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My friendship with Wijetunga used as a bridge for Gamini D to return to UNP

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Brief period as Chairman of Lake House

At this stage President Wijetunga re-established his friendship with me. Though welcomed by the media and Colombo society he was getting increasingly isolated in the UNP of which he had now become leader by happenstance. Sirisena Cooray had fallen out with him as Wijetunga did not want to portray himself as a stooge of former President Premadasa. The latter had been contemptuous of him after achieving his objective of using him to dislodge Gamini and Lalith. The new Presidents chief confidant at this stage was Tilak Marapone, a kinsman who had been the Attorney General. He also had several businessmen friends like Susil Moonesinghe, “Yasoda” Kasturiaratchi and Earl Gunasekera.

Wijetunga and I met at several functions in Kandy and he invited me to visit him in President’s House. The main link between us however was the gang of officials in Wijetunga’s personal staff who had consistently been with him since I was his Secretary in the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting under the JRJ administration. These Kandy boys were comfortable with me and would constantly advice their boss to get me back and make use of my services. The President was a lonely man who looked forward to leaving Colombo every Friday with his staff to spend the weekend with his wife and only child – a daughter whom he loved very much. He fretted that she was not getting married though advancing in years. The Kandy based staff occupied the President’s House in Kandy and Wijetunga would meet all and sundry there.

A queue of supplicants wended their way through Kandy city and Wijetunga would meet them all and try to accommodate their requests. He wanted to appoint me as the Chairman of Lake House, which at that time was one of the most prestigious positions in the country. I discussed the President’s offer with Gamini and we agreed that I should be the bridge between the President and him. Since his early attempts to befriend Wijetunga had been rebuffed Gamini was desperate to make contact with him and hasten his return to the UNP. This was a scenario which caused much concern to Ranil and his clique of loyalists who wanted to keep Gamini out at any cost. They kept on badmouthing him to Wijetunga who, at that stage, was beginning to change his position particularly because the Parliamentary and Presidential elections were now in the horizon. He was undecided as to whether he should chance a Presidential electoral contest or go for a Parliamentary election.

Chairman of Lake House

I resigned from the Central Provincial Council and took over the position of Chairman of Lake House. The incumbent Chairman a lawyer named Rodrigo, was asked to go at short notice because he was a Premadasa loyalist who was now aligned with Sirisena Cooray and not particularly friendly towards Wijetunga. Cooray was constantly highlighting his loyalty to the deceased President and distancing himself from his successor who in a bold move removed him from the powerful post of General Secretary of the UNP. This sent shockwaves through the party but the general public applauded Cooray’s replacement by Dr. Wijesekera -highly regarded professional and son of a Peradeniya University Professor. The general public and the media welcomed our appointments as an indication of the new President’s open mindedness.

Though I had spent a lifetime in the field of media and information heading Lake House was a new experience for me. At that time it was a highly prestigious and powerful position. I was fortunate in that I had many personal friends among local journalists. Even icons like Tarzie Vittachi, Reggie Siriwardene, Denzil Peiris and Mervyn de Silva were my friends. So were Esmond Wickremasinghe and Ranjit Wijewardene. Among those then in Lake House, Manik de Silva-the editor of Daily News-was my close friend. The other editors too were known to me especially BHS Jayawardene, GS Perera-the editor of Dinamina and Tilakaratne Kuruwita Bandara who was the editor of Silumina. So it was an easy transition for me and I was heartened when the whole staff of the institution gathered at the entrance to the building to welcome me – probably a unique gesture in an institution then still working to strict “D.R. Wijewardena rules”. Today unfortunately, under high government control, Lake House has lost its lustre.

Changes at Lake House

I was keen to make changes at Lake House with the concurrence of a very cooperative Board which included Edward Gunawardene who had retired after a distinguished career in the Police service. The General Manager was Amaradasa, the son of my old friend K. G. Amaradasa, who had been the administrative secretary of the State Literary Bureau in the sixties. It so happened that I was able to commission the giant Rotary press which had been ordered by my predecessor. This enabled our newspapers to be printed closer to distribution deadlines so that we could carry up to date news thereby beating our rivals in that department.

