Features
President Ferdinand and Mrs. Imelda Marcos gives Mrs. B a warm welcome
(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Pieris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)
We left at 12.50 p.m. for Manila on Philippine Airlines, a flying time of three hours and 15 minutes. We arrived in Manila at 4.45 p.m. to a most impressive reception. This was the most elaborate reception I had ever witnessed. There was a long three-service guard of honour and a twenty-one gun salute. Military jet aircraft screamed overhead flying low in formation and dipping in salute. There were perhaps a thousand children, colorfully dressed, most of them carrying Sri Lanka and Philippine flags, and others carrying attractive bouquets of flowers.
There was also, unusually, an address of welcome, by President Marcos at the airport, to which the Prime Minister responded. While all this was going on, Philippine protocol, as is customary, on such occasions, slipped a piece of paper into our hands indicating the car number each one of us had to ride, in the motorcade. The usual drill is that at a point, when the ceremonies are ending, the delegation walks across to the cars, which are lined up and get into the appropriate car denoted by the number given by protocol. Here, one is joined by an appropriate person of the host country.
The number given to me was number 3, and therefore, at the appropriate time I walked across, was saluted by a driver in smart uniform, who opened the door for me to get in. The ceremony was just over, and I had hardly settled down in the car when a breathless protocol officer came running and said there was a change and I had to join Mrs. Marcos in car No. 2. In car No. I was President Marcos and the Prime Minister. At such moments, one does not have time to dwell on surprises. One has to adjust quickly and cope. As I got out and walked towards Car No. 2, I saw Mrs. Marcos heading towards it.
We settled down in the back seat, and the motorcade started. Mrs. Imelda Marcos was at the time, amongst the other posts she held, also Governor of Metro Manila. I knew something of her plans for the city, as well as her interest in some other projects such as the Philippine Heart Centre, not only through the newspaper reports and our Ambassador’s reports which I had read, but through Mr. Alif, the Cabinet Secretary who in his other capacity as an expert on housing, human settlements and the environment had attended a UN “Habitat” conference in Manila, a few months before our visit.
He had briefed me when he got back, and particularly mentioned their encounter with Mrs. Marcos, who had taken a keen interest in the conference and talked about her interests and initiatives. I was therefore, quite well briefed to converse with her. I really did not have to do much. When I broached the subjects I knew she was interested in, she went on talking almost non-stop. I had only to ask the occasional question or seek a little clarification.
Very large crowds thronged the route of the motorcade. There were large numbers of women who had turned out to see and noisily and cheerfully wave at the World’s First woman Prime Minister. The Philippine press estimated the crowd at over 200,000. On the way to Malacanan Palace, the motorcade stopped at the National Monument, The Rizal Monument, for the Prime Minister to lay a wreath. The Filipinos obviously love ceremony, for here too there was an elaborate ceremony with a guard of honour and the playing of National Anthems.
According to the dictates of Protocol, from our side, only the Prime Minister, Ambassador Oliver Perera and I got down from our cars for participation at the ceremony. On arrival at Malacanan Palace, the Prime Minister and delegation were accommodated at the luxuriously furnished guest wing of the Palace. That evening, the President and Mrs. Marcos hosted a state Banquet in honour of the Prime Minister. We got back to our rooms at around I I p.m. dropped off a cable to Colombo and in a rare achievement, got to sleep at the relatively early hour of 12.30 a.m.
The next day, November 9, was a crowded one. We got off to an early start at 8.45 a.m. with Mrs. Marcos taking the Prime Minister and us, first to the Philippine Heart Centre; then the Asian Centre for Social Welfare; followed by visits to the Nutrition Centre and the Cultural Centre Complex at Rizal Park. There was much walking and climbing of steps. Mrs. Marcos was brimming with enthusiasm and wanted us to see so many things. Some of these facilities like the Heart Centre were first rate. The Prime Minister who had a chronic knee ailment gamely walked along, because she did not want to disappoint Mrs. Marcos.
We were all feeling the strain. Ultimately, a very tired delegation got back to the Palace for lunch around I p.m. I needed very much to put my feet up and have a short nap if possible, before the evening’s programme. But this was not to be. I was disturbed by a call from WT Jayasinghe in Colombo, and when I was once again settling down, there was a call from the General Manager Air Ceylon, from Bangkok, once more about the Air Siam Agreement.
