Opinion
Presidential Royalty on the rise
Sri Lanka has just achieved a world record. Its national Budget has been presented in Parliament by a foreigner. Yes, yes – A Dual Citizen. Are you sure this Budget is not really meant to help US President Joe Biden to get over his problems?
We must wonder whether our American/Sri Lankan Finance Minister agrees with a US federal judge who has said that “Presidents are not kings”.
That will depend on what his brother – until recently a US citizen, too – thinks of the Sri Lankan presidency.
Surely, he won’t be thinking of any monarchy or royalty!
What short memories you have. It was only a few days ago that President Gotabaya made that speech where he showed how he could get the military to hold a goviya down by the neck, and ask him to use organic fertiliser. As this Budget plan gets underway, the goviyas will have to wear special neck guards, and avoid the military as much as possible — to escape the President’s monarchic thinking.
The American judiciary may think that presidents are not kings, but the Rajapaksa presidencies are certainly the stuff of monarchic thinking and action. Let’s not forget that ‘rajakama’ is the Rajapaksa name, and the stuff of their governance.
There is always loud talk about Democracy in Sri Lanka. But that is the constant cover of monarchic thinking, which has turned our people-elected to Parliament to support the Rajapaksa Royalty.
Can we forget the 18th Amendment to our constitution, which gave Mahinda Rajapaksa more than a two-term presidency, and also paved the way for his Prince Namal to be the next President/King? The crossover or purchase of Opposition members of Parliament to support 18A was the play of royalty in a democratically elected Parliament.
The bigger play of Rajapaksa Royalty came after the democratic election of Gotabaya as President, which brought the 20th Amendment. This took away from the Constitution all the main aspects of democracy, from the appointment of judges, the independence of important commissions on handling public affairs, and the total control of administration by the Rajapaksa Royalty.
We are now in the yellow wave of this monarchy. While the Yellow robe of the Sangha has been known, honoured and respected for the teachings of the Buddha, there is now a yellow trail of the crooked, far away from Buddha Dharma.
The thinking on ‘One Country, One Law’ is led by a yellow robe with records of drunken driving, contempt of court, association with anti-minority violence, and yellow religious dominance.
This yellow stuff did give some pain of mind to the Minister of Justice. But some yellow amendments in a new gazette, has eased such pain, and kept the yellow judicial power in place.
The removal from the Courts of so many cases filed by the Attorney General and the Bribery Commission, certainly gives more satisfaction to yellow judicial power.
This spread of yellow has also reached the Chancellery of universities, with the robe chosen for the University of Colombo admitting lack of academic qualifications, but asking that President/Monarch Gotabaya be asked about that.
There is another yellow appointment to academia, that has strong connection with a so-called sacred snake – Nagaya – floating a glass bottle made in China, which brought new fame to the Kelaniya Temple, seeking to push back the traditional belief in the sanctity of this shrine.
We are now on the move to a new Rajapaksa Constitution. We seem to be the only country that has seen the benefits of a Covid pandemic to present a new constitution. How much of democracy will this preserve or destroy even further, to please the minds of the Rajavasala Pavula, is the concern of the public.
But who cares for such public concerns? Farmers and workers, clerks and officers, fishermen, carpenters, drivers, masons, and all others in Sri Lankan society must look forward with great hopes for a Constitution of Presidential/Royalty.
It is a Constitution where the family power of the Rajapaksas: Brothers – nephews, uncles and aunts, sons and daughters, will all have the power and glory of the Rajavasala – that Palace of Presidential/Royalty, which is the symbol Crooked Royalty to the whole world
After a foreigner presents the Budget in Sri Lanka, what more can these foreigners and foreign catchers demand from the Sri Lankan people? Make your royal guess.
Opinion
Increasing National Productivity
Our nation stands at a pivotal moment. Despite meaningful strides in governance and efforts to curb corruption and inefficiency, we face significant economic challenges that demand collective action. By coming together, we can forge a path toward recovery and resilience, especially as we approach the looming peak of debt repayments in 2028. This is not just a challenge but an opportunity to unite our skills, expertise, and ideas to drive sustainable economic growth. Together, we can secure a future that is greener and more prosperous for generations to come. This is your chance to contribute ideas and be part of a transformative movement toward increased national productivity.
Why This Matters:
Promoting productivity is a shared responsibility—whether we live within our borders or abroad. Each of us has a role to play, whether by driving reforms, supporting policy changes, or advocating for strategies that channel our collective efforts in the right direction.