We could also undertake bigger print orders for our popular newspapers thereby releasing our other machines for printing of smaller specialist papers which had been started willy nilly to satisfy various interests and journalists. Many of them were a drain on the company’s income. As a conciliatory gesture I decided to invite the previous owners of Lake House to attend the inaugural ceremony. Ranjit Wijewardene graciously accepted the invitation while his other partners demurred partly because, as they told me later, they could not bear to come back to the premises which were forcibly acquired by Mrs. B on the instigation of the leftists in her Government. President Wijetunga visited Lake House for the opening.

I also had a hand in starting the “Sunday Observer Review of Books” which was designed to assist local writers. To start off I began a review of James Manor’s biography of Bandaranaike entitled the “Expedient Utopian”. My review was published in two consecutive installments. But before I could publish the third installment I got an unexpected telephone call from JR Jayewardene. He wanted me to drop in at “Braemar” for a chat. In my article I had used information available in a book by Micheal Roberts on the Ceylon National Congress.

In those papers there was a reference to Sir John Kotelawala calling the young JRJ a “beachcomber”. At that time there was no love lost between the two since JRJ had brought a resolution to the CNC in which its members were precluded from obtaining membership in another political party. This was aimed primarily at Bandaranaike whose Sinhala Maha Sabha included many leaders of the CNC like Kotelawela. This resolution was opposed by DS Senanayake as well who did not want juniors like JRJ and Dudley to rock the boat while delicate negotiations were going on for Dominion status.

When I called over that afternoon JRJ was in a generous mood. He took me out to the garden facing his sitting room and ordered brandy. While sipping brandy he reminisced about the CNC of which he had been a secretary after Bandaranaike. He said that Kotelawala was hostile to him at that stage and would call him names in his inimitable style. There had been hostility between the Kotelawalas and Jayewardenes of the earlier generation. Sir John’s father and JRJs uncle had married two sisters from the progeny of Mudaliyar Attygalle of Madapatha who was reputed to be one of the richest men in the country. A third sister was married to FR Senanayake. Attygalle’s son who was to inherit the fortune was shot dead by a hired gunman.

John Kotelawala Snr was accused of planning this murder and was found guilty by the Supreme Court, He was sentenced to death. Kotelawala committed suicide in prison. Brother-in-law Jayewardene was despised by the Kotelawalas as he had helped the prosecution to convict their kinsman. That was now all water under the bridge and JRJ did not want those Kotelawala epithets to be resurrected and brought to the notice of a new generation.

I told him that I had no intention of embarrassing him. He talked to me about his retirement and that he was unhappy that all his legatees had been killed. In his usual style he accompanied me to the door and I left marveling at the old man’s stamina and his concern to correct the record about his family for posterity. It was a bravura performance and it has long remained ingrained in my memory. A general election was declared not long after and I could not complete my review of James Manor’s book.

Buriyani

Another noteworthy event in my short stay as Chairman is still referred to as “Amunugama Buriyani”. I received a complaint from the minor staff that the quality of meals in the Lake House canteen had deteriorated. The Chairman’s meals during the time of DR Wijewardena were the stuff of legend. A sick man in his later years, the Chairman’s food had been sent “hot hot” from home by car. His orderlies had arranged it meticulously in a special dining room next to his office. That dining room had been used by all his successors for fine dining and a short siesta afterwards because they spent a lot of time in the premises supervising newspapers which came out both in the morning and evening. The proprietors of Lake House were well known to dedicate much of their time and effort to bring out a set of classy publications.

Needless to say after nationalization the dedication of the state appointed Chairmen were not of the same standard. Nevertheless the mystique about the Chairman’s dining room remained. Since many nationalized ventures “marched on the stomach” of their overpaid workers special attention was paid to canteens and lunch packets which contributed to the ever growing “perks” of the “hoi polloi”. On receiving complaints about this apparently highly sensitive issue by the minor staff of Lake House, I decided to change the class bound “tiffin culture” of the institution.

Taking drastic action based on my experience of canteen procedures in University halls of residence and Kachcheries, I decided to have my lunch in the Lake House canteen.

The workers were overjoyed and the food contractor had to reluctantly improve his menu. The company directors and senior journalists joined me at lunch. I then suggested that the menu should include a “buriyani” to be served as lunch every Friday. This was done much to the satisfaction of the staff and constant requests for higher payments by the food contractor. I was told that this change was continued after my departure and cynical newspapermen of Lake House dubbed it the “Amunugama buriyani”.

