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Neutral Waters, Timeless Laws: Graf Spee, IRIS Dena, and the enduring relevance of neutrality

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The Iranian frigate, IRIS Dena, torpedoed by a US submarine recently

The story of the German pocket battleship Admiral Graf Spee in 1939 remains one of the most cited lessons in the law of neutrality. During her commerce-raiding mission in the South Atlantic and Indian Ocean between September and December 1939, Graf Spee sank nine merchant ships totalling over 50,000 GRT. Her actions forced the British to deploy multiple hunting groups across vast oceans, culminating in the Battle of the River Plate, where British cruisers HMS Exeter, HMS Ajax, and HMNZS Achilles engaged her. Severely damaged, Graf Spee sought refuge in the neutral port of Montevideo, Uruguay, before being scuttled. This incident highlighted the strict application of neutrality principles under the 1907 Hague Conventions V and XIII—rules still referenced in modern maritime law.

The conventions limited belligerent warship entry into neutral ports to 24 hours, allowed repairs only to restore seaworthiness (not combat capability), and prohibited replenishment beyond provisions for the crew. Neutral states were also responsible for ensuring impartial treatment of all belligerents. The Montevideo episode, often taught in legal and diplomatic schools, resonates today in Sri Lanka, following the sinking of the Iranian naval vessel IRIS Dena and the temporary shelter granted to her accompanying ships, IRIS Bushehr and IRIS Lavan, in Colombo and Kochi, India.

Understanding Neutrality in International Law

Neutrality is the legal status assumed by states that choose not to participate in an armed conflict while maintaining impartial relations with all belligerents. Neutral states refrain from providing military support and undertake obligations to prevent hostilities from spreading through their territory or waters.

The Hague Conventions of 1907, V on land warfare and XIII on naval warfare, codified long-standing customs about the rights and duties of neutral states. These principles are reinforced today by customary international law, the Geneva Conventions, and the San Remo Manual on Naval Warfare, which clarifies modern naval operations involving neutral waters. Neutrality applies only in international armed conflicts between states. By assuming a neutral status, third states commit to abstaining from hostilities and ensuring that their territory and waters are not exploited for military purposes.

Historical Roots

Neutrality evolved to prevent wars from spreading geographically and to protect commerce. By the 17th and 18th centuries, maritime powers began asserting neutral rights, particularly the protection of merchant shipping. The Declaration of Paris (1856) strengthened these protections, recognising neutral flags and codifying blockades. Later, the Hague Peace Conferences formalised obligations to prevent neutral territory from being used as a base for belligerent operations. These frameworks laid the foundation for modern neutrality, balancing sovereignty, commerce, and conflict containment.

Core Principles

The law of neutrality rests on three pillars:

=Abstention – Neutral states must refrain from participating in hostilities or aiding belligerents with troops, weapons, or military facilities.

=Impartiality – Neutral states must apply rules equally, ensuring no belligerent gains an advantage by exploiting neutrality.

=Prevention – Neutral states must stop their territory from being used for military actions, including attacks, recruitment, or establishing bases.

At sea, these principles are codified in Hague XIII, which limits warship stays, repairs, and supplies in neutral ports. Modern interpretations in the San Remo Manual reaffirm these obligations.

Modern Conflicts and “Undeclared Wars”

Today, wars often occur without formal declarations. Military operations, limited strikes, or hybrid conflicts challenge traditional neutrality. Under the Geneva Conventions’ Common Article 2, an international armed conflict exists whenever hostilities occur between states, triggering neutral obligations.

The Russia–Ukraine war illustrates this. Third states face complex decisions, balancing assistance, neutrality, and legal obligations. Similarly, attacks like the sinking of IRIS Dena test neutral states’ ability to uphold the law while responding to regional crises.

