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Midweek Review

Post-war national reconciliation: Diaspora sets prerequisites

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Justice Minister Rajapakshe and Panchalingam Kandiah, of the Canadian Tamil Congress, address the media at the Justice Ministry

Indian Premier Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone for the construction of the Jaffna Cultural Centre, in March 2015, two months after the change of government in Sri Lanka, in the wake of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s shock defeat at the presidential election. Retired Supreme Court Justice C.V. Wigneswaran served as the Chief Minister of the Northern Province at the time. Since then he deserted the Tamil Alliance (TNA) and formed his own party Tamil Makkal Thesya Kootani. Narendra Modi is the first Indian Prime Minister and only the second foreign leader, after British Prime Minister David Cameron, to visit Jaffna since the conclusion of the war. It was the first official visit by an Indian Premier, since July 1987, when Rajiv Gandhi flew in to sign the disastrous Indo-Lanka peace accord foisted on hapless Sri Lanka.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC) wants the Sri Lanka government to hand over the Jaffna Cultural Centre, built by the Indian government, to the Jaffna Municipality.

Danton Thurairajah, Executive Director, CTC, in a letter dated Nov. 01, 2022, requested that the Jaffna Cultural Centre, the tallest building in the Jaffna town, situated next to the Jaffna Public Library, be brought under the Jaffna Municipal Council (JMC). It was the sixth out of the 10 requests made by Thurairajah.

Panchalingam Kandiah, on behalf of the CTC, handed over the letter to Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, at his Ministry, on Nov. 16.

The following is the text of the letter released by the Justice Ministry:

Dear Minister,

We thank you for de-listing some of the Tamil Diaspora organisations, including the Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC). We feel this is a first step towards achieving improved ethnic relations and economic outcomes in Sri Lanka. While this is a step in the right direction, by the Government of Sri Lanka, we think that additional and meaningful actions are critical in continuing to build bridges with the Diaspora and help the island nation prosper.

Immediately after the de-listing by the Sri Lankan government, and given the current urgent need, CTC, as a responsible organisation, announced that it would provide critical life-saving medications to six hospitals in the Northern, Eastern, Central and Western Provinces of Sri Lanka.

However, we strongly feel that the Sri Lankan government has not taken any meaningful actions which are long overdue.

These include, but are not limited to: Immediate steps in the short term:

1) Release all political prisoners

2) Repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)

3) Release all private lands, occupied by the Sri Lankan military, and cease all illegal land grabs in the Northern and Eastern provinces

4) Allow Tamils to mourn and remember the dead, free of intimidation by Sri Lankan state authorities.

5) Support economic growth in the north, and foreign investment, by reopening the Palaly International Airport

6) Hand over the Jaffna Cultural Centre, funded by the Indian government, to the Jaffna Municipality

7) Comply with the UNHRC resolution 46/1 of 2021

8) Fully implement the 13th Amendment and immediately hold the provincial council elections

9) Reform the security sector, especially in Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka, to the same levels as the rest of the country and stop all business initiatives in the Northern and Eastern provinces operated by the Sri Lanka military which makes it difficult for local farmers and businesses to compete (Farms, Hotels, and Bakeries, etc.)

10) Open the KKS and Mannar ferry services to India.

The CTC urges the Sri Lankan government to take some firm steps to help build trust and create a conducive environment for reconciliation. The work on a permanent long-term solution, acceptable to all Sri Lankan communities, is vital for the collective growth of the island.

The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government delisted six Tamil diaspora organisations, including the CTC, and 316 individuals. The following organisations were delisted:

1) Australian Tamil Congress (ATC)

2) Global Tamil Forum (GTF)

3) World Tamil Coordinating Committee (WTCC)

4) Tamil Eelam People’s Assembly (TEPA)

5) Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC)

6) British Tamil Forum (BTF)

The delisting was announced through an amendment to the List of Designated Persons under Regulation 4(7) of the United Nations Regulations No. 1 of 2012. The ban was imposed in 2014 by the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who also held the defence portfolio. The ban covered 15 Diaspora groups. Rajapaksa now serves the incumbent government.