Gamini rejoins

By this time Gamini had decided to rejoin the UNP. But Wijetunga was torn between the wishes of many of his friends who wanted Gamini back and the leaders of the official party machine, particularly Ranil, Choksy and Cooray who wanted to keep him out. But the numbers supporting Gamini were increasing including those in his personal staff whom Ranil kept at a distance. I was meeting the President almost on a daily basis and was able to recommend that he should bring Gamini back to the UNP fold. One evening he told me to bring Gamini to President’s House. But after Gamini got ready together with some DUNF leaders to make the trip, Wijetunga abruptly cancelled his offer and I had the unenviable chore of returning to his house to announce the bad news.

Obviously the President was being pressurized at a very high level. On the following day he changed his mind again and we had a grand event under the patronage of Wijetunga as leader of the UNP. These events were well described by Lasantha Wickrematunge in his political column in the Sunday Times of 30th January 1994, parts of which are reproduced below.

“As was reported in this column last week with Sarath Amunugama, a relative and former Permanent Secretary to Mr. Wijetunga appointed by Mr. Dissanayake to be the negotiating representative for the DUNF, the President on Tuesday January 18th called in UNP General Secretary and Housing Minister Sirisena Cooray to do the honours for the UNP.

The appointment of Dr. Amunugama to negotiate for the DUNF was made by Mr. Dissanayake with the concurrence of the President to ensure the smooth passage of the process underway as he was also ‘very friendly; with the UNP top trio of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Minister Cooray and K. N. Choksy. At the same time Dr. Amunugama also had a rapport with Mr. Cooray having worked closely with him during his days as Mayor when the former was Secretary in charge of Tourism, Information and Broadcasting.

“Dr. Amunugama is also a close buddy of WD Ailapperuma long time Secretary to Mr. Cooray’s Ministry having read sociology at the university together. Thus it was thought Dr. Amunugama would be the ideal negotiator to get the process underway. Eventually on a Presidential directive Dr. Amunugama and Mr. Cooray decided to meet at the Housing Ministry on January 20 to work out the modalities. In fixing the time for the meeting Mr. Cooray was to tell Dr. Amunugama “Don’t worry if I get a bit late, your friend Ailapperuma will be there.”

At the time Dr. Amunugama walked into the Housing Ministry meeting Mr. Cooray was already there with Minister Choksy. The meeting began with the dispelling of any hostility to the re-entry of Mr. Dissanayake with Mr. Cooray going to the extent of saying that though various journals had sought to give the impression the PM, Mr. Choksy and he were against the move there was no truth to it.

“With that out of the way the trio sat down and worked out the modalities namely for the DUNF Provincial Minsters and Chief Minister to hold on to their seats with the help of the UNP. Thereafter the trio also discussed the need for a statement to be issued by Mr. Dissanayake at the point of entry and the outlines of the statement. With the meeting having ended on that cordial note the stage was set for implementation on Sunday January 23.

“In the meantime on January 22 Saturday Mr. Dissanayake and Dr. Amunugama worked out the draft statement on the basis that reconciliation must be the golden thread that runs through the whole of it. Having done that a copy was sent to Mr. Choksy who also agreed with the contents. The only change was the inclusion of the name Ranil Wickremesinghe after the word Prime Minister which had not been typed in on the draft statement.

“It was in this backdrop that developments on January 23 were to take place. By this time all indications were Mr. Dissanayake would rejoin the UNP on Sunday night prior to which a formal round of talks were scheduled among President Wijetunga, Minister Choksy and Dr. Amunugama. It was at this meeting that certain snags surfaced which threatened the successful conclusion of the talks.

“At the time Dr. Amunugama walked into President’s House at seven pm Mr. Wijetunga was alone having returned from Kandy hours earlier. Soon after Mr. Choksy walked in, the discussion got under way. The question was posed whether it would not be better if the whole process was put off for two to three weeks until the “legal process” by which DUNF members, particularly the Provincial Councilors, could join the UNP was sorted out. While President Wijetunga was contemplating the implications of this suggestion, Dr. Amunugama reacted quickly to ensure the there was no further delay, possibly feeling there could be many a slip between the cup and the lip.