Here are just a few powerful steps we can take:
1. Transforming Higher Education
Equip graduates with employable skills through university programs tailored to meet local and global market demands. While free programmes may not be feasible, a deferred repayment loan system can empower students without burdening them upfront. Universities must also have the autonomy to modernise their curricula, enabling quicker adaptation to market needs while adhering to national ethics.
Moreover, allocating 25% of university admissions to international students would generate revenue and elevate our institutions on the global stage. Private universities should contribute by clearly advertising their admission capacities. To ensure accountability, universities—both public and private—must retrain graduates free of charge if they remain unemployed for more than six months post-graduation.
2. Building Iconic National Brands
Our nation boasts globally prized products like tea, cinnamon, pepper, and herbs. Let’s elevate these into world-class brands through rigorous quality standards and producer education. Strict measures—such as banning inferior imports for blending—must be enforced to protect our brand integrity. By safeguarding our exports, we ensure long-term success on the global stage.
3. Job Training & Employment Initiatives
Imagine a network of job centres registering unemployed youth and equipping them with short-term training programmes alongside stipends. These centres can follow an apprenticeship model, where industries take on social responsibility by providing hands-on training. This approach addresses unemployment and creates a workforce ready to meet market demands.
4. Fostering Innovation and Entrepreneurship
Innovation is the key to producing globally competitive products. Establishing a non-profit research institution dedicated to supporting innovators would be a game-changer. Self-funded by taking a small share (e.g., 30%) of profits from patented products, this institution could mentor entrepreneurs while minimising personal financial burdens. Strictly merit-based management and expert mentorship would ensure its effectiveness.
5. Championing Sustainable Energy
Affordable, sustainable energy solutions—hydro, solar, wind, and wave—can make our nation more attractive to investors while preserving the environment. Through national and private partnerships, we can advance such projects with clear policies: no tax holidays and a mandate that 90% of staff in these initiatives must be locals. Sustainable energy boosts income and positions us as a leader in environmental responsibility.
6. National English Proficiency Programmes
To compete globally, English-language proficiency is essential. Building on existing voluntary programmes like the Solar Villages SDG Community initiative, the government can scale this into a nationwide effort. Volunteer teachers and minimal public expenditure could make this achievable in schools and community centres, unlocking new opportunities for our citizens.
These examples are just the beginning. The efficiency of public services and government institutions must also improve—an area requiring further exploration and debate.
Your Voice Matters
Together, we have the strength, knowledge, and determination of the top ranks of global expertise and leadership. Let us unite to achieve a brighter, more prosperous tomorrow.
Your participation is our strength. Let’s lead the way forward.
Chula Goonasekera
, on behalf of LEADS forum
admin@srilankaleads.com
Opinion
‘Shadow education in spotlight’ – a response
As an educational consultant, I was happy to read your editorial of 28 Nov., 2024 titled, “Shadow Education in Spotlight”. I wrote an article in The Island a few years ago, which dealt with some of the same problems you have mentioned in this editorial with regard to private tuition. As a retired teacher and teacher trainer, I agree wholeheartedly with your statement,
“At this early juncture, the new administration may not be able to reveal how it will handle issues concerning private tuition, but it will have to treat them as a high-priority policy concern and act accordingly.”
To quote from my “Open Letter to Educators in Sri Lanka”, published in your newspaper of Monday, May 27, 2019, I brought up some similar important factors:
* We need to reform the culture of “tuition” and find ways of addressing the needs of children who may need some extra guidance. This must be incorporated into the school day without attaching a stigma to it. Retired individuals of many disciplines could be utilized to help children with their academic skills and a broader outlook on life. Inter- generational projects for coaching children within the school day could be of much value to children, teachers and the school community.
*Educators should be open to discussion and improvement of their own skills. Self-reflection is a great tool for all teachers. Are we doing all we can to make sure our children are fully prepared for the 21st century and all its complex problems? Do we provide an education that goes beyond the three R s in a constantly shrinking world? Is education only for individuals? Or are we preparing students to be world citizens who care for their whole nation and beyond.
* Finally, education should be about the social structure of humanity. What do students learn about the interconnectedness of people and their stewardship of the environment? How do we as adults encourage and implement programs that include community service?
I am encouraged by the appointment of the new Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya as the Minister of Education, Higher Education, and Vocational Education. We also need the services of
other educators and volunteers to support her work.
Finally, I agree with your statement:
“The President can render a bigger service by giving the public education sector a radical shake-up and ensuring that schools provide a better education so that students will be less dependent on unregulated private supplementary coaching, which takes a heavy toll on their physical and mental wellbeing and aggravates their parents’ pecuniary woes.”
Again, thank you for a timely and excellent editorial!