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s successor, Maithripala Sirisena, lifted the ban in 2015 to pave the way for talks with them. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa re-imposed the ban in 2021.

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) issued a statement appreciating the decision. The TNA pointed out: “However, it must be noted that even others who remain on the list have been so named without any evidence, connecting them to terrorism, and by not following the prescribed procedure. We urge the government to at least continue this process of re-evaluating and de-proscribing all.”

Indian External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar, and the then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, virtually inaugurated the Jaffna Cultural Centre, on March 28, this year, three days before public anger exploded at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, most probably a well-planned instigation rather than a spontaneous eruption that triggered a series of violent incidents, leading to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s ouster. It was like the well-orchestrated attacks and torching of residences of then government politicians, across the country, on May 09, followed by more mindless violence on July 09.

The Jaffna Cultural Centre, built at a cost of USD 11 mn, on an Indian grant, with 11 floors and facilities, including an auditorium that can accommodate 600 persons, a conference hall, an amphitheater and a digital library, was completed in January 2020. Having signed the agreement for the facility, in 2014, construction took place during the Yahapalana administration, and the work completed close on the heels of the Nov. 2019 presidential election.

In terms of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by India and Sri Lanka in 2014, New Delhi was expected to hand over the facility to the government, which in turn would have handed it over to the Jaffna Municipal Council. Amidst concerns that JMC lacked the wherewithal to maintain the facility, New Delhi has offered to provide the required funds for a period of five years.

There are growing concerns that the building has been used only once,after the virtual opening in March.

The Jaffna-based Indian Consulate celebrated India’s 75th Independence Day, on August 15. Several hundred invitees were treated to Nadaswaram performance by Maestro Banu and group, a Bharatanatyam performance by the Natya KalaKendra institute Barathanatiyam group, and folk dance performance by the Kumara Narththanaalayam group. Earlier in the day, Consul General Raakesh Natraj and Jaffna Security Forces Commander Major General W.M.G.C.S.B. Wijayasundara paid respects at the IPKF Memorial in Palaly by laying a wreath, an annual event and a grim reminder of Indian intervention here and the heavy price it paid for the folly of heavy-handed interference in the affairs of a neighbouring country, in which powerful Western countries, too, were very much involved, but through covert subtle means, in instigating the turmoil here, from the early ’80s, most probably with the wish to break up India for being close to the former Soviet Union. The West then obviously wanted to fan separatist flames right across India by not only giving succor to Eelamists, but to others like separatists in Punjab, Assam, etc. New Delhi should be doubly wary of possible new plots for not blindly towing the Western line in Ukraine.

Post-war reconciliation

The CTC’s prerequisites for post-war national reconciliation underscored their refusal at least to repent the war waged by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) until terrorism was finally eradicated. If not for Sri Lanka’s successful campaign against terrorism, that brought the war to an end in May 2009, 15 years after the capture of Jaffna town, the Jaffna Cultural Centre would never have been a reality.

It would be pertinent to ask Justice Minister Rajapakshe, who received the CTC’s letter on behalf of the government, whether the government could accept those prerequisites. The CTC played a significant role in the overall campaign that led to the Canadian declaration of May 18 as Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day.

The CTC’s message this year stressed that (1) Not a single case on wartime atrocity allegations has been resolved in a court of law (2) Not a single Tamil victim of enforced disappearance has been found alive or the circumstances of their disappearance revealed to date and (3) Not even a single person was held accountable.

As usual, the CTC, like other Diaspora groups, and the TNA, conveniently forgot why Sri Lanka had no other option than to eradicate Tamil terrorism at any cost. The Tamil Diaspora should at least now prepare a list of dead and the disappeared, since 1983. (1) the number of people killed as a result of fighting among Tamil terrorist groups, trained by India (2) the number of people killed due to fighting within a particular terrorist group (3) members of rival groups killed by the LTTE (4) LTTE cadres killed by rival groups (5) killings within the LTTE (6) Tamil terrorists who fled their respective organisations and sought asylum in the West and those who went underground in India (7) Tamil civilians killed during the Indian Army operations (8) LTTE cadres killed in clashes with the Indian Army (9) PLOTE cadres killed in abortive bid to assassinate Maldivian President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in Nov. 1988 (10) LTTE operatives killed by Indian security agencies after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991 (11) Tamil civilians killed during military operations, particularly the last phase of the assault on LTTE human shields in 2009 and finally (12) how many Tamils received foreign passports during the war and since the conclusion of the war.