“Accordingly Dr. Amungama said the whole country was expecting the development to take place this week and any delay would only provide ammunition to those waiting to pick holes in the ongoing process. He went on to say that in view of the legal poser Mr. Dissanayake could as DUNF leader join the UNP as a symbolic act and also resign from the Central Provincial Council. That he said in the eyes of the public will be a symbolic merger between the UNP and DUNF and the others would remain outside until the legal problems were sorted out. The President readily agreed to this formula with Minister Choksy too concurring.

“With that problem out of the way, there was another legal poser, that being the position of a person rejoining the party after being sacked. However President Wijetunga was to point out at this stage, he had the authority of the working committee to negotiate with Mr. Dissanayake and arrive at a decision in the best interests of the party and even if further approval was needed it will be a mere formality. On that note the meeting ended. The time now was after 9.00 pm and it was considered too late to go through with the formal ceremony and Mr. Wijetunga inquired from Dr. Amunugama whether it would be alright to do it the following day.

“Thereafter Dr. Amunugama telephoned Mr. Dissanayakes residence where all the DUNF leaders were gathered and inquired whether Monday will be suitable. Mr. Dissanayake for reasons personal preferred Wednesday morning and on this being conveyed to the President he agreed. On that note the meeting ended and Mr Choksy and Dr. Amungama departed. Mr. Choksy later briefed top UNPers of the state of play and Dr Amunugama did likewise having driven to Mr. Dissanayakes residence.

“At the ministerial meeting on Wednesday, President Wijetunga informed the ministers of the ceremony later that morning and obtained unanimous approval for his actions. Soon after the cabinet meeting the President left for his official residence where Mr. Dissanayake and party were expected at 10.15am. Speaker MH Mohamed too called on the President minutes before that and spoke to the leader and went out all smiles. Thereafter Mr. Dissanayake was invited in by the President and the formalities attended to.

“The question of referring the application to the working committee also was overlooked with the President personally handing over the membership card to Mr. Dissanayake thereby enrolling him as a member once again. That done the other members left while the President, Mr. Choksy, Mr. Dissanayake and Dr. Amunugama continued their political dialogue discussing future strategies.”

All these changes were not to Ranil’s liking. In many ways Gamini’s style was the exact opposite of Ranil’s who knew that party opinion would swing to Gamini who was a charismatic leader. As mentioned above his camp first raised technical objections based on the fact that Gamini had been expelled from the party [by Premadasa] and the process of rejoining for those expelled was a long drawn out one. Wijetunga simply ignored this provision and handed over a membership card at our meeting. Ranil then wanted a letter from Gamini expressing his loyalty to the PM. The expectation perhaps was that this demand would be arrogantly rejected by Gamini. But we advised him “to stoop to conquer” and I drafted a reply that could take us out of that well laid trap.

It must be stated that Cooray at this stage welcomed the advent of Gamini which debilitated the anti-Gamini forces and we were able to integrate the majority of DUNF supporters with the UNP under the now benign Wijetunga. The Ranil camp never forgave Cooray for not sabotaging Gamini’s attempt to rejoin the UNP. We then faced the challenge of getting Gamini into Parliament. Every attempt was made by the anti-Gamini forces to ensure that there was no vacancy created by the resignation of a sitting national list member.

At first these national list members were unwilling to resign for love or money. On one occasion Gamini and I spent time in a car in the early hours of the morning to intercept an MP who was not returning his calls even though she entered Parliament as a Gamini loyalist. She was returning home in the early hours of the morning after meeting her boy friend and was not amused to see the two of us at her gate.

After a long and anxious period of bargaining a minority MP was induced to vacate his seat and Wijetunga promptly appointed Gamini to fill that vacancy and added him to his Cabinet as Minister in charge of Mahaweli development.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)



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Features

Trade preferences to support post-Ditwah reconstruction

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Ditwah disaster

The manner in which the government succeeded in mobilising support from the international community, immediately after the devastating impact of Cyclone Ditwah, may have surprised many people of this country, particularly because our Opposition politicians were ridiculing our “inexperienced” government, in the recent past, for its inability to deal with the international community effectively. However, by now it is evident that the government, with the assistance of the international community and local nongovernmental actors, like major media organisations, has successfully managed the recovery efforts. So, let me begin by thanking them for what they have done so far.