Chandra Fernando
Educational Consultant
Opinion
Why Harsha should have been Opposition Leader
by Chethana Ranathunga and
Yasu-e Karunaratne Edussuriya
A coalition that previously held only three parliamentary seats has achieved a sweeping victory in Sri Lanka’s recent parliamentary elections. The JVP-led NPP coalition now has a two-thirds parliamentary majority. This political shift positions the leftist alliance to implement widespread policy changes, potentially offering the stability that many Sri Lankans have long been yearning for. Yet, Sri Lanka now stands at a critical juncture where the presence of a strong opposition is not merely desirable; it is absolutely essential!
Regardless of which party holds power, unchecked authority poses inherent risks. A vigilant opposition that maintains checks and balances is fundamental. An effective opposition serves to expose legislative loopholes, identify critical areas of concern, and provide a vital check on the majority’s power. As a driving force with 159 seats, the NPP government will steer policy and reform, but to govern effectively, they must have a strong yin to their yang.
An opposition is only as effective as the leadership that guides it. Sri Lanka has a history of opposition parties that have resisted policies and reforms simply for the sake of opposition. Is this the political culture and path we wish to continue? An effective opposition leader holds the government accountable, challenging proposed legislation to protect the interests of the people rather than the party. Such a leader acts as a bridge, channelling public concerns into meaningful political discourse and refining legislative measures to benefit the nation as a whole. Sri Lanka’s democratic future depends not solely on the strength of the ruling coalition but on an empowered opposition ready to engage, challenge, and elevate governance.
On 21 November 2024, Sajith Premadasa was appointed the leader of the opposition. While his political prominence cannot be denied, the question is whether he is the most qualified person for the role? In contrast, de Silva stands out as a compelling alternative for opposition leadership.
Throughout his tenure in Parliament, Dr. de Silva has consistently been a voice of reason, advocating for economic stability, fiscal responsibility, and transparent governance. His contributions to major legislative reforms demonstrate a commitment to policies that prioritise national welfare over partisan gain. His engagement with international bodies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the Asian Development Bank has showcased his ability to navigate complex economic challenges with strategic foresight.
While Premadasa remains a prominent figure, securing 145,611 preferential votes in the most recent elections—more than Dr. de Silva’s 81,473—voter dynamics reveal deeper trends. Unlike many of his colleagues, Dr. de Silva achieved a remarkable 17.72% increase in preferential percentage gain, signalling growing public support. This contrast becomes more striking when considering that many in the SJB.
experienced declines in voter preference, including Premadasa himself, who saw a 9.05% drop.
The data points to a shift in voter sentiment and highlights Dr. de Silva’s appeal as a leader who resonates with evolving public expectations. His ability to secure increased support, even in challenging political climates, displays his potential to lead a strengthened, purpose-driven opposition.
Dr. de Silva also has an impressive academic and career background. He is a highly respected economist and has built a career that spans both the private and public sectors. Educated at Royal College Colombo, Dr. de Silva earned his BS in Business Management from Truman State University in 1988 before completing his MA and PhD in Economics at the University of Missouri in 1993. He also furthered his expertise in social programme evaluation through an executive programme at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2006, as part of the prestigious Eisenhower Fellowship.
Dr. de Silva’s career in economics is distinguished by his tenure at DFCC Bank, where he served as Chief Economist and Treasurer, and his role as a co-founder and Joint Managing Director of The Nielsen Company. His rich experience in both banking and market research has given him a nuanced understanding of economic systems, making him a key figure in shaping policy decisions.
Though Dr de Silva is in the opposition, he has emphasised his commitment to supporting policies that benefit the country, regardless of political affiliation. He has made it clear that his role is not to oppose for the sake of opposition but to contribute constructively to national growth. His leadership approach focuses on ensuring that policies are in the best interest of the people of Sri Lanka.
Further, Dr. de Silva’s economic blueprint for Sri Lanka, which has been updated through three distinct editions, stands as a comprehensive and strategic plan for the country’s growth and development. Each iteration has built upon the last, adapting to the evolving challenges and opportunities facing the nation. The blueprint focuses on key areas such as economic diversification, fiscal discipline, social welfare, and enhancing Sri Lanka’s global competitiveness. His plan offers concrete solutions for boosting sustainable growth, tackling inequality, and ensuring that the benefits of economic progress reach all segments of society.