Where was the CTC when the LTTE forced the entire Vanni population to withdraw across the Jaffna-Kandy A9 road towards the Mullaithivu district where the group brazenly used them as human shields to deter the advancing Army? The CTC, like its counterparts in other countries, remained confident of the LTTE’s superior fighting skills to defeat the Army on the Vanni east front. They started protests in the Western capitals, in 2009, after the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s Army inflicted devastating battlefield losses on the LTTE and forced conventional fighting units to retreat towards the Mullaithivu coast.

Perhaps, the Diaspora should be reminded that the Tamil community voted overwhelmingly for Fonseka at the January 2010 presidential election, at the behest of the TNA after accusing him and his army of committing war crimes. Fonseka comfortably won all predominantly Tamil speaking northern and eastern districts, though Mahinda Rajapaksa routed the war-winning Army Commander in the South.

The Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) never acknowledged Sri Lanka bringing an end to forcible conscription of children for the war. The LTTE deployed children as fighting depleted its units over the years and UN efforts to discourage conscription of teenagers in the late ’90s failed. Hope those who shed crocodile tears for war victims at least appreciate lives saved by the eradication of the LTTE.

The Army paid a huge price for trying to minimize loss of civilian lives. If not for U.S. soldier Bradley Manning, who was sentenced in August 2013 to 35 years in a military prison for turning over more than 700,000 classified files to Wikileaks in the biggest breach of secret data in the US history, Sri Lanka wouldn’t have known what was happening behind the scenes. There was a spate of cables that dealt with the situation here. But one of the most valuable cables from our point of view originated from Geneva.

The cable, dated July 15, 2009, signed by the then Geneva-based US Ambassador Clint Williamson cleared the Sri Lankan Army (SLA) of crimes against humanity during the Vanni offensive. The cable, addressed to the US State Department, was based on a confidential conversation Ambassador Williamson had with the then ICRC head of operations for South Asia, Jacque de Maio, on July 9, 2009, and several weeks after the war was brought to a successful end, that hardly anyone expected, with the annihilation of the LTTE in the battlefield.

Ambassador Williamson wrote: “The army was determined not to let the LTTE escape from its shrinking territory, even though this meant the civilians being kept hostage by the LTTE were at an increasing risk.

So, de Maio said, while one could safely say that there were ‘serious, widespread violations of international humanitarian law,’ by the Sri Lankan forces, it didn’t amount to genocide. He could cite examples of where the Army had stopped shelling when the ICRC informed them it was killing civilians.

In fact, the Army actually could have won the war faster with higher civilian casualties, yet chose a slower approach which led to a greater number of Sri Lankan military deaths. He concluded however, by asserting that the GoSL failed to recognize its obligation to protect civilians, despite the approach leading to higher military casualties.”

The government should respond to CTC’s demands, as issues raised by other Diaspora groups are essentially the same though the writer hasn’t previously come across any group demanding that the Jaffna Cultural Centre be brought under the Jaffna Municipal Council. Their first demand for the release of political prisoners is silly. Minister Rajapakse has repeatedly denied that there were political prisoners and explained both here and abroad the circumstances in which they were held.



Midweek Review

‘Aragalaya’ could have been thwarted and GR’s presidency saved: Mahinda Siriwardana

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Outgoing Secretary to the Ministry of Finance launched "Sri Lanka's Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery," on April 8, 2025, at the Galle Face Hotel, Colombo. Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe receiving a copy of Siriwardana's book that dealt with the 2019-early 2025 period.

Outgoing Treasury chief Mahinda Siriwardana has appealed to the public not to be deceived by various interested parties responsible for the worst post-independence economic crisis. Declaring that the country had lost its economic sovereignty, Siriwardana emphasised that the situation remained fragile as the country was moving on what he called a narrow path of recovery with very limited options available to maneuver. Warning of catastrophic consequences if the country failed to continue on the IMF track, whatever the political compulsions were, Siriwardana urged the public to support it to regain lost economic sovereignty.

