Features
Mangala’s Economics
I found Karma inexplicable that such an effective Politician was not only taken away prematurely, but we were also denied the right to pay our respects as well.
In recent times, as Foreign Minister he ensured that our International relations were at their best ever.
His period as Finance Minister saw us register with long overdue financial discipline, two consecutive years of primary revenue surpluses in 2017 and 18, for the first time after over fifty years .
In a brief stint as Sports Minister he inspired Vijay Malalasekera’s Interim Committee to such an extent that we recorded our most successful years in International Cricket, with Integrity unquestioned !
Above all he was a very decent, humble, honest and civilised human being and was blessed in consequence with a Midas touch as his tenures will confirm.
We can all stand proudly and say “Here indeed was a true Statesman”
So Let us console ourselves that fate took him prematurely, to enable an early rebirth through his good Karma, and a path thereafter in Politics that will see him as the Head of State of a New Sri Lanka within forty years !
A prosperous era when educated Parliamentarians will adorn that revered Institution, with Country,, ALL its people and self in that order as their priorities and a Parliament that will conduct its affairs with dignity making its people truly proud
“Mangala” deserves that posthumous reward.
In the Interim Dear Sir, Rest in Peace.
A Grateful Citizen
by Deshal de Mel
When Mangala Samaraweera took over the Finance Ministry portfolio in May 2017 Sri Lanka was preparing to face some of its most challenging years in macroeconomic management. 2018 was the year that the government had to make its highest ever domestic debt repayments (LKR 922 billion in capital repayments of domestic debt. For context, in 2020 the domestic debt capital repayment was LKR 456 billion). In 2019 Sri Lanka had to make its highest ever foreign debt repayments (LKR 575 billion foreign capital repayments in 2019. In 2018 the foreign capital repayment was LKR 315 billion and in 2020 it was LKR 505 billion).
In addition to managing an economy where annual debt service payments (LKR 2,022 billion in 2019) were higher than government revenue (LKR 1,891 billion in 2019), in mid-2017 the country was in the midst of its worst drought in 40 years. Agricultural incomes had been decimated and the economy was also hurting from devastating floods in other parts of the country. The fragile coalition between President Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNF was also beginning to show the first signs of cracks as a two year honeymoon period was over. Amidst these challenges Mangala’s time was largely focused on firefighting these critical issues. That did not stop him from taking on some of the most important macroeconomic reforms during his two year stint as Minister of Finance.
Addressing Sri Lanka’s Fiscal Weakness
1996 was the year that Sri Lanka won the cricket world cup but it was also the last year that Sri Lanka had a government revenue to GDP ratio of over 20% (it was 20.1%that year and was consistently above 20% over many years prior to that). Since then revenue had declined dramatically, reaching a nadir of 11.6% in 2014. This was amongst the lowest government revenue performances in the world. Sri Lanka’s recent public expenditure ranging between 17% and 20% of GDP was not high by global standards. As of 2020 Sri Lanka’s government expenditure comprised largely non-discretionary spending including salaries and wages (6% of GDP), interest (6% of GDP), welfare and transfers (4% of GDP). Therefore there is very little room to meaningfully reduce expenditure in a practical manner.
The main causative factor behind Sri Lanka’s consistently high budget deficits was its weak revenue base. Sri Lanka also has an extremely regressive tax structure. As at 2017 approximately 82% of tax revenue was collected as taxes on goods and services and 18% as taxes on income and other direct taxes. Typically taxes on goods and services (indirect taxes) fall disproportionately on the poor. A family would pay the same tax on milk powder regardless of whether their household income is Rs. 50,000 or Rs. 500,000. This was how over 80% of Sri Lanka’s taxes have been collected. This reliance on taxes on goods and services has also contributed to driving up the cost of living as the tax component of prices continues to increase.
Mangala’s simple principle for taxation policy was that the government should wherever possible reduce upfront taxes and costs that disincentivize the commencement or establishment of business. However, once a business is established and profitable, it should pay its fair share in income taxes. This was the opposite to the reality at the time — Sri Lanka’s taxes had hitherto been front loaded into indirect taxes such as cess, PAL, NBT, and VAT — whereas income taxes are low and corporates enjoy a range of income tax holidays. As a result there is typically a high cost of entry into industry and limited competition among established players.