At 6 p.m. Hon. Arturo R. Tanco, Secretary, (Minister) of Agriculture; Hon. Corado F. Estrella, Secretary of Agrarian Reform; and Hon. Jose Arono, Secretary of Local Government and Community Development, called on the Prime Minister. A film was shown about aspects of the Philippine land reform. This was followed by discussion and questions. At 7.30 p.m., the President and Mrs. Marcos came to escort the Prime Minister to a cultural show, at the cultural centre of the Philippines. After the show at 9.15 p.m. the Hon. Cesar Virata, Secretary Finance, and his wife hosted a dinner in honour of the Prime Minister at the very nice restaurant on the top of the cultural centre. The President and Mrs. Marcos also attended.
After dinner, which was supposed to be informal, the President quite unexpectedly rose and made a speech, at the end of which he proposed a toast to the Prime Minister. This was not on the programme and the Prime Minister was not prepared. But as she had demonstrated in Norway, she was by now a veteran leader, and could not be taken by surprise. She got up and made a superbly humorous speech, followed by a toast for President and Mrs. Marcos and the other important personages around the dinner table. We got back at midnight.
The Prime Minister appeared both pleased and relaxed. As we were walking towards our spacious rooms, (she had a suite), she turned to me and said “Let”s see what your room looks like”, and the next minute, walked in. Arthur Basnayake, Leelananda de Silva and Moorthy followed. We all sat in my room and chatted till 1 a.m. when the Prime Minister went off to sleep. But, as usual we had work to do, and worked on the joint communiques and the cables to Colombo till 2.30 a.m.
Official talks between the two sides commenced at 10 a.m. the next day, the 10th. The Prime Minister was assisted by Arthur Basnayake, Dr. Mackie Ratwatte; A.T. Moorthy; Leelananda de Silva; Ambassador Oliver Perera and myself. On the Philippine side, besides the President, were the Secretaries of State for Finance; Industries; Trade; Education; Agriculture; Acting Secretary of State Foreign Affairs; the Governor of the Central Bank; the Director of National Planning and others.
The discussions, which lasted a little over two hours, were cordial, frank, and centered mainly on economic issues bilateral and international. A 6.30 p.m. a reception in honour of the Prime Minister was hostel by Ambassador Oliver Perera at his official residence. Here, we met a number of Sri Lankans, besides many foreign guests.
At 8 p.m. we had to attend a dinner jointly hosted by the Acting Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary of State for Local Government and Community Development, at “The Manila Hotel”, reputed to be the oldest hotel in Manila, an, restored after the Japanese bombing. Here again the Prim Minister distinguished herself with a quality impromptu speech. By now, we had stopped writing any speeches for her except important official and formal ones. Back at 10 p.m. we cleared the Joint communique with the Prime Minister, and for a change got to bed relatively early.
The next day at 8.45 a.m. we boarded the Presidential ship P.S. “Ang Pangulo”. Accompanied by the President and Mrs Marcos; a number of Cabinet Ministers, and the visiting Brazilian Minister for Natural Resources and his aides, we went down Manila Bay to Corregidor, site of famous battles during World War II. A Corregidor, which was about one and a half hours sailing time from Manila we visited the war memorial; gun emplacements; tunnels and bombed out buildings. After this fascinating visit to one of the most interesting battle sites of World War 11, we were flown b helicopters to Bataan, another well-known battle site.
Thereafter, we rested at the beautiful beach front Presidential guesthouse We then re-joined the ship. Lunch was served on board. On the way back, there was a band and a female vocalist. The Brazilian Minister was persuaded to sing, which he did with grey competence. Mrs. Marcos also sang and sang well. Just befor docking in Manila, “The Sri Lanka-Philippine Cultural Agreement and the Joint Communique were signed by the Prime Minister and the President on board the ship. We were back by 4.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. the Prime Minister hosted a banquet in honour of President and Mrs. Marcos at the Sheraton Park Hotel. Here, among the guest, I met the Cardinal, with the unusual and contradictory name Cardinal Sin!
For this banquet, we did not write a formal speech for the Prime Minister. Both President Marcos and she spoke without a written text. We came back at around 11 p.m. and worked on letters of thanks, cables, and the text of some speeches for Japan. Thereafter, having quickly packed, we went to sleep at around 1.30 a.m. after a very long day.
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
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