There had been several books on ‘Aragalaya’ that forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to give up the presidency in July 2022. Prolific writer Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy?) and National Freedom Front leader Wimal Weerawansa dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (Nine: The Hidden Story) in April and October 2023. The writers alleged an external hand in the high profile protest campaign with the focus on the US covert intervention. They portrayed US Ambassador Julie Chung as the villain and one of the major players in the conspiracy.

Aragalaya’ time Speaker Mahinda Abeywardena gave a new twist to the plot when he declared in Parliament direct foreign intervention in President Rajapaksa’s ouster, though the ousted leader in his memoirs ‘Conspiracy to oust me from presidency,’ refrained from making direct allegation against the US.

Having perused exposes by Thoradeniya, Weerawansa and Rajapaksa, the writer believes ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery,’ authored by outgoing Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry Mahinda Siriwardana is a must read. It will also be available in Sinhala in the near future.

Siriwardana’s narrative of the circumstances leading to the public protest campaign is explosive. The Treasury Chief built his case on the basis of a series of speeches/power-point presentations delivered during the volatile 2022 to 2025 period. The first speech was delivered on June 24, 2022 at the Royal Colombo Golf Club amidst the ‘Aragalaya’ build-up for the final push, and the final on February 25, 2025 at Shangri-La, Colombo.

In 34 speeches/power-point presentations, Siriwardana cautiously examined how the Central Bank leadership, as well as the so-called economic leadership of the Pohottuwa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) administration, during the 2019-2022 period, deliberately deceived President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The author authoritatively asserted that ‘Aragalaya’ could have been thwarted and Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency saved if not for the utterly wrong advice given to him.

The treacherous actions/failures of the Central Bank and the Monetary Board should be examined taking into consideration the massive borrowings over the past several decades and minimal taxing, ridiculously shortsighted policies, Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war.

In a key note speech delivered at ‘ICC Sri Lanka workshop on trade finance’ at the Colombo Ramada, on February 17, 2024, Siriwardana dropped a bombshell. The soft spoken Finance Secretary didn’t mince his words when he declared the economy collapsed because the then President was given wrong advice on managing the economy. The author hinted at possible conspiracy at the highest level by asserting that it was not a case of providing wrong data to the President but misguiding him on the overall course of economic policy.

Siriwardana, who had been a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank at the time he first issued a warning to the Monetary Board, found fault with those who proposed home-grown solutions to the developing crisis for the eventual collapse of the economy. President Rajapaksa, according to Siriwardana, had been deprived of an opportunity to hear whatever views expressed, contrary to the home-grown solution touted as the panacea for Sri Lanka’s ills.

In the same speech, Siriwardana alleged that those who had propagated home-grown solutions at the expense of economic, political and social stability of post-war Sri Lanka, out of hand rejected assessments provided by international credit rating agencies.

In his preface, Siriwardana, without hesitation whatsoever emphasised that (1) the economic crisis was man-made (2) it could have been prevented or at least the impact mitigated (3) decision makers within the Central Bank and the government turned down timely recommendation for an early engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The Treasury chief asserted that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa hadn’t been in a position either to receive proper briefing on the developing situation and, therefore, wasn’t able to take remedial measures.

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa had served as the Finance Minister till July 2021. Basil Rajapaksa was brought in as the Finance Minister in July 2021 while Dr. P. B. Jayasundera served as Secretary to President Rajapaksa. Prof. W.D. Lakshman had been the SLPP’s choice as the Governor but was unceremoniously removed in early September 2021 and replaced with Ajith Nivaard Cabraal. At the time of the new appointment, Cabraal, who had served as Governor, Central Bank, during previous instances, was the State Finance Minister. S.R. Attygalle had been the Secretary to the Treasury.

A letter too late

Delivering the inaugural Prof. K. Dharmasena memorial lecture at the University of Kelaniya on January 30, 2024, Siriwardana explained how President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in a letter dated March 18, 2022 sought immediate IMF engagement. However, by then the irreversible damage had been done and the The President found himself in a very dicey situation. Obviously the President felt deeply letdown by the developing situation and the realisation that his own team caused irrevocable damage to the post-war economy must have come as quite a shock to the wartime Defence Secretary.

