Connect with us

Features

New Fortress deal conflicts with policy on renewables

Published

on

President speaking at the Glasgow summit

By Neville Ladduwahetty

A report in The Washington Post of 03 Nov. states: “More than 100 countries have signed the Global Methane Pledge, which requires a 30 percent cut in methane emissions by 2030, one of the Biden administration’s priorities for the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, Scotland. The pledge’s signatories now represent nearly half of human-caused methane emissions …. the Biden administration also unveiled a sweeping set of domestic policies to cut emissions of methane from oil and gas operations across the United States”. Furthermore, the announcement that the US and EU are global partners in this venture signifies the seriousness of the situation, as well as the pledge.

Conveying Sri Lanka’s contribution towards this global effort, a report in the Daily News (Sri Lanka) also of 03 Nov. 2021, citing the comments made by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, at COP26, states: “…the President added, Sri Lanka is deeply aware of the impacts of climate change. Our rich philosophical heritage, shaped by the Buddha’s teachings, places great value on environmental integrity. Therefore, the President said sustainability is at the heart of the national policy framework. ‘Sri Lanka’s updated Nationally Determined Contributions’ aims to reduce emissions towards achieving carbon neutrality by 2050”. During his speech he referred to increasing Renewable Energy to 70% by 2030 and specifically “no new coal power”.

What is attempted herein is to ascertain the current status of power generation capacities in respect of renewable and non-renewable sources, in order to establish the scope of what needs to be done to achieve the goals stated at the COP26 in Glasgow. The information presented herein is based on a Report titled “SRI LANKA Energy Sector Assessment, Strategy and Road Map”, dated December 2019, of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and a Report of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).

POLICY vs. DEMAND

The conclusions are based on data presented in the reports referred to above in respect of what proportion of power is currently produced by Renewables, such as hydro, solar and wind, and by non-renewables, such as fossil fuels and products of Petroleum.

According to the Executive Summary of the above report, “The peak demand is forecasted to cross 3,000 MW by 2020 and 4,800 MW by 2030”.

According to the CEB report, titled “Least Cost Long Term Generation Expansion Plan 2018 – 2037, submitted in May 2017, “off-peak demand to grow from the 1,100 (current level) to about 1,700 MW by 2037…”. Furthermore, table 3.3 states that by 2030 the Peak Demand is projected to be 4726 MW; a projection that closely agrees with the projection of 4800 MW in the ADB Report.

Given below are capacities of renewables and non-renewables that currently exist and in stages of development.

RENEWABLES:

HYDRO:

Large plants 1390 MW; Small plants 350 MW; Stages of Development 250 MW; SOLAR- Roof top target by 2020 is 200 MW; WIND-Developed 130 MW and under Development 130 MW (ADB Report).

TOTAL FROM RENEWABLES AS OF 2020 = 2450 MW.

NON-RENEWABLES:

COAL – NOROCHCHOLAI 900 MW; FOSSIL FUELS – KELANITISSA- 120 MW installed in 1980 &1981, 115 MW installed in 1997 and 165 MW in 2000; and KERAWALAPITIYA 310 MW.

TOTAL FROM NON – RENEWABLES, AS OF 2020 =1610 MW.

IF 120 MW IS RETIRED, BALANCE NON-RENEWABLES IN 2020 =1490 MW

ACHIEVING 2030 GOALS

If the goal to be achieved in 2030 is 70% renewables, it must follow that non-tenewables would be 30% of the demand. Thus, the demand projected for 2030 is 4800 MW, and target for tenewables would be 70% of 4800 MW, which is 3360 MW and for Non-Renewables the target would be 30% of 4800 MW which is 1440 MW.

The information presented above makes it clear that Sri Lanka already has the capacity to produce a minimum of 1490 MW of electricity from non-renewable sources. Thus, there no reason to expand existing capabilities, at least up to 2030. This means that expanding capacities at Kerawalapitiya from its present level of 310 MW by a further 700 MW is in conflict with the 30 % goal intended for non-renewables.

Another factor that needs to be recognised and appreciated is that since the current capacity of non-renewables is a minimum of 1490 MW, and if its contribution is to be 30% of the existing capabilities, the non-renewables are currently in a position to meet a demand of 1490/30%, which is 4966 MW; a capacity of 196 MW in excess of the projected demand of 4800 MW.

If the policy is for renewables to be 70% of the projected demand of 4800 MW by 2030, which is 3360 MW and the present capacity is only 2450 MW, there remains a need to meet the shortfall of 910 MW over a period of nine years. A significant portion of this shortfall could be met by doubling the hydro power capacity of Victoria, and the balance could be met by solar and wind over the next nine years.

In summary, a review of existing capacities for renewables is that there is a shortfall between projected demand and existing capacities. On the other hand, with regard to non-renewables, the current capacities of a minimum of 1490 MW are already in excess of the 30% of the projected demand of 4800 MW. Under the circumstances, expanding capacities at Kerawalapitiya by the addition of 700 MW to the existing 310 MW comes into conflict with the goals the President committed to in Glasgow at the COP26 summit on climate change.

EXPANDING NON-RENEWABLE CAPACITY

at KERAWALAPITIYA

In the context of the material presented above, there is absolutely no justification for the CEB to expand the capacities of non-renewables at Kerawalapitiya, and call for international bids to install a 350 MW plant, based on LNG. This is what prompted New Fortress Energy (NFE) to submit an unsolicited proposal to expand the existing capacity of 310 MW at Kerawalapitiya, by 700 MW, and convert all operations amounting to 1010 MW to LNG, together with a Floating Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU). Following the offer by NFE, a framework agreement was signed between NFE and the Government that has the backing of the US government. This Agreement requires Sri Lanka to sell 40% stake in the state owned West Coast Power as part of the deal.