Yet, some may argue that it is not difficult to mobilise the support for recovery efforts from the international community, immediately after any major disaster, and the real challenge is to sustain that support through the next few weeks, months and years. Because the recovery process, more specifically the post-recovery reconstruction process, requires long-term support. So, the government agencies should start immediately to focus on, in addition to initial disaster relief, a longer-term strategy for reconstruction. This is important because in a few weeks’ time, the focus of the global community may shift elsewhere … to another crisis in another corner of the world. Before that happens, the government should take initiatives to get the support from development partners on appropriate policy measures, including exceptional trade preferences, to help Sri Lanka in the recovery efforts through the medium and the long term.

Use of Trade Preferences to support recovery and reconstruction

In the past, the United States and the European Union used exceptional enhanced trade preferences as part of the assistance packages when countries were devastated by natural disasters, similar to Cyclone Ditwah. For example:

  • After the devastating floods in Pakistan, in July 2010, the EU granted temporary, exceptional trade preferences to Pakistan (autonomous trade preferences) to aid economic recovery. This measure was a de facto waiver on the standard EU GSP (Generalised Scheme of Preferences) rules. The preferences, which were proposed in October 2010 and were applied until the end of 2013, effectively suspended import duties on 75 types of goods, including textiles and apparel items. The available studies on this waiver indicate that though a significant export hike occurred within a few months after the waiver became effective it did not significantly depress exports by competing countries. Subsequently, Pakistan was granted GSP+ status in 2014.

  • Similarly, after the 2015 earthquakes in Nepal, the United States supported Nepal through an extension of unilateral additional preferences, the Nepal Trade Preferences Programme (NTPP). This was a 10-year initiative to grant duty-free access for up to 77 specific Nepali products to aid economic recovery after the 2015 earthquakes. This was also a de facto waiver on the standard US GSP rules.
  • Earlier, after Hurricanes Mitch and Georges caused massive devastation across the Caribbean Basin nations, in 1998, severely impacting their economies, the United States proposed a long-term strategy for rebuilding the region that focused on trade enhancement. This resulted in the establishment of the US Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act (CBTPA), which was signed into law on 05 October, 2000, as Title II of the Trade and Development Act of 2000. This was a more comprehensive facility than those which were granted to Pakistan and Nepal.

What type of concession should Sri Lanka request from our development partners?

Given these precedents, it is appropriate for Sri Lanka to seek specific trade concessions from the European Union and the United States.

In the European Union, Sri Lanka already benefits from the GSP+ scheme. Under this arrangement Sri Lanka’s exports (theoretically) receive duty-free access into the EU markets. However, in 2023, Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, that is, the ratio of preferential imports to GSP+ eligible imports, stood at 59%. This was significantly below the average utilisation of other GSP beneficiary countries. For example, in 2023, preference utilisation rates for Bangladesh and Pakistan were 90% and 88%, respectively. The main reason for the low utilisation rate of GSP by Sri Lanka is the very strict Rules of Origin requirements for the apparel exports from Sri Lanka. For example, to get GSP benefits, a woven garment from Sri Lanka must be made from fabric that itself had undergone a transformation from yarn to fabric in Sri Lanka or in another qualifying country. However, a similar garment from Bangladesh only requires a single-stage processing (that is, fabric to garment) qualifies for GSP. As a result, less than half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports to the EU were ineligible for the preferences in 2023.

Sri Lanka should request a relaxation of this strict rule of origin to help economic recovery. As such a concession only covers GSP Rules of Origin only it would impact multilateral trade rules and would not require WTO approval. Hence could be granted immediately by the EU.

United States

Sri Lanka should submit a request to the United States for (a) temporary suspension of the recently introduced 20% additional ad valorem duty and (b) for a programme similar to the Nepal Trade Preferences Programme (NTPP), but designed specifically for Sri Lanka’s needs. As NTPP didn’t require WTO approval, similar concessions also can be granted without difficulty.

Similarly, country-specific requests should be carefully designed and submitted to Japan and other major trading partners.