In a no holds barred attack on the Monetary Board of the Central Bank, Siriwardana emphasised in spite of him personally briefing the Monetary Board in mid-2021 of the growing danger in allowing the government to continue on the wrong path, the powers that be disregarded the advice. Having decided not to seek IMF engagement in mid-2020, the government continued to depend on a nonexistent home-grown solution until the country ran out of foreign exchange.

By the time President Rajapaksa realised his folly, it was too late. The President had no option but to bring back retired Senior Deputy Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe as the Governor of the Central Bank and appoint Siriwardana as the Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry. Their simultaneous appointments in early April 2022 paved the way for UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s entry as Prime Minister a couple of weeks later.

At the time of Dr. Weerasinghe’s retirement, he had been holding the position of Senior Deputy Governor which is the No 2 position in the management. Dr. Weerasinghe was supposed to retire on 18 January 2021 at the age of 60. But the top banker had stipulated three months leave and some other leave prior to retirement. Therefore, his retirement took effect at the end of September 2020. Although Deputy Governors are invited to serve until the end of retirement age by the Monetary Board, the then Monetary Board, chaired by Prof W.D. Laxman, in his capacity as the Governor of the Central Bank, ex-officio member Finance Secretary S.R. Arttygalla and appointed member Samantha Kumarasinghe had disagreed. Therefore Dr. Weerasinghe and other Deputy Governor H.A. Karunaratne wasn’t invited to serve that three-month period.

Dr. Weerasinghe and Karunaratne earned the wrath of the establishment by warning the powers that be of the government’s economic strategy. Ironically the same government had to invite Dr. Weerasinghe to take the Governor position in April 2022. But by then the national economy had suffered irreversible damage and the country was in an utterly helpless situation.

Dr. Weerasinghe and Siriwardana and Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister (May to July 2022) and President (July 2022 to Sept 2024) spearheaded Sri Lanka’s recovery efforts. Whatever the criticism directed at Wickremesinghe over the years, resolute political leadership given by him during volatile periods should be appreciated, regardless of political differences.

The Chief Guest at Siriwardana’s April 08, 2025 book launch at the Galle Face Hotel was none other than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, one of the two main beneficiaries of ‘Aragalaya.’ Had the Monetary Board acted on concerns raised by Dr. Weerasinghe and Siriwardana and taken remedial measures at an early stage as repeatedly stressed by the author, economic ruin could have been averted The other main beneficiary is Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the UNP. The truth is Wickremesinghe who had even failed to retain his Colombo district seat at the 2020 parliamentary election ended up being elected by Parliament as President in July 2022, thanks to the SLPP’s generosity.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of two registered political parties namely the JVP and NPP, received such a boost via ‘Aragalaya’ he secured a staggering 5.7 mn votes at the 2024 presidential election. At the previous presidential election conducted in 2019, Dissanayake secured a distant third position with just 418,553 votes. His percentage was pathetic. Just 3.16% whereas Gotabaya Rajapaksa obtained a staggering 6.9 mn votes which amounted to 52.25% of the total accepted votes.

Dr. Coomaraswamy’s take on developments

Both Siriwardana and Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy, in his incisive foreword commended successive Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and incumbent Anura Kumara Dissanayake for what they have done post- ‘Aragalaya’ period.

Both lauded President Dissanayake for continuing with the IMF-led programme, the 17th since 1965. Siriwardana earned Dr. Coomaraswamy’s appreciation for his role in spearheading the efforts to secure parliamentary approval for the Public Financial Management Act (PFMA). Dr. Coomaraswamy who received the appointment as Governor of the Central Bank in June 2016, at the height of the Treasury bond controversy, commended Dr. Weerasinghe’s role in ensuring the enactment of Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act (CBA).

Siriwardana meticulously explained the arduous road the country had to take after key economic decision makers of Pohottuwa hastily vacated their offices by late March/early April 2022.