The moment the news was out, there was a storm of protests. Petitions have been filed in the Supreme Court against the sale of the 40% stake in a national asset. Others, have objected to the deal, with NFE, on the grounds that the terms of sale of LNG binds Sri Lanka to commitments that are unacceptable. A report in The Morning of 04 Nov, quotes the Chairman of the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka Janaka Ratnayake as having said that the “Yugadanavi is deal beneficial despite shady signing”. The deal is shady because the terms of the agreement prevent it from being disclosed without the consent of both parties, according to the Chairman of the CEB. Furthermore, the CEB has conveyed that it does not have grounds for objecting to the terms and the manner in which the deal was executed (The Morning, 04 Nov. 2021).

The fundamental issue is not whether the deal with NFE is “shady”, or its terms conflict with Sri Lanka’s national interests. The fundamental issue is that the deal is in conflict with the Policy of the Government to convert power generation to 70% Renewables by 2030. This Policy cannot coexist with the attempt to expand Non-Renewable power generation.

Furthermore, existing capacities meet the projected demand for Non-Renewable until 2030. Therefore, the deal to expand capacities of Non-Renewables, by whatever means, comes at the cost to the Policy of conversion to 70% Renewables by 2030; a commitment announced at the COP26 in Glasgow by the President. What is evident from the foregoing is that the decision to expand the capacities of Non-Renewables was taken without first ascertaining whether Sri Lanka needs to expand Non-Renewables, before rushing to do so by those responsible for power generation. This is, indeed, disappointing, to say the least.

CONCLUSION

The Policy of the Sri Lankan Government, as stated by the President at the COP26 climate change summit, in Glasgow, was to increase Renewable energy production to 70% by 2030 and no more coal. It must then follow that the Policy in respect of Non-Renewables should be limited to 30% of demand by 2030. According to the ADB Report cited above “The peak demand is forecasted to cross 3,000 MW by 2020 and 4,800 MW by 2030”. At 70% Renewables this translates into 3360 MW and 1440 MW of Non-Renewables.

Per the material presented above, the present capacity of Renewables is 2450 MW. This is short of the goal by 910 MW that should be reached by 2030. On the other hand, the above facts demonstrate that existing capacities of Non-Renewable, 1440 MW, have already reached the threshold of 30% required by Policy, because even if 120 MW at Kelanitissa are retired due to age, Sri Lanka would still be left with 1490 MW of power from Norochchalai (900 MW), Kerawalapitiya (310 MW) and Kelanitissa (280 MW).

Under the circumstances, the question arises as to how the CEB together with all the others associated with it, justified a call for international bids to set up a 350 MW LNG plant, at Kerawalapitiya, when absolutely no grounds existed, and at the cost of defeating the Policy Government Policy for 70% Renewables and ipso-facto 30% Non-Renewables by 2030. This action tempted New Fortress Energy to step in with an unsolicited offer to increase Non-Renewable production, at Kerawalapitiya, by an additional 700 MW to operate on LNG and to sweeten the pot, convert the existing 310 MW plant also into LNG along with a Floating Storage Regasification Unit to transfer the LNG all for a 40% stake in West Coast Power for $250 million.

This offer has precipitated serious objections from various quarters that range from Supreme Court petitions to dissent within the Cabinet and others threatening trade union action – all for nothing because under no circumstances could the New Fortress deal be justified since existing capacities in respect of Non-Renewables do not warrant expansion particularly because such an expansion would be in conflict with the objectives of the current Policy of 70% Renewables. The entire fiasco associated with the New Fortress deal could have been avoided had those responsible for power generation critically examined the fundamental question as to whether or not Sri Lanka should expand Non-Renewables at this time.

Since the fundamental question has not yet been posed, it is imperative even at this late stage for the President to ask this fundamental question – IF SRI LANKA’S COMMITMENT AT THE COP26 IS TO BE HONOURED, SHOULD SRI LANKA EXPAND NON-RENEWABLE CAPACITIES OR RENEWABLE CAPACITIES BETWEEN NOW AND 2030? If the answer to the question is that expansion should ONLY be limited to Renewables, it follows that the New Fortress deal is clearly NOT in Sri Lanka’s interest.



Features

Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary

Published

on

President Donald Trump addresses the public on the occasion of the US celebrating the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.(BBC)

Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.

If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.

Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’

Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.

The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.

Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.

The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.

Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.

Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.

The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.

Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.

Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?

A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.

The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.

However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.

The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.

Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.

Continue Reading

Features

Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril

Published

on

Sunela / Rishan / Spencer

It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.

Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.

Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.

Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.

“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”

That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.

According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.

“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”

She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.

For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.

It begins with humility.

It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.

“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”

One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.

Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.

The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.

“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.

Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.

“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”

That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.

It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.

Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.

Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.

“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”

For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.

She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.

Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.

The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.

“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.

Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.

Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.

Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.

Climate differs.

Rainfall differs.

Vegetation differs.

Wildlife differs.

Culture differs.

Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.

All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.

“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.

“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”

This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.

Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.

It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.

Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.

Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.

She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.

In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.

One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.

“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”

That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.

Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.

Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.

“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”

Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.

Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.

Greenfield sites demand restraint.

Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.

The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.

Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.

Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.

For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.

They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.

Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.

Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.

It should celebrate coexistence.

Every building should strengthen biodiversity.

Every development should restore ecological balance.

Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.

As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.

They carried a challenge

To question inherited assumptions.

To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.

And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.

For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.

It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.

By Ifham Nizam

Continue Reading

Features

Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”

Published

on

Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.

She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.

Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.

Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.

Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.

In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.

On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.

As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.

As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.

Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”

As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.

She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.

Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.

Continue Reading

Trending