(The writer is a retired public servant and can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Lasting power and beauty of words

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Novelists, poets, short story writers, lyricists, politicians and columnists use words for different purposes. While some of them use words to inform and elevate us, others use them to bolster their ego. If there was no such thing called words, we cannot even imagine what will happen to us. Whether you like it or not everything rests on words. If the Penal Code does not define a crime and prescribe a punishment, judges will not be able to convict criminals. Even the Constitution of our country is a printed document.

A mother’s lullaby contains snatches of sweet and healing words. The effect is immediate. The baby falls asleep within seconds. A lover’s soft and alluring words go right into his or her beloved. An army commander’s words encourage soldiers to go forward without fear. The British wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s words still ring in our ears: “… we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender …”

Writers wax eloquent on love. English novelist John Galsworthy wrote: “Love is no hot-house flower, but a wild plant, born of a wet night, born of an hour of sunshine; sprung from wild seed, blown along the road by a wild wind. A wild plant that, when it blooms by chance within the hedge of our gardens, we call a flower; and when it blooms outside we call a weed; but flower or weed, whose scent and colour are always wild.” While living in a world dominated by technology, we often hear a bunch of words that is colourless and often cut to verbal ribbons – “How R U” or “Luv U.” Such words seem to squeeze the life out of language.

Changing medium

Language is a constantly changing medium. New words and forms arrive and old ones die out. Whoever thought that the following Sinhala words would find a place in the Oxford English Dictionary? “Asweddumize, Avurudu, Baila, Kiribath, Kottu Roti, Mallung, Osari, Papare, Walawwa and Watalappan.” With all such borrowed words the English language is expanding and remains beautiful. The language helps us to express subtle ideas clearly and convincingly.

You are judged by the words you use. If you constantly use meaningless little phrases, you will be considered a worthless person. When you read a well-written piece of writing you will note how words jump and laugh on the paper or screen. Some of them wag their tails while others stand back like shy village belles. However, they serve a useful purpose. Words help us to write essays, poems, short stories and novels. If not for the beauty of the language, nobody will read what you write.

If you look at the words meaningfully, you will see some of them tap dancing while others stand to rigid attention. Big or small, all the words you pen form part of the action or part of the narrative. The words you write make your writing readable and exciting. That is why we read our favourite authors again and again.

Editorials

If a marriage is to succeed, partners should respect and love each other. Similarly, if you love words, they will help you to use them intelligently and forcefully. A recent survey in the United States has revealed that only eight per cent of people read the editorial. This is because most editorials are not readable. However, there are some editorials which compel us to read them. Some readers collect such editorials to be read later.

Only a lover of words would notice how some words run smoothly without making a noise. Other words appear to be dancing on the floor. Some words of certain writers are soothing while others set your blood pounding. There is a young monk who is preaching using simple words very effectively. He has a large following of young people addicted to drugs. After listening to his preaching, most of them have given up using illegal drugs. The message is loud and clear. If there is no demand for drugs, nobody will smuggle them into the country.

Some politicians use words so rounded at the edges and softened by wear that they are no longer interesting. The sounds they make are meaningless and listeners get more and more confused. Their expressions are full of expletives the meaning of which is often soiled with careless use of words.

Weather-making

Some words, whether written or spoken, stick like superglue. You will never forget them. William Vergara in his short essay on weather-making says, “Cloud-seeding has touched off one of the most baffling controversies in meteorological history. It has been blamed for or credited with practically all kinds of weather. Some scientists claim seeding can produce floods and hail. Others insist it creates droughts and dissipates clouds. Still others staunchly maintain it has no effect at all. The battle is far from over, but at last one clear conclusion is beginning to emerge: man can change the weather, and he is getting better at it.”

There are words that nurse the ego and heal the heart. The following short paragraph is a good example. S. Radhakrishnan says, “In every religion today we have small minorities who see beyond the horizon of their particular faith, not through religious fellowship is possible, not through the imposition of any one way on the whole but through an all-inclusive recognition that we are all searchers for the truth, pilgrims on the road, that we all aim at the same ethical and spiritual standard.”

There are some words joined together in common phrases. They are so beautiful that they elevate the human race. In the phrase ‘beyond a shadow of doubt’, ‘a shadow’ connotes a dark area covering light. ‘A doubt’ refers to hesitancy in belief. We use such phrases blithely because they are exquisitely beautiful in their structure. The English language is a repository of such miracles of expression that lead to deeper understanding or emphasis.