Dr. de Silva’s constructive approach to governance highlights why he is the ideal candidate to lead the opposition in Sri Lanka. While he holds a position in the opposition, he has consistently supported and actively contributed to positive government policies that promote the country’s long-term stability and development. Notably, Dr. de Silva backed crucial reforms like the Central Bank Act of 2023, which strengthened the independence of the Central Bank by removing the Finance Secretary from its board, as well as the Public Finance Management Act, the Public Debt Management Act, and the Parliamentary Budget Office Act. When the opposition leader Premadasa considered opposing key bills like the Central Bank Act, Dr. de Silva successfully persuaded them to abstain, recognising the vital importance of these reforms for the country’s stability. His support has gone beyond mere endorsement; as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF), he has worked alongside the government to refine and improve these laws, offering valuable suggestions to make them even more effective.
Dr. de Silva has also demonstrated foresight in addressing pressing issues such as the fertiliser crisis. Recognising the problem early on, he raised alarms in COPF regarding the government’s decision to lift the ban on chemical fertiliser imports, questioning the potential implications of such a move. His proactive stance in highlighting potential risks, even when it involved challenging government policies, showcases his commitment to the country’s well-being over political rivalry
Dr. de Silva’s leadership as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) has not only demonstrated his exceptional ability as a “doer,” but also highlighted his success in building consensus and driving meaningful reforms across political divides. Under his guidance, COPF has tackled a range of critical issues with determination and a commitment to transparency and accountability. One of the most significant achievements of COPF during his tenure was the investigation into the irregularities surrounding Sri Lanka’s visa outsourcing contract. The decision to bypass competitive bidding, which led to a sharp increase in visa fees from USD 1 to USD 25, was uncovered by COPF. This raised serious concerns over the government’s failure to protect public funds and ensure the best value for money. Dr. de Silva’s insistence on thorough scrutiny ultimately led to a Supreme Court ruling in August 2024, which suspended the controversial contract and restored the previous, more affordable visa system managed by Mobitel.
Another pivotal moment under Dr. de Silva’s leadership was his intervention to reduce milk powder prices. Recognising the undue financial burden placed on Sri Lankans due to high taxes on imported milk, Dr. de Silva pointed out the discrepancy in the government’s handling of local and imported milk powder tariffs. His advocacy for revisiting the tax structure resulted in an overnight reduction in milk prices nationwide, directly benefiting consumers.
Dr. de Silva’s commitment to social issues was also evident in his leadership on alleviating period poverty. Following discussions with civil society organisations post-Budget 2024, Dr. de Silva championed a proposal to provide free sanitary napkins to schoolgirls. His initiative led to the allocation of underutilised funds from the Ministry of Education to create a voucher system, benefiting 800,000 schoolgirls across the country.
These milestones, from exposing visa system corruption to driving significant social change and tackling economic inefficiencies, emphasise his effectiveness in promoting good governance. His work within COPF has not only saved public funds but also ensured that government policies are scrutinised for their impact on the people. His leadership in COPF is a clear demonstration of why he is the right choice to lead the opposition, advocating for a government that serves the people with integrity and transparency.
Outside his work in the Committee on Public Finance, Dr. Harsha De Silva has been instrumental in shaping one of Sri Lanka’s most impactful public health initiatives: the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service. Established in 2016 following a proposal by Dr. de Silva, Suwa Seriya addresses a critical gap in the country’s healthcare system and has been recognised by the World Bank as one of the world’s most efficient public services. Prior to this initiative,
Sri Lanka lacked an organised ambulance service capable of responding to urgent medical emergencies, especially in rural areas.
Dr. de Silva’s leadership and accomplishments clearly demonstrate that he was the ideal candidate to lead Sri Lanka’s opposition. His record of driving critical reforms as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance and his instrumental role in establishing the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service highlight his ability to turn vision into impactful action. Dr. De Silva’s pragmatic approach, focus on transparency, and commitment to the nation’s long-term development made him the strongest, most qualified individual to hold the opposition’s reins.
At a time when Sri Lanka’s political landscape requires a strong, constructive opposition to maintain democratic checks and balances, Dr. de Silva’s leadership is essential. He has shown time and again that his priority is not partisan politics but the welfare of the people. As Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition embarks on sweeping reforms, Dr. de Silva’s ability to challenge, scrutinise, and improve policies will be vital for ensuring accountability and protecting the interests of the public. The country needs a leader like Dr. de Silva in the opposition—someone who will not only hold the government to account but also actively shape policies for a better, more inclusive Sri Lanka.
Chethana Ranatunga has a B.A. Economics (Specialised in Banking and Finance) from the University of Colombo and is reading for her MPP at the University of Oxford (2024-25). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka
Yasu-e Karunaratne is a lawyer and economist with a BBA in Business Economics (Special) from the University of Colombo and LLB (London). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka.
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