Taxes on incomes have been low for several reasons including open-ended tax holidays, weak collections reliant on self-declaration, and other leakages. The Inland Revenue Act of 2017 was drafted in order to address as many of these issues as possible.
In general the new legislation intended to shift to a rule based tax structure, moving away from discretionary policy which leaves room for leakages and graft. The IRA had important positive impacts on tax collection. Even though the legislation came into effect in April 2018, the full impact of the legislation would only be seen in November 2019 when the 2019/20 filing is completed. The results were impressive. There was a 44% growth in income tax collection in 2019 in spite of major shocks to the economy, tax payers registered with the Inland Revenue Department in 2018 was 986,684 and by 2019 it had increased to 1,505,552. Most importantly, in 2019 the ratio of direct taxes to indirect taxes shifted to 75% to 25% from 83% to 17% in the previous year. Even though marginal, this was an improvement in Sri Lanka’s highly regressive tax structure.
Primary Surpluses
One of Mangala’s key fiscal objectives at MoF was to achieve a primary surplus in the budget. Since independence, Sri Lanka had achieved a primary surplus only in 1954, 1955, and (marginally) in 1992. A primary surplus in the budget occurs when revenue exceeds expenditure minus interest cost. It is the measure of fiscal management that is truly within the control of the Minister of Finance since the past interest cost is payment for past sins. When a primary surplus is achieved it means the government’s revenue exceeds its non-interest expenditure. A primary deficit means the government has to borrow even to finance interest which is undesirable from a debt sustainability perspective. In 2017 Sri Lanka had a primary surplus of Rs.2 billion and in 2018 Rs. 91 billion (0.6% of GDP).
2017 (5.5% of GDP) and 2018 (5.3% of GDP) also saw two of the lowest budget deficits in Sri Lanka’s recent past. In 2016 as well Sri Lanka limited its budget deficit to 5.3% and in 2013 the deficit was 5.4%. However prior to that the only time the budget deficit dipped below 5.3% was in 1977 (4.5% of GDP).
A critique of this achievement is that even though the government had primary surpluses in 2017 and 2018, and the overall debt to GDP decreased in 2017 (from 79% to 78% of GDP), debt to GDP increased to 84.2% in 2018. The reason behind the increase in debt to GDP in 2018 was because of the depreciation of the currency that year due to the global taper tantrum early in the year as the Federal Reserve raised interest rates and the constitutional crisis later that year. When currency weakens, the rupee value of external debt increases, causing the debt to GDP ratio to increase, in spite of the gains made in real fiscal management, which is what can be controlled by the Minister of Finance.
There is also a perception that the decline in GDP growth rates was due to enhanced government revenue measures. However, quarterly GDP growth from Q1 2015 to Q3 2018 averaged 4.3%. This was keeping in line with the average growth levels of 2013 (3.5%) and 2014 (5%). Just as the economy was recovering from the droughts of 2017, this momentum was lost due to the constitutional coup in October 2018 which dragged down Q4 2018 growth to 2.1%. The resulting capital flight and forex reserve sales to defend the rupee resulted in negative market liquidity and higher interest rates that carried on well into 2019, compounded by the Easter Sunday attacks, dragging down 2019 growth as well.

Fuel Price Reform
In early 2018 the hopes of shifting to a market based fuel price formula were fading. This was potentially a major reform given the significant fiscal burden created over the years due to mis-pricing of petrol and diesel and weak balance sheet management by CPC. These factors combined to result in CPC running up debts over LKR 300 billion, mostly placed with the state banks, creating a high-risk fiscal combination. Anchoring retail fuel prices to the global market price (with adjustments for taxes, distribution costs, storage costs, finance costs, and profit margin) would help eliminate additions to the existing fiscal burden of CPC. When global prices rise, the domestic fuel price would rise, when global prices fall, the domestic price would fall. Even if the government chose not to increase retail prices in line with global price shifts, a transparent and publicly available formula would create more visibility on the fiscal costs of such a policy.