Social media

Social media use words powerfully. Sometimes they invent new words. Through the social media you can reach millions of viewers without the intervention of the government. Their opinion can stop wars and destroy tyrants. If you use the right words, you can even eliminate poverty to a great extent.

The choice of using powerful words is yours. However, before opening your mouth, tap the computer, unclip a pen, write a lyric or poem, think twice of the effect of your writing. When you talk with a purpose or write with pleasure, you enrich listeners and readers with your marvellous language skills. If you have a command of the language, you will put across your point of view that counts. Always try to find the right words and change the world for a better place for us to live.

By R. S. Karunaratne
karunaratners@gmail.com

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Why Sri Lanka Still Has No Doppler Radar – and Who Should Be Held Accountable

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Eighteen Years of Delay:

Cyclone Ditwah has come and gone, leaving a trail of extensive damage to the country’s infrastructure, including buildings, roads, bridges, and 70% of the railway network. Thousands of hectares of farming land have been destroyed. Last but not least, nearly 1,000 people have lost their lives, and more than two million people have been displaced. The visuals uploaded to social media platforms graphically convey the widespread destruction Cyclone Ditwah has caused in our country.

The purpose of my article is to highlight, for the benefit of readers and the general public, how a project to establish a Doppler Weather Radar system, conceived in 2007, remains incomplete after 18 years. Despite multiple governments, shifting national priorities, and repeated natural disasters, the project remains incomplete.

Over the years, the National Audit Office, the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), and several print and electronic media outlets have highlighted this failure. The last was an excellent five-minute broadcast by Maharaja Television Network on their News First broadcast in October 2024 under a series “What Happened to Sri Lanka”

The Agreement Between the Government of Sri Lanka and the World Meteorological Organisation in 2007.

The first formal attempt to establish a Doppler Radar system dates back to a Trust Fund agreement signed on 24 May 2007 between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO). This agreement intended to modernize Sri Lanka’s meteorological infrastructure and bring the country on par with global early-warning standards.

The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations established on March 23, 1950. There are 193 member countries of the WMO, including Sri Lanka. Its primary role is to promote the establishment of a worldwide meteorological observation system and to serve as the authoritative voice on the state and behaviour of the Earth’s atmosphere, its interaction with the oceans, and the resulting climate and water resources.

According to the 2018 Performance Audit Report compiled by the National Audit Office, the GoSL entered into a trust fund agreement with the WMO to install a Doppler Radar System. The report states that USD 2,884,274 was deposited into the WMO bank account in Geneva, from which the Department of Metrology received USD 95,108 and an additional USD 113,046 in deposit interest. There is no mention as to who actually provided the funds. Based on available information, WMO does not fund projects of this magnitude.

The WMO was responsible for procuring the radar equipment, which it awarded on 18th June 2009 to an American company for USD 1,681,017. According to the audit report, a copy of the purchase contract was not available.

Monitoring the agreement’s implementation was assigned to the Ministry of Disaster Management, a signatory to the trust fund agreement. The audit report details the members of the steering committee appointed by designation to oversee the project. It consisted of personnel from the Ministry of Disaster Management, the Departments of Metrology, National Budget, External Resources and the Disaster Management Centre.

The Audit Report highlights failures in the core responsibilities that can be summarized as follows:

· Procurement irregularities—including flawed tender processes and inadequate technical evaluations.

· Poor site selection

—proposed radar sites did not meet elevation or clearance requirements.

· Civil works delays

—towers were incomplete or structurally unsuitable.

· Equipment left unused

—in some cases for years, exposing sensitive components to deterioration.

· Lack of inter-agency coordination

—between the Meteorology Department, Disaster Management Centre, and line ministries.

Some of the mistakes highlighted are incomprehensible. There is a mention that no soil test was carried out before the commencement of the construction of the tower. This led to construction halting after poor soil conditions were identified, requiring a shift of 10 to 15 meters from the original site. This resulted in further delays and cost overruns.

