 bn IMF facility spread over a period of four years could infuse confidence among all concerned.
Commenting on the agricultural sector, the President asserted that a bumper harvest was expected during the Maha season. He also mentioned substantial rice imports last year.
The President explained the adverse impact the loss-making Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC), Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the national carrier SriLankan Airlines was having on two State Banks and the subsequent consequences for the Central Bank.
We sought a clarification from the President as regards him calling for explanation from the CPC and SriLankan Airlines over the payment of bonuses last year, contrary to specific instructions issued by the government. Asked whether the Chairmen of the CPC (Mohamed Uvais Mohamed) and SriLankan Airlines (Ashok Pathirage) responded to his call for explanation, the President said they were yet to do so. The President asserted that SriLankan Airlines management granted bonuses ahead of privatisation of the airline. The CPC, too, had responded the same way, he added.
Responding to a query on Chairman of the Public Utilities Commission Janaka Ratnayake’s opposition to the proposed tariff hike, the President reiterated the official, who owned buildings, was personally affected by increaes in electricity prices. The President opined that Ratnayake couldn’t serve as Chairman of the Commission due to a conflict of interest.
Asked whether Ratnayake could hinder government moves, the President said the official couldn’t do. He said there was a dispute between Ratmayake and PUCSL Director General Damitha Kumarasinghe.
Litro Chairman Muditha Peiris received the appreciation of President Wickremesinghe after we commented on his handling of the crisis quite efficiently. (However, serious allegations directed at Litro over the procurement process at a time when the country experienced a balance of payment crisis cannot be ignored. The top Litro management has denied accusations made by the Parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises, during Prof. Charitha Herath’s tenure as the watchdog’s Chairperson).
Purchase of paddy halted
President Wickremesinghe suggested placing Divisional Secretaries (Assistant Government Agents) in charge of a paddy purchase scheme when we pointed out that though the government expected a bumper harvest this Maha season, farmers were up in arms over the failure on the part of the Paddy Marketing Board (PMB) to perform its primary duty last year. The President asserted that the PMB should be actually closed down.
We pointed out that over Rs 1 bn, in fixed deposit, belonging to the PMB, hadn’t been utilised, in spite of growing demands for government intervention. We also pointed out that State Finance Minister, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya, is on record as having said that the Treasury lacked the wherewithal to launch a paddy purchasing scheme.
President Wickremesinghe stressed the need for a ‘system change.’ The Sri Lankan leader stressed the need for a total overhaul of the system.
Wickremesinghe cited the crisis in the entire education system as a case in point. The need for setting up more government and private universities and the possibility of attracting foreign students, too, was discussed.
Asked whether the government was prepared to review the policy of having a large number of holidays as part of the overall system change President Wickremesinghe acknowledged the need to do so. Wickremesinghe said that he was ready to discuss the issue with religious leaders in an effort to reach a consensus on the reduction of holidays.
The President also stressed the need to streamline Railways and the Central Transport Board after we pointed out how railway services were deliberately disrupted, claiming staff shortage, following the retirement of some of its workers, in line with the government policy.
We also sought a clarification from the President, who also served as the Finance Minister, regarding the inordinate delay in recovering taxes, interests, etc., amounting to Rs 763 bn as disclosed by COPA (Committee on Public Accounts) Chairman Kabir Hashim, while the new and additional taxes were slapped on the entire population. The President responded by saying those were ‘old taxes.’ The President expressed dissatisfaction at the overall revenue collection mechanism. “Revenue should be about 18 to 19 percent of the GDP in a social market economy,” President Wickremesinghe said, while pointing out the requirement to gradually address issues at hand, pertaining to the economy.
President Wickremesinghe, in response to our query regarding accountability issues, dealt with land, PTA, full implementation of the 13th Amendment, and releasing of those who had been in detention for more than 14 years.
The President expressed the belief that Diaspora pressure could ease when his government addressed those issues. That could influence the international community, the President said.
The President was responding to our suggestion that the government should ask for an end to the Geneva process, targeting the war-winning Sri Lankan military, in parallel to the abolition of the PTA, and release of terrorist suspects. We questioned the legitimacy of war crimes accusations against the military after the Tamil community overwhelmingly voted for the war-winning Army Commander, then General Sarath Fonseka, at the 2010 presidential election.
President Wickremesinghe said pressure would begin to ease once the government did away with the PTA and released terrorists suspects.
Commenting on the continuing controversy over the scheduled Local Government polls, President Wickremesinghe said the members of the Election Commission were sharply divided on the timing of the LG polls.
Wickremesinghe indicated that the time was not opportune for Local Government polls, whereas his mandate was to run the country for the next two years.
While tackling national issues, President Wickremesinghe has to be mindful of other problems that may further undermine public faith in the political party system.
A glaring example is allegations made against Ashu Marasinghe. The resignation of Wickremesinghe’s Parliamentary Affairs Secretary, following allegations made by his ex-paramour, Adarsha Karadhana, of him sexually abusing a pet dog. Former MP Marasinghe has immediately initiated legal action against Karadhana and ex-lawmaker Hirunika Premachandra.
The Ashu Marasinghe affair has further weakened public confidence in a corrupt, irresponsible and reckless political party system, struggling to cope up with the worst ever political-economic-social crisis.
Midweek Review
Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations
Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.
The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.
There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.
Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.
Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.
The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.
The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.
The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.
Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.
It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.
Sarah Jasmine factor
Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.
One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.
The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.
There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’
There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.
Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.
Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.
The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.
They highlighted the following points:
• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.
• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.
• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.
• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.
• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.
Ex-IGP’s statement
In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.
The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.
Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.
Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.
At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.
According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”
No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.
Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.
Political factors
There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.
The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.
In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.
This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.
In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.
The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.
Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.
The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare
Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power
Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.
Shakespeare and the Human Condition
Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.
Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.
I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.
Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory
It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.
“…This story shall the good man teach his son;
And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be remember’d.
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition …”
Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.
Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption
In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.
Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.
Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.
Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.
Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.
In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.
Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal
The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]
Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.
Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.
Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].
In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.
The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].
Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.
Shakespeare and the Modern World
Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.
Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.
We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.
Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.
Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.
Conclusion
Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.
by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]
Midweek Review
Stubbornly Staying Posers
Forty three years and counting,
Big posers remain unanswered –
For instance, couldn’t the state,
See the bloodletting coming,
When restive young hands of the North,
Opted for the gun and not the ballot?
Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,
Would only lead to a wasting conflict,
Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,
Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,
And dumped in graves still being opened?
That hands of good will and friendship,
Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,
Over the divide that was seen as enduring,
Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?
Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,
Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?
By Lynn Ockersz
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