Like all challenging reforms, ideally the fuel price formula should have been introduced early in the political cycle, market prices were also trending upwards by 2018. In May 2018 the formula commenced implementation. On the 10th of every month the retail price of fuel will be adjusted to reflect the latest global fuel price (Singapore Platts was the anchor used). The timing could not have been worse, and communication could have been a lot better. Global fuel prices had started sky-rocketing from mid-June and peaked at over US$ 80 per barrel in October from the US$ 50 range leading up to May. Naturally the public associated the fuel price formula with rising prices at the pump. Had the formula been implemented a year prior, the public would have seen prices decline and stabilize prior to increasing. But alas, this was not to be, and the formula was scrapped by the new administration.
Trade Liberalisation
As at end 2019 Sri Lanka’s rank in Trade Openness was 140th out of 141 in the Global Competitiveness Index. In spite of being the first country in South Asia to liberalise in 1977, Sri Lanka’s trade protection levels have increased over the last couple of decades. In the 5 years from 2014 to 2018, the average percentage of government revenue collected at the border was around 49%.
The increased layers of taxes on imports results in three key impediments;
i) These import taxes are a significant burden on consumers. The effective import tax rate of several basic consumption products from milk powder to biscuits goes up to 100%.
ii) Import taxes erode competitiveness as domestic firms receive significant protection from global competition leading to less incentive for innovation and dynamism and thus hinders long term productivity improvements — the true driver of economic growth.
iii) Several intermediate imports have high import taxes — including numerous construction materials. This drives up costs for all industries, eroding competitiveness of almost all Sri Lankan enterprise. It also makes Sri Lanka less attractive a destination for FDI.
In Sri Lanka a lot of border taxes take the form of paratariffs. The standard import duty is customs import duty (CID), however since CID is eliminated in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with India and Pakistan, successive Sri Lankan governments have added in layers of paratariffs such as cess and the Ports and Aviation Levy (PAL).
In the 2017 November budget it was decided to commence the elimination of most of these paratariffs. Mangala championed this initiative since he recognized the potential positive implications it would have for the economy in the long term. Some of the treasury officials were less enthusiastic, because there would naturally be a short term revenue loss as a result of removing these tariffs and also because it would result in severe lobbying by protected industries, seeking to retain their walls of protection.
Whilst some in the ministry wanted to see tariffs eliminated almost entirely in a big bang reform move, it was necessary to allow time for domestic industry to adjust to this significant change. It was eventually decided that the best approach would be a five year phase out of most paratariffs. This would make the revenue impact easier to absorb — revenue from PAL and cess amounted to around 1% of GDP. To start with though the 2017 November budget would eliminate paratariffs on 1,200 or so of the least sensitive tariff lines. The impact would not be material, but Mangala felt it would be a robust signal — and also give additional time for industry to make adjustments to the envisaged operating environment. In the March 2019 budget the next phase of para-tariffs was eliminated, and a Trade Adjustment Programme was introduced to provide budgetary support for domestic sector entities that face adverse adjustment costs due to exposure to greater global competition.
Welfare Reform
Another important initiative of the Ministry of Finance under Mangala Samaraweera was the effort to streamline welfare payments. One of the first things Mangala asked me was how we can move away from a system of price controls on essential items to provide relief to the public. He understood that price controls are not sustainable since they are poorly targeted, they tend to result in shortages and erosion of quality when market prices exceed the administered price. And of course they are subject to constant abuse. He was very keen that we look at introducing a system where relief is provided to the needy through cash transfers — his favourite example was Bolsa Familia, Brazil’s cash transfer programme.
Of course this required a robust system of identification and targeting of those who are deserving of such support. This would apply not just to those who were of lower income levels, but also those with disabilities, the elderly and infirm, and those vulnerable to and victims of natural disasters. Sri Lanka’s existing system of welfare distribution, Samurdhi, was woefully inadequate in terms of targeting. Samurdhi had vast numbers of undeserving recipients who benefitted from the scheme and more worryingly, large numbers of deserving citizens who were excluded from the scheme. The World Bank provided technical support in designing such a targeting mechanism and after a lot of work the new targeting criteria was finally gazetted in June 2019. The mechanism consisted of objective, verifiable criteria including education levels, housing conditions, income, electricity consumption, assets, and illnesses. If fully implemented this mechanism of targeting, combined with the use of digital payment systems, would have enabled a transparent and efficient scheme of providing welfare to those who most deserved it, without resorting to the economic inefficiencies of indiscriminate price controls. Unfortunately this initiative too did not make it beyond the election cycle.