The equipment supplier had identified that construction work undertaken by a local contractor was not of acceptable quality for housing sensitive electronic equipment. No action had been taken to rectify these deficiencies. The audit report states, “It was observed that the delay in constructing the tower and the lack of proper quality were one of the main reasons for the failure of the project”.

In October 2012, when the supplier commenced installation, the work was soon abandoned after the vehicle carrying the heavy crane required to lift the radar equipment crashed down the mountain. The next attempt was made in October 2013, one year later. Although the equipment was installed, the system could not be operationalised because electronic connectivity was not provided (as stated in the audit report).

In 2015, following a UNOPS (United Nations Office for Project Services) inspection, it was determined that the equipment needed to be returned to the supplier because some sensitive electronic devices had been damaged due to long-term disuse, and a further 1.5 years had elapsed by 2017, when the equipment was finally returned to the supplier. In March 2018, the estimated repair cost was USD 1,095,935, which was deemed excessive, and the project was abandoned.

COPA proceedings

The Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) discussed the radar project on August 10, 2023, and several press reports state that the GOSL incurred a loss of Rs. 78 million due to the project’s failure. This, I believe, is the cost of constructing the Tower. It is mentioned that Rs. 402 million had been spent on the radar system, of which Rs. 323 million was drawn from the trust fund established with WMO. It was also highlighted that approximately Rs. 8 million worth of equipment had been stolen and that the Police and the Bribery and Corruption Commission were investigating the matter.

JICA support and project stagnation

Despite the project’s failure with WMO, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) entered into an agreement with GOSL on June 30, 2017 to install two Doppler Radar Systems in Puttalam and Pottuvil. JICA has pledged 2.5 billion Japanese yen (LKR 3.4 billion at the time) as a grant. It was envisaged that the project would be completed in 2021.

Once again, the perennial delays that afflict the GOSL and bureaucracy have resulted in the groundbreaking ceremony being held only in December 2024. The delay is attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.

The seven-year delay between the signing of the agreement and project commencement has led to significant cost increases, forcing JICA to limit the project to installing only one Doppler Radar system in Puttalam.

Impact of the missing radar during Ditwah

As I am not a meteorologist and do not wish to make a judgment on this, I have decided to include the statement issued by JICA after the groundbreaking ceremony on December 24, 2024.

In partnership with the Department of Meteorology (DoM), JICA is spearheading the establishment of the Doppler Weather Radar Network in the Puttalam district, which can realize accurate weather observation and weather prediction based on the collected data by the radar. This initiative is a significant step in strengthening Sri Lanka’s improving its climate resilience including not only reducing risks of floods, landslides, and drought but also agriculture and fishery“.

Based on online research, a Doppler Weather Radar system is designed to observe weather systems in real time. While the technical details are complex, the system essentially provides localized, uptotheminute information on rainfall patterns, storm movements, and approaching severe weather. Countries worldwide rely on such systems to issue timely alerts for monsoons, tropical depressions, and cyclones. It is reported that India has invested in 30 Doppler radar systems, which have helped minimize the loss of life.

Without radar, Sri Lanka must rely primarily on satellite imagery and foreign meteorological centres, which cannot capture the finescale, rapidly changing weather patterns that often cause localized disasters here.

The general consensus is that, while no single system can prevent natural disasters, an operational Doppler Radar almost certainly would have strengthened Sri Lanka’s preparedness and reduced the extent of damage and loss.

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s inability to commission a Doppler Radar system, despite nearly two decades of attempts, represents one of the most significant governance failures in the country’s disastermanagement history.

Audit findings, parliamentary oversight proceedings, and donor records all confirm the same troubling truth: Sri Lanka has spent public money, signed international agreements, received foreign assistance, and still has no operational radar. This raises a critical question: should those responsible for this prolonged failure be held legally accountable?

Now may not be the time to determine the extent to which the current government and bureaucrats failed the people. I believe an independent commission comprising foreign experts in disaster management from India and Japan should be appointed, maybe in six months, to identify failures in managing Cyclone Ditwah.

However, those who governed the country from 2007 to 2024 should be held accountable for their failures, and legal action should be pursued against the politicians and bureaucrats responsible for disaster management for their failure to implement the 2007 project with the WMO successfully.

Sri Lanka cannot afford another 18 years of delay. The time for action, transparency, and responsibility has arrived.

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

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