Siriwardana lamented the absence of a mechanism in case the Central Bank and the Monetary Board disregarded well founded concerns raised by a senior officer. The Supreme Court ruling (SC FR No 195/2022) harshly dealt with the irresponsible lot. Siriwardana’s assessments are compatible with the landmark Supreme Court judgment. Against the backdrop of the politically devastating judgment, Siriwardana examined the absurdity in propagating home-grown solutions disregarding time-tested globally accepted strategies to overcome daunting economic challenges.

Perhaps political parties should make Siriwardana’s book available to at least their members in Parliament. A Sinhala version of Siriwardana’s narrative would definitely help to educate the members of the legislature as part of the overall efforts to educate the Parliament of the dangers on the economic front.

Siriwardana dealt with a number of contentious issues that had been raised by various interested parties seeking to exploit the situation to their advantage. One such issue had been the declaration of debt standstill in April 2022 by Dr. Weerasinghe.

Some of those responsible for the worst post-independence crisis experienced by the country alleged that President Rajapaksa’s administration caused the economic meltdown by unilateral declaration of debt standstill. Siriwardana explained the desperate situation the country was in at the time of the announcement. Liquid and usable reserves had been low as USD 24 mn and the country lacked the wherewithal to meet mandatory debt service requirements. The debt standstill allowed the government to free available foreign currency to pay for critically required imports.

Siriwardana confidently described debt standstill as the first step in the economic recovery process. Political parties represented in Parliament should pay attention to Siriwardana’s assertions. The book launched on April 08, 2025, exactly three years after Siriwardana assumed the responsibilities as the Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry didn’t receive the deserved attention. Political parties that issue statements at the drop of a hat and call special media briefings to explain their stand remained tight-lipped. Siriwardana’s narrative had been as devastating as the Supreme Court judgment on the ruination of the national economy.

The court found fault with the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda, Gotabaya and Basil, Ajith Nivard Cabraal, Prof. W.D. Lakshman, S.R. Attygalle, Dr. P.B. Jayasundara and members of the Monetary Board.

The apex court in its November 2023 judgment rejected their efforts to justify failure to take remedial measures on policy decisions.

Actually, the 10th Parliament should appoint an all-party committee to study the Supreme Court judgment and Siriwardana’s narrative. Whatever the differences over other matters, political parties must ensure that they do not undermine the ongoing IMF-led programme under any circumstances. Major trade unions only concerned about their membership should be briefed of the Supreme Court judgment and Siriwardana’s assessments.

A frightening picture

Appearing before the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on July 23, 2024, Siriwardana painted a frightening picture of the irresponsible conduct of those who exercised political power. The outspoken official warned Parliament that unlike in the past the current crisis was so severe the country needed a special mechanism to prevent political parties from repeating what he called policy errors of the past. Declaring that those who had been in power always returned to their old ways after adhering to the IMF conditions initially, Siriwardana acknowledged that even now there was no guarantee that the political party system wouldn’t breach the understanding with the IMF.

That is a very serious statement to make and underscored the pathetic situation faced by the country. Referring to the Economic Transformation Bill and other Bills enacted to ensure overall financial discipline, Siriwardana discussed ways and means to proceed with the IMF-led four-year project meant to stabilise the country.

The tax policy is a case in point. Our parliamentarians should know tax policy is no longer in their hands. Instead decisions are taken by the Treasury in consultation with the IMF in line with the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme worth USD 3 bn.

Siriwardana, in the 13th chapter, explained how some of those responsible for economic ruination of the country sought political advantage at the expense of the ongoing EFF programme. The author asserted that had they acted responsibly at the time they were entrusted with the task of taking decisions on behalf of the country Sri Lanka wouldn’t have been in current predicament.

Siriwardana will retire at the end of this month. He’ll be assuming duties as an Alternate Executive Director at the Asian Development Bank (ADB), representing Sri Lanka and six other countries. President Dissanayake and his NPP government should ensure that a suitable person capable of handling the tough job is chosen. Siriwardana should make available the Sinhala version of his shocking book as soon as possible for all parliamentarians to understand the gravity of the situation. The responsibility in making suitable appointments lies with the executive and the Constitutional Council depending on the vacancy/appointment. As Siriwardana lucidly explained President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s downfall was caused by persons appointed by his own administration at the behest of various parties.

