Opinion

Muslims’ contribution to Sri Lanka and the world: Some little known facts

Published

4 years ago

2022/08/18

by Ifham Nizam

The Island spoke to Asiff Hussein, Vice-President, Outreach of the Centre for Islamic Studies (CIS) about cultural contribution of Muslims and misconceptions about the Islamic faith.

You have lectured extensively on Muslim Cultural Contribution. So, how would you describe such contribution both locally and internationally?

Islam has throughout history been a very dynamic force, extensively borrowing from cultures and contributing to them. In the early years of Islam, the influence of the Byzantine Empire, also known as the Rome of the East was considerable. Thence came the domes of our mosques and the crescent symbol which was originally the symbol of Constantinople, the capital of Byzantium. When the Ottoman Turks took it in 1453, it became the symbol of Islam. The Muslims in turn improved on the architecture and so we have the onion domes of the Kremlin and the pointed towers of Castle Neuschwanstein in Bavaria resembling Islamic minarets as you see in the great mosque in Medina and the Blue Mosque in Istanbul.

In medicine, the early Muslims borrowed from Greece and the medical tradition known as Unani (literally Greek) was born. The Muslims in turn improved on it and passed it on to Europe, so much so that Ibn Sina’s (Avicenna’s) Qanoon Fit Tibb or Canon of Medicine was a standard textbook in European universities until as recently as the eighteenth century.

Even in Sri Lanka, we find Muslims have made a very meaningful contribution in terms of food, dress and pastimes. Sinhala sweetmeats such as aluva, dodol and bibikkan, accharu pickles, savoury sambols, articles of dress like sarong and karabu and pastimes such as the rabana and kite flying all owe their origins to the country’s Moor and Malay communities. Nose ornaments widely worn by Tamil women were also introduced by the Muslims. Arab and Muslim women widely wore such ornaments in the good old days.

Has Islamic fundamentalism taken hold of the local Muslim community and if so what can be done about it?

Fundamentalism might be the wrong word to use in this context since a Fundamentalist is literally one who sticks to the fundamentals of the faith. The proper word to use might be extremist rather than fundamentalist. There have been some extremist interpretations of Islam by Saudi-inspired Salafi scholars locally, especially where matters such as niqab (face covering) are concerned. However even in Saudi Arabia, these extremist attitudes are no longer being tolerated and that’s a good thing. In Islam what is required is to dress modestly and cover all except the face and hands. To say that the faith requires covering more than that is going beyond Islamic teachings and no doubt an expression of extremism. Nevertheless I still believe it should be a choice for the woman herself if she opts for niqab. Individual freedoms are also important, so long as it is not forced or coerced using religion among other things.

However, this extremist thinking has not made much headway in Sri Lankan society and is rejected by the vast majority of Muslims. In fact, the Easter Sunday bombings of churches and hotels shook and shocked the community as we never imagined even in our worst nightmares that such a thing could ever happen. As things are turning out now, there were other sinister interests behind these terrorist attacks. What these terrorists did went against every teaching of Islam including striking religious places of worship and killing innocents among other things.

You focus a lot on the Past as an Inspiration for Co-existence between Muslims and people of other faiths. Why do you do that?

Muslims have co-existed with the other communities of this island for well over a thousand years. They never arrived here as invaders but as peaceful merchants who made an immense contribution to our country by way of supplying essentials to isolated communities such as the Veddas and the landlocked Kandyan kingdom for centuries at a time when it was surrounded and at times blockaded by the colonial powers. They also intermarried with both Sinhalese and to a lesser extent Tamils. This is probably why you find Kandyan Muslims still bearing Sinhala ge-names. It has also been established by genetic studies that Sri Lankan Muslims are the least exclusive of all of the island’s races.

This means they have been the most inclusive and have DNA that closely resembles the Sinhalese. This is mostly true of maternal lineages which proves that the early Moors settled here intermarried with local women. However there are Sinhalese paternal linages of Moors as well which shows how close these two communities were in the past. So how do we create awareness of this fact? Simple, by publicizing it in every possible way, that we are one with the rest of the communities that have made this beautiful island our home.

There is a misconception that in Islam women are not treated as equals. How far is this true?

This is a common misconception, mainly because of the way Islam is interpreted in certain countries like Saudi Arabia. In Islam, women are free to own and manage property and transact business in their own right; they are free to marry partners whom they choose and may do so even sans the consent of male guardians such as father or brother. Unfortunately many of these rights given in both the Qur’an and in the ahadith or traditions of our Prophet (Peace Be Upon Him) are trampled in countries like Saudi Arabia which are more concerned about maintaining their tribal traditions than the true laws of Islam.

In some cases, the West deliberately complicates the picture, especially when it comes to matters like Female Genital Mutilation. True, Islam has nothing to do with FGM, but we do have something called female circumcision, which like male circumcision involves the removal of a little bit of skin, the prepuce covering the clitoris and ensures a lifetime of genital hygiene and enhanced sexual pleasure. But the West perpetuates this myth equating it to FGM as happens in certain African countries. Fortunately Islamic organisations and publications have now begun addressing these topics. A case in point is the leading international Islamic magazine Al Jumuah carrying its cover story on Islamic Female Circumcision, making a very good case why it ought to be obligatory and outlining its many health and sexual benefits. Thus, it is not only the manner in which Islam is interpreted in certain societies that is the problem, but also how the West portrays it to be.

Sharia Law is commonly thought to be a very harsh set of laws and unsuited for the modern world. What is your take on this?

Shariah Law is not at all what it is commonly understood to be. You wouldn’t believe me if I were to tell you that it was until recently, one of the most, perhaps the most lenient of legal systems the world had known. But that’s the fact. Take amputation of the hand for theft. Do you know that to cut off a thief’s hand that at least thirteen conditions should be met and that if any one of these conditions are not met, the penalty cannot be applied. In fact, in Ottoman Turkey where the Shariah was applied for well over three centuries, there were only a handful of cases where thieves had their hands cut off.

Why, because the legal conditions that required the penalty to be carried out were so difficult to establish. The stolen item should have had a certain value, something like forty dollars or more in the present context, it should have been kept in a place of safekeeping like a safe, it should have not been in a public place or in the sight of the public, etc., and when all these conditions have expired, it is still possible to save the thief from the penalty if the victim comes forward to gift it to him or her. In contrast until as recently as the early 1800s thieves in Britain could be sent to the gallows without any of the attenuating conditions that Islamdom imposed.

Then take adultery. True, stoning to death may well be the punishment, but the fact remains that to prove adultery as many as four witnesses are necessary, and these four should have seen penetration taking place by the offending couple. The purpose of Shariah is not to humiliate or mutilate, but to impress on potential offenders the seriousness of their offence and to prevent the evil from being broadcast in public so that it becomes the order of the day.

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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

Published

3 days ago

2026/04/9

Sahan Weerasooriya

A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

Published

4 days ago

2026/04/8

Sahan Weerasooriya

130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

Published

5 days ago

2026/04/7

Sahan Weerasooriya

As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·

· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·

· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)