Monetary Policy Legislation
Another potentially game changing reform was the new Monetary Law Act. This legislation was championed by the Central Bank under Indrajit Coomaraswamy, and Mangala supported it to the hilt, even at the tail end of the political cycle. The MLA was designed to provide greater independence to the Central Bank, coupled with accountability measures for the Monetary Board. It would create disciplines around deficit financing (money printing) and establish the legal framework for inflation targeting. These measures would have imposed limitations on some of the most problematic interactions between the monetary and fiscal authorities, that have over the years led to Sri Lanka’s fiscal profligacy, deficit financing, all resulting in ballooning debt and monetary instability. Mangala was not a subject expert, but perhaps his best quality was to listen to the experts and formulate his judgment based on the technical advice that he received. The new Monetary Law Act also did not see the light of day.
2018 Constitutional Coup
It had been a very heavy few weeks in the lead up to the 2019 budget to be presented in early November 2018. The 26th of October was a Friday. The Active Liability Management Bill, a landmark piece of legislation that would allow Sri Lanka to buy back or otherwise manage its lumpy liabilities to smoothen out its repayment obligations, was passed in parliament in the afternoon. This piece of legislation had faced stiff opposition by President Sirisena. We had finished the final draft of the budget speech and had sent it for the final technical annotations. The end of a long week and several long months. As I drove out of the treasury building at around six pm I noticed barricades being hurriedly stacked up near the Presidential Secretariat. I didn’t pay much attention and carried on to catch up with some friends.
About forty five minutes in everyone was getting messages, stating that Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa is being sworn in as Prime Minister at the Presidential Secretariat. The initial reaction was disbelief since that act would in itself be unconstitutional. I made a couple of phone calls and it was clear something extraordinary was going on so I rushed back to the treasury. Most of the staff was gone by this time but the Minister and a couple of the private staff were still around. Nobody could quite believe what was going on. Having thought things through Mangala wanted to send out a tweet at 8.30pm saying “The appointment of @PresRajapaksa as the Prime Minister is unconstitutional and illegal. This is an anti-democratic coup #LKA.” I asked him if he’s sure he wants to use the word coup. It was a strong word and would have important ramifications. He thought for a few seconds and replied in the affirmative, saying that a coup is exactly what is going on.
The economy took a beating over the subsequent two months. Foreign investors took flight and exited their positions in GoSL rupee denominated treasury securities. Rs. 75 billion worth of foreign investments in government securities was sold in just 2 months, creating massive pressure on the currency, causing the rupee to crash from 172/US$ to Rs. 182/US$ between October and December 2018. The currency was already weak due to the taper tantrum in the early part of the year which hammered all emerging economies. When capital flows started reversing in Q4 and other emerging economies saw a recovery, Sri Lanka was in the midst of the coup and associated capital flight.
During this time the government sold US$ 1 billion worth of reserves in just 1 month as reserves declined from US$ 7.9 billion to US$ 6.9 billion. These were valuable reserves the government had been building up in preparation for the substantial external debt repayments in 2019. More importantly Sri Lanka’s credit rating was downgraded by all three rating agencies in November 2018. On the 30th of November 2018 the yield on the January 2019 ISB had reached 10.7% from 5.6% on 26th October. This meant that Sri Lanka was effectively locked out of global capital markets on the cusp of having to settle over US$ 5.3 billion in debt repayments in 2019, including a US$ 500 million ISB in early January 2019. It was heart breaking for Mangala watching this unfold from the sidelines given all the efforts that he had and the team had taken to keep the economy stable to meet the 2019 debt repayments amidst the global bond market volatility in 2018.