Siriwardana’s ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery’ is the story of deterioration of governance and accountability. How the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa administration allowed economic ruin by pursuing absolutely foolish nonexistent home-grown solutions to a developing economic crisis hitherto not seen. Siriwardana’s take on ‘Aragalaya’ is clear. Whatever the accusations directed at external powers engineering President Gotabaya Rajapakasa’s downfall, that despicable project couldn’t have been brought to a successful conclusion without the Central Bank and Monetary Board creating an environment conducive for ‘Aragalaya.’

Make no mistake, the NPP won’t bother to investigate the alleged conspiracies as they were the main beneficiaries of the high profile project. Let me end this comment with what the outgoing Treasury chief said about the steady decline in revenue collection and the response of our irresponsible Parliament whoever exercised political power. Alleging that revenue collection declined from a healthy 20% of GDP to record low of 8.3% of GDP in 2021, successive governments simply borrowed to cover the shortfall in revenue deficit. The bottom line is the author blamed the Parliament for the ruination of the national economy.

Instead of accepting everything said by the outgoing Treasury Secretary as being the gospel truth we also call upon our readers to delve into Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, which is a semi-autobiographical book written by American essayist John Perkins.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Govt . should take cognisance of threats and challenges

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Drone technology as new warfare:

Over the past several years, drone technology has revolutionised the face of warfare. Once regarded as primarily reconnaissance systems, drones have been reengineered into sophisticated combat Arms capable of precision attacks, intelligence gathering, and surveillance spied in never-before ways. Their coming signals an end to the age of traditional war tactics, ushering with it the dawn of a new era of automation, less human interference, and strategic advantage that redefines warfare encounters.

Drones in the present context are user-friendly and cheaper to buy. Drones that are used to transport goods can vary in price Professional/Industrial Drones in the range of $3,500 – $50,000+ in the USA. In the US, Alphabet-owned drone company Wing and Walmart are expanding their drone delivery partnership to five new U.S. cities: Atlanta, Charlotte, Houston, Orlando, and Tampa. This expansion will allow customers in these areas to receive online orders via drone delivery. Currently, the service operates at around 15 Walmart stores in northwest Arkansas and the Dallas-Fort Worth area, and the new rollout will add approximately 100 more stores to the programme. Despite being used as a social welfare service object, drones can be used in warfare, as in the case of Ukraine and Soviet Russia war. This capability has a danger that the governments should take into consideration, as terrorist groups can operate drones to make large scale destruction to infrastructure and social life.

The evolution of drones in Warfare

Initially meant for spy operations, drones have developed at a rapid rate. It was the period around the early 2000s that saw military soldiers embracing armed drones for operations, enabling precision bombing with minimal collateral damage. The most frequent examples include the use of Predator and Reaper drones by US military forces in counterterrorism operations, where they have been in use in taking out high-priority targets without exposing soldiers to danger.

Outside of airstrikes, drones have assumed numerous other roles in modern warfare, including electronic warfare, logistics, and battlefield communications. The ability to use them autonomously or remotely places them as a multi-purpose tool within offense as well as defence strategies.

Strategic advantages of drone warfare

One of the most important strengths of drones is that they can minimise human casualties. Deploying unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) on battlefields, military soldiers are able to conduct missions without more risk to soldiers. It enhances operational effectiveness while coping with ethical concerns pertaining to direct human involvement in war.

Drones also provide cheaper alternatives to traditional military assets like fighter planes and soldiers. Being more economical to produce and maintain, they can be afforded by nations that desire an upgrade in their armed forces without having to spend much money.

Second, the ability to field swarms of drones—coordinated entities that make coordinated movements together—literally unleashes new tactical capabilities. Drone swarms are capable of saturating an adversary’s defences, strike simultaneously, and create strategic diversions, again showing the revolutionary capability of this technology in today’s war.

Ethical and Legal Implications

Though being beneficial, drones present ethical and legal issues, most notably autonomous targeting. The employment of artificial intelligence (AI) in the operation of drones creates controversies over accountability and decision-making in military operations. There are questions on who is responsible in instances of accidental targeting of civilians or unauthorised attacks.