Neutrality and Strategic Dilemmas

The Persian Gulf today highlights modern tensions between neutrality law and military realities. Gulf states such as Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates host significant United States military bases that are central to regional security arrangements, yet aim to avoid direct involvement in regional conflicts. Traditional neutrality forbids belligerents from using neutral territory for operations, but permanent military installations complicate matters.

States often adopt “benevolent neutrality,” officially neutral while indirectly supporting one side. Historical examples include U.S. Lend-Lease aid to Allies before entering World War II. Gulf states today may provide logistical or defensive support while avoiding direct combat. Yet the distinction between support and participation is subtle; command centres, intelligence operations, and logistical hubs can implicate neutral states in hostilities if they directly aid military operations.

This ambiguity creates a strategic paradox for Gulf states in the current conflict, trying to stay neutral while hosting major foreign military infrastructure. On one side, such bases offer security guarantees, deterrence, and advanced defensive capabilities. On the other hand, their involvement in military networks that support active hostilities exposes the host states to constant devastating retaliation by Iran and undermines the credibility of neutrality claims. The Persian Gulf thus exemplifies how the classical law of neutrality, developed in an era of geographically limited wars, faces significant challenges.

Indian Ocean Security and Neutral Ports

The conflicts in the Gulf involving Iran carry wider consequences for the Indian Ocean, a historically peaceful maritime zone. Disruption of shipping through chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz risks disrupting global trade and triggering an energy crisis and eventually an economic recession should the conflict be prolonged. Iran’s unilateral closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic Strait used for international navigation, let alone sporadic attacks on oil tankers, lacks any legal basis. Under UNCLOS, the Transit Passage is unimpeded, and International Law on armed conflict at sea (Hague Convention XII) prohibits attacks on merchant vessels unless a ship ascertains a military objective. Mining and conducting indiscriminatory attacks on ships, restricting transit passage, is illegal as well.

The Indian Ocean hosts crucial East–West sea routes connecting the Gulf, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. Incidents like the Dena incident highlight the importance of neutrality in maintaining maritime order. By rescuing survivors and controlling port access, neutral states safeguard trade, human lives, and regional stability. The maritime security and freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean will be at an unprecedented threat in the event of escalation of belligerency at sea through direct or Proxy attacks, which was evident in 2023 through 2024, when merchant vessels were subject to attack using drones both in the air and on the surface. Belligerents may board or search neutral merchant vessels for contraband, and potentially the USA, attempting to exercise an embargo on Iran, with overreach could escalate conflict in the Indian Ocean.

Neutral ports play a key role. Hague XIII restricts belligerent warship stays, repairs, and operations in neutral waters. On 4th March 2026, IRIS Dena, a modern 1,500-ton frigate of the Iranian Navy, was torpedoed by a US Navy Submarine 19 nautical miles off Galle. Sri Lanka Navy recovered 32 survivors and 84 bodies. Her accompanying ships, Bushehr and Lavan, were granted temporary refuge in Colombo and Kochi, in accordance with strict neutrality rules.

Legal Implications

The Second Geneva Convention mandates humane treatment for wounded or shipwrecked forces, regardless of nationality. Neutral states may temporarily intern personnel while preventing the port from being used for military operations. Attacks outside neutral waters are lawful under the San Remo Manual and customary international law, provided they respect the principles of distinction, proportionality, and military necessity and explain the legitimacy of the US submarine to sink IRIS Dena outside the Sri Lankan Territorial Sea.

Neutral states must also regulate repairs and replenishments. Hague XIII allows only what is necessary for seaworthiness, prohibits enhancements to combat capability, and imposes strict time limits. Impartiality is essential: all belligerent vessels must be treated the same. Sri Lanka and India applied these rules with care, preserving neutrality while fulfilling humanitarian duties.

