Features
New Sri Lanka and challenges and possibilities of super-majority
In today’s times when flow of capital takes place globally and many a times without any controls, it is important that Sri Lanka becomes a strong sovereign state in the region to begin with, a state that boldly spells its terms and conditions and also cleverly wades through the complex diplomatic tunnels in the region. The economic meltdown might have created an image of a weak nation and it might have given indications to the aspiring monopolistic private capital owners that they can potentially turn it into a banana republic. The emphasis on the strong sovereign state, with transparent, people-friendly laws and processes inside the nation. This needs to be signalled globally making it clear that people are the priority and not profiteering by the new Sri Lankan state.
By Ravi Kumar
Sri Lanka’s National People’s Power (NPP) has won over 2/3rd in the 225-seat Parliament. This is the first time in the island’s history a single party has secured a super majority in Parliament under the proportional representation system currently use. This ‘super-majority’ of the NPP needs to be read as a mandate to take bold decisions, enact new policies without populist fears. The support for NPP has come from across the country as shown by the spread of their victorious candidates. For instance, the Tamil dominated Northern and Eastern provinces have also given them substantial votes. They won two seats in Trincomalee, getting around 42.48% of the votes in the district; won two seats in the Vanni district and got around 20.37% votes; and bagged three seats in Jaffna with 24.85%.
The same trend is seen in the central highlands with a substantial population of Tamils of Indian origin. This overwhelming support can be read as a message of discontent and desperation that people have felt across the country with the way mal-governance over the years led to impoverishment, violence, and destruction of public institutions such as health and education. This also means that the onus on the running the new government in a ‘different’ way now lies with the NPP, which is for the first time going to govern the country. The onus is also on the intellectuals and activists who till now have been giving suggestions on policy matters but now have the task to build a new Sri Lanka. If this opportunity slips away, it will be considered a failure of all those sections who generated a hope to act upon each and every symbol of the destruction of the Sri Lankan institutions. A promise has been made. And hopes have been rekindled.
This electoral mandate is deeply embedded in accumulated frustrations among the masses with the way governance has been carried out in Sri Lanka in past, which led to what has been termed the ‘economic meltdown’ post-2019, which saw its culmination in 2022 when people in large numbers protested in the streets across the land. General practice of electoral democracy has been that parties win elections and appearing again on the horizon just before the next elections while spending the rest of the time accumulating wealth for individual politicians and hoarding them in tax havens or investing in other countries.
Given the hope generated by the NPP, the next few years will be a significant text of extreme proportions requiring overtime work by the new government. Governance is ideally a shift from the rhetoric that goes on during the run up to elections. Post-elections, it is about putting ideas and visions into practice, actualising them on the ground. With huge intellectual backing, the NPP will have to reimagine policy-making, keeping in mind their vision of the new Sri Lanka. How it moves ahead will be keenly watched within Sri Lanka as well as globally.
The new government cannot create deep structural transformation and the JVP and its allies, under the NPP umbrella, realise this. On the other hand, neoliberal interests, representing the predominant global paradigm, will not let Sri Lanka go for a direct pro-poor, welfarist state and they would bargain when it comes to financial aid. Capitalism, which has been in crisis globally has resorted to authoritarianism of the worst kind, and has been destroying institutions that have any potential for dissenting knowledges and advocacy and replacing them with direct rule of corporates.
The NPP-led government will have to move towards a framework that incorporates welfarism without shunting out private capital, but putting ample controls over it. The other side of welfarism is also that it creates a solid basis for the local economy to become robust and potentially feed into economic activities. Sri Lanka will have to develop a model of development that moves away from a blind financial aid based economic development. It was this blind aid policy which fostered massive corruption in earlier governments and dragged the economy into deep slumber. There is a deep economic divide and this will have to be bridged, while also creating a wider purchasing power among people, providing Sri Lankans ample opportunities in agrarian economy as well as elsewhere.
Knowing that this is not going to be a new Sri Lanka of restructured social relations of the egalitarian kind, the balance has to be created wherein the private capital works along with the state, which has to frame policies safeguarding interests of people and not the private capital. One of the models that may work is a combination of the private and public wherein the state does not withdraw from social sectors, but rather reasserts its role through better funding and innovative management and also allow private players to exist. For instance, the state-run education system will have to be transformed radically from where it stands now so that Sri Lanka produces the best minds and become a centre of new, relevant and innovative learning for the South Asian region. But this should be done without stopping private players in education to establish their centres. Let the vast mass of Sri Lankans get an education at state cost which will be comparable to any other education elsewhere. Obviously, the experts would put their minds to reimagine the education system, for example by not thinking that good education comes at the cost of local language but it can happen even while Sinhala and Tamil flourishes. The same must be done in the field of health. With the kind of super-majority that the NPP has got, this is very doable.
In today’s times when flow of capital takes place globally and many a times without any controls, it is important that Sri Lanka becomes a strong sovereign state in the region to begin with, a state that boldly spells its terms and conditions and also cleverly wades through the complex diplomatic tunnels in the region. The economic meltdown might have created an image of a weak nation and it might have given indications to the aspiring monopolistic private capital owners that they can potentially turn it into a banana republic. The emphasis on the strong sovereign state, with transparent, people-friendly laws and processes inside the nation. This needs to be signalled globally making it clear that people are the priority and not profiteering by the new Sri Lankan state. It is also the time to reconfigure the image of Sri Lanka locally, regionally and globally, and one hopes that this will be done in the next few years. This is going to be a ‘now or never situation’ for NPP and also for the people of Sri Lanka.
(Ravi Kumar is a columnist for the Deccan Herald while his writings also appear in The Wire, Scroll and The Leaflet. He teaches sociology at South Asian University, New Delhi)
Features
Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
Features
“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
Features
Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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