International law cannot keep pace with the rate with which drone technology is developing. The absence of universally accepted laws governing their use is generating uncertainty in war policies. Others argue that drones would lower the cost of war, allowing nations to go to war with minimal political and human costs.

The future of drone warfare:

As technology progresses, drones are expected to become even more autonomous, precise, and adaptable. Advances in AI, machine learning, and robotics will have drones that can scan and process complex situations in real-time and perform operations with minimal or no human intervention.

While drones do possess certain undeniable military benefits, they also tend to conflict with conventional understandings of warfare, ethics, and global security. As states increasingly incorporate drones into their armed forces, it is imperative to set specific regulations and ethical standards that balance military prowess with humanitarian concerns.

Governments should take proactive measures

As there are several technologies on the market that can detect, jam, or disable drones, particularly in sensitive or restricted areas such as airports, military bases, or government buildings, the government should use them before any terrorist activity takes place. These technologies are largely adopted by law enforcement, defence organisations, and infrastructure owners concerned about security, privacy, or airspace invasion.

Detection is the very first step in all drone counteroperations. I wonder whether the radar systems in place in Colombo are capable of detecting drones. Radar devices, radio frequency (RF) scanners, acoustic sensors, and infrared or optical cameras can be utilized to detect and recognise airborne drones. Such technologies may detect the flight of drones, intercept signal communication between the drone and operator, or visually recognise an unauthorized drone.

Once a drone is detected, there are several non-lethal methods available to disable its operation. RF jammers would interfere with the control signals and bring drones down or return them to their origin. GPS jammers or spoofers would mislead or divert the navigation system of the drone. In some cases, advanced technology can hijack the control protocols of the drone, remotely controlling the drone and landing it safely. However, one must remember that these signal interference methods are typically illegal for civilian use in the majority of countries, including the U.S., due to communications and airspace control by the government.

Where disruption is not possible or effective, stronger countermeasures may be utilized. These might include directed energy devices such as microwaves or lasers, which can take the electronics of a drone out of action. Physical capture techniques such as net-firing drones, anti-drone rifles, or even trained birds of prey have been employed in certain situations, although the latter is less utilised today. These methods can prove to be effective but also risk damaging property or innocent bystanders, especially in an urban setting.

As most of these technologies are tightly controlled the government should introduce strict measures and restrictions on the use of these technologies and the use of drones. In countries like the United States, only licensed government agencies can use jamming or destructive anti-drone tech. For civilians or businesses looking to protect private property, passive detection gear is typically the only legally obtainable option, and anything must be done within the domestic aviation and telecommunications regulations.

As we discussed, drone technology has initiated a new chapter in warfare, revolutionising war fighting with precision, affordability, and flexibility. Whilst its strategic advantages are apparent, questions about ethical, legal, and security implications remain unsettled. Policy makers, as well as military commanders, must strike a balance between innovation and duty so that drone warfare remains in consonance with international norms and humanitarian values.

One of the major objectives of this article is to bring to the notice of the government the growing threat from drones, particularly now at this juncture in the world and national context where the acts of sabotage by terrorist groups are getting advanced and unpredictable. Drone technology that began to be utilized only for the purposes of hobby or commercial development has, today, evolved into machines that are easily weaponized or employed to bring destruction upon target objects. The ease of availability, movement, and unobtrusiveness of drones make them a perfect device to launch attacks on key infrastructure, government headquarters, or civilian populations. The article aims to raise awareness of this new threat and to highlight the need for urgent and immediate action by government authorities to establish regulation guidelines, invest in anti-drone systems, and ensure the security and safety of the country’s national airspace and public life.

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Midweek Review

Cumbrous Conscience

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The lights are out in the factory,

Human activity is petering out…

Solemn workers are heading home,

To dying hearths and mourning wives,

Today being their last day at work,

But the flabby Captain of Business,

Who thus far called the shots,

Is making good his escape,

Amid the Law’s shrill silence,

His sleek taxi roaring airport-bound,

But the weight on his conscience,

Is as cumbrous as his mounting luggage.

By Lynn Ockersz

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