Limits of Innocent Passage

Under UNCLOS, belligerent warships may pass through territorial seas via “innocent passage.” However, damaged ships that actively avoid combat or return to operations may lose this right. Although Article 10 of Hague XIII also allows belligerent warships to be in ‘mere passage’ within territorial waters, Articles 1 and 5, taken together, prevent a belligerent from exploiting neutral waters for protection from the enemy. Coastal states may restrict passage to prevent their waters from becoming tactical corridors. This principle explains why Dena, Bushehr, and Lavan required entry into neutral ports rather than violating neutral seas for safe passage. Neutral states must actively enforce neutrality in their territorial waters. Failure to do so may invite belligerents to intervene, undermining neutrality. In 1940, during World War II, the British destroyer HMS Cossack entered neutral Norwegian waters, boarded the German tanker Altmark, and rescued 300 British prisoners captured by German raiders while the tanker was passing through Norwegian territorial waters.

Lessons from History

The Graf Spee incident in 1939 and the IRIS Dena in 2026 demonstrate continuity in neutrality law. Montevideo and Colombo showed how neutral ports can mediate crises, enforce legal limits on belligerent activity, and offer humanitarian aid while managing diplomatic pressure from belligerent states. Neutrality law, grounded in abstention, impartiality, and prevention, continues to guide states in complex modern conflicts, balancing legal, strategic, and humanitarian considerations. This incident was not the first time Sri Lanka had been in the spotlight for its neutrality. Sri Lanka faced a similar challenge earlier when Pakistan air force planes were permitted to land and refuel in 1976, during the East Pakistan war, after India closed its airspace to West Pakistan. The unique stance taken by the Sri Lankan government was that East and West Pakistan are not belligerent states, and that neutrality, as applied in international armed conflict, was irrelevant.

Conclusion

While warfare has evolved, the principles of neutrality remain vital. Classical laws codified in the Hague Conventions, the Geneva Conventions, and the San Remo Manual remain fully applicable in the 21st century. Coastal states such as Sri Lanka and India demonstrate that adherence to these laws preserves sovereignty, protects lives, and stabilises critical maritime corridors. The IRIS Dena incident is not only a contemporary test of neutrality but also a reaffirmation of its enduring relevance in international law.

The writer is a distinguished naval leader, maritime strategist, and defence academic who served as the 25th Commander of the Sri Lanka Navy, completing nearly four decades of service.

A three-time recipient of the Rana Soora Medal for gallantry, he commanded all major naval vessels and elite units of the Navy and shaped doctrine, including Naval Strategy 2030. As Navy Commander, he strengthened international partnerships, led the Navy’s entry into the Combined Maritime Forces, and advanced digital transformation and was highly effective in counter-narcotics operations.

A scholar with three Master’s degrees, he also champions nautical tourism and youth empowerment, and holds the record for Sri Lanka’s first-ever sea-kayak circumnavigation.

by Admiral Pryantha Perera,
the 25th Commander of the Sri Lanka Navy



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Opinion

Tribute to a distinguished BOI leader

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Mr. Tuli Cooray, former Deputy Director General of the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka (BOI) and former Secretary General of the Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF), passed away three months ago, leaving a distinguished legacy of public service and dedication to national economic development.

An alumnus of the University of Colombo, Mr. Cooray graduated with a Special Degree in Economics. He began his career as a Planning Officer at the Ministry of Plan Implementation and later served as an Assistant Director in the Ministry of Finance (Planning Division).

He subsequently joined the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC), where he rose from Manager to Senior Manager and later Director. During this period, he also served at the Treasury as an Assistant Director. With the transformation of the GCEC into the BOI, he was appointed Executive Director of the Investment Department and later elevated to the position of Deputy Director General.

In recognition of his vast experience and expertise, he was appointed Director General of the Budget Implementation and Policy Coordination Division at the Ministry of Finance and Planning. Following his retirement from government service, he continued to contribute to the national economy through his work with JAAF.

Mr. Cooray was widely respected as a seasoned professional with exceptional expertise in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and facilitating investor relations. His commitment, leadership, and humane qualities earned him the admiration and affection of colleagues across institutions.

He was also one of the pioneers of the BOI Past Officers’ Association, and his passing is deeply felt by its members. His demise has created a void that is difficult to fill, particularly within the BOI, where his contributions remain invaluable.

Mr. Cooray will be remembered not only for his professional excellence but also for his integrity, humility, and the lasting impact he made on those who had the privilege of working with him.

The BOI Past Officers’ Association

jagathcds@gmail.com

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Opinion

When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers

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As a small and open country, Singapore will always be vulnerable to what happens around us. As Lee Kuan Yew used to say: “when elephants fight, the grass suffers, but when elephants make love, the grass also suffers“. Therefore, we must be aware of what is happening around us, and prepare ourselves for changes and surprises.” – Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, during the debate on the President’s Address in Singapore Parliament on 16 May, 2018, commenting on the uncertain external environment during the first Trump Administration.

“When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers”

is a well-known African proverb commonly used in geopolitics to describe smaller nations caught in the crossfire of conflicts between major powers. At the 1981 Commonwealth conference, when Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere quoted this Swahili proverb, the Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew famously retorted, “When elephants make love, the grass suffers, too”. In other words, not only when big powers (such as the US, Russia, EU, China or India) clash, the surrounding “grass” (smaller nations) get “trampled” or suffer collateral damage but even when big powers collaborate or enter into friendly agreements, small nations can still be disadvantaged through unintended consequences of those deals. Since then, Singaporean leaders have often quoted this proverb to highlight the broader reality for smaller states, during great power rivalry and from their alliances. They did this to underline the need to prepare Singapore for challenges stemming from the uncertain external environment and to maintain high resilience against global crises.

Like Singapore, as a small and open country, Sri Lanka too is always vulnerable to what happens around us. Hence, we must be alert to what is happening around us, and be ready not only to face challenges but to explore opportunities.

When Elephants Fight

To begin with, President Trump’s “Operation Epic Fury”.

Did we prepare adequately for changes and surprises that could arise from the deteriorating situation in the Gulf region? For example, the impact the conflict has on the safety and welfare of Sri Lankans living in West Asia or on our petroleum and LNG imports. The situation in the Gulf remains fluid with potential for further escalation, with the possibility of a long-term conflict.

The region, which is the GCC, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Syria and Azerbaijan (I believe exports to Azerbaijan are through Iran), accounts for slightly over $1 billion of our exports. The region is one of the most important markets for tea (US$546 million out of US$1,408 million in 2024. According to some estimates, this could even be higher). As we export mostly low-grown teas to these countries, the impact of the conflict on low-grown tea producers, who are mainly smallholders, would be extremely strong. Then there are other sectors like fruits and vegetables where the impact would be immediate, unless of course exporters manage to divert these perishable products to other markets. If the conflict continues for a few more weeks or months, managing these challenges will be a difficult task for the nation, not simply for the government. It is also necessary to remember the Russia – Ukraine war, now on to its fifth year, and its impact on Sri Lanka’s economy.

Mother of all bad timing

What is more unfortunate is that the Gulf conflict is occurring on top of an already intensifying global trade war. One observer called it the “mother of all bad timing”. The combination is deadly.

Early last year, when President Trump announced his intention to weaponise tariffs and use them as bargaining tools for his geopolitical goals, most observers anticipated that he would mainly use tariffs to limit imports from the countries with which the United States had large trade deficits: China, Mexico, Vietnam, the European Union, Japan and Canada. The main elephants, who export to the United States. But when reciprocal tariffs were declared on 2nd April, some of the highest reciprocal tariffs were on Saint Pierre and Miquelon (50%), a French territory off Canada with a population of 6000 people, and Lesotho (50%), one of the poorest countries in Southern Africa. Sri Lanka was hit with a 44% reciprocal tariff. In dollar terms, Sri Lanka’s goods trade deficit with the United States was very small (US$ 2.9 billion in 2025) when compared to those of China (US$ 295 billion in 2024) or Vietnam (US$ 123 billion in 2024).

Though the adverse impact of US additional ad valorem duty has substantially reduced due to the recent US Supreme Court decision on reciprocal tariffs, the turbulence in the US market would continue for the foreseeable future. The United States of America is the largest market for Sri Lanka and accounts for nearly 25% of our exports. Yet, Sri Lanka’s exports to the United States had remained almost stagnant (around the US $ 3 billion range) during the last ten years, due to the dilution of the competitive advantage of some of our main export products in that market. The continued instability in our largest market, where Sri Lanka is not very competitive, doesn’t bode well for Sri Lanka’s economy.

When Elephants Make Love

In rapidly shifting geopolitical environments, countries use proactive anticipatory diplomacy to minimise the adverse implications from possible disruptions and conflicts. Recently concluded Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between India and the EU (January 2026) and India and the UK (May 2025) are very good examples for such proactive diplomacy. These negotiations were formally launched in June 2007 and were on the back burner for many years. These were expedited as strategic responses to growing U.S. protectionism. Implementation of these agreements would commence during this year.

When negotiations for a free trade agreement between India and the European Union (which included the United Kingdom) were formally launched, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat requested the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. The authors of that study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement on the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”

So, now these agreements are finalised; what will be the implications of these FTAs between India and the UK and the EU on Sri Lanka? According to available information, the FTA will be a game-changer for the Indian apparel exporters, as it would provide a nearly ten per cent tariff advantage to them. That would level the playing field for India, vis-à-vis their regional competitors. As a result, apparel exports from India to the UK and the EU are projected to increase significantly by 2030. As the sizes of the EU’s and the UK’s apparel markets are not going to expand proportionately, these growths need to come from the market shares of other main exporters like Sri Lanka.

So, “also, when elephants make love, the grass suffers.”

Impact on Sri Lanka

As a small, export dependent country with limited product and market diversification, Sri Lanka will always be vulnerable to what happens in our main markets. Therefore, we must be aware of what is happening in those markets, and prepare ourselves to face the challenges proactively. Today, amid intense geopolitical conflicts, tensions and tariff shifts, countries adopt high agility and strategic planning. If we look at what our neighbours have been doing in London, Brussels and Tokyo, we can learn some lessons on how to navigate through these turbulences.

(The writer is a retired public servant and can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Opinion

QR-based fuel quota

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The introduction of the QR code–based fuel quota system can be seen as a timely and necessary measure, implemented as part of broader austerity efforts to manage limited fuel resources. In the face of ongoing global fuel instability and economic challenges, such a system is aimed at ensuring equitable distribution and preventing excessive consumption. While it is undeniable that this policy may disrupt the daily routines of certain segments of the population, it is important for citizens to recognize the larger national interest at stake and cooperate with these temporary measures until stability returns to the global fuel market.

At the same time, this initiative presents an important opportunity for the Government to address long-standing gaps in regulatory enforcement. In particular, the implementation of the QR code system could have been strategically linked to the issuance of valid revenue licenses for vehicles. Restricting QR code access only to vehicles that are properly registered and have paid their revenue dues would have helped strengthen compliance and improve state revenue collection.

Available data from the relevant authorities indicate that a significant number of vehicles—especially three-wheelers and motorcycles—continue to operate without valid revenue licences. This represents a substantial loss of income to the State and highlights a weakness in enforcement mechanisms. By integrating the fuel quota system with revenue license verification, the government could have effectively encouraged vehicle owners to regularise their documentation while simultaneously improving fiscal discipline.

In summary, while the QR code fuel system is a commendable step toward managing scarce resources, aligning it with existing regulatory requirements would have amplified its benefits. Such an approach would not only support fuel conservation but also enhance government revenue and promote greater accountability among vehicle owners.

Sariputhra
Colombo 05

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