As the economy deteriorated into December it became clear that the adverse impacts of the coup would be long lasting. Due to the sales of US$ 1 billion worth of reserves by the Central Bank, liquidity in the domestic rupee market also reduced dramatically. The market was short LKR 100 billion in the overnight money markets and this pushed up domestic interest rates dramatically as well. Prior to the coup, the 1 year treasury bill was in single digits at 9.5% as at end September 2018, having been at 10.5% when Mangala became Finance Minister. During the coup interest rates shot up to 11.25% by mid-December. The market was LKR 100 billion liquid short till at least April 2019, keeping interest rates elevated and hurting economic growth significantly in 2019. The high interest cost added to Sri Lanka’s debt concerns as well by driving up the cost of domestic debt.
Managing External Debt in 2019
When the Supreme Court verdict came through in 13th December and Mangala returned as Finance Minister, there was a lot of work to be done. Firstly there was no year end budget to authorize payments for 2019, and Sri Lanka had lost access to global capital markets to finance the country’s highest foreign debt repayments in 2019. A quick vote on account was passed by end December, and the next step was to somehow regain access to global capital markets to make sure we can refinance debt repayments. It was unfortunately too late for the January 2019 bond which we had to settle out of the already diminished reserves. Soon afterwards Mangala led a team to Washington to meet with the IMF and re-instate and re-negotiate Sri Lanka’s programme. In spite of Mangala losing his suitcase and D.C. being having a snow day as soon as we arrived, the team met with Christine Lagarde and the technical team led by Manuela Goretti, and after some tough negotiations we were able to set the programme back on track with some important concessions. The external goodwill towards Sri Lanka was palpable, and there was nobody better than Mangala to leverage this to the country’s best advantage.
Over the next two months Mangala had to put together a delayed budget for 2019. This was a particularly tough budget since it was an election year and there were expectations of additional concessions, but at the same time it was critical that the fiscal position would inspire the confidence of global capital markets in order to regain access to external financing. Mangala’s last budget was able to meet both criteria. The March 2019 budget included Programmes such as Gampereliya, a rural infrastructure programme which was seen as a means of providing targeted fiscal impetus to improve cash circulation at the rural level, whilst investing in productive infrastructure leveraging on rural value chains. The enhanced Enterprise Sri Lanka programme was a means of reducing cost of capital, one of the key impediments to SMEs in the country. This was a strategy to provide a targeted reduction in interest rates to productive investments without a general reduction in interest rates. A general reduction in interest rates at the time would have led to an acceleration of capital flight post-coup, and would have further de-stabilized an already volatile external sector. Mangala had some other wonderful ideas in that budget, including providing scholarships for the best performing Advanced Level students to study at any top global university that they qualify for admission.
The budget was also able to satisfy global markets and Sri Lanka regained access to global capital markets. Immediately as the budget was passed, the Central Bank led the process of raising the required International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) to settle the upcoming debt payments in 2019. However, whilst settling the immediate debt, Mangala and Indrajit Coomaraswamy were also cognizant of the fact that leading into two election years (2019 presidential and 2020 parliamentary), Sri Lanka may face risks in retaining global capital market access to finance debt repayments in 2020 and 2021. Accordingly, Mangala and Indrajit made a conscious decision to raise an additional US$ 2.4 billion dollars worth of ISBs in mid-2019 to build up reserves to US$ 7.6 billion by end 2019 to tide over a volatile couple of years ahead. Whilst today many politicians criticize the previous government’s international sovereign bond strategy, it is the reserves built through the US$ 4.4 billion ISBs raised in 2019 that have been used to settle Sri Lanka’s external debts in 2020 and 2021. Sri Lanka would have already defaulted if not for Mangala and Indrajit’s decision in mid-2019.
True Patriot
There are of course many things that I’m sure Mangala wishes went differently. He wanted to update and upgrade legislation for Customs and Excise — to reduce subjectivity, discretion, and shift to a more rules based framework for both pieces of legislation. He wanted to do move faster on trade reform but the political economy of late stage reform made such intentions difficult to fulfil. He was also keen to invest more in education, health, and reconciliation. He wanted to bring in legislation to address microfinance and informal finance related household indebtedness. There was a lot more than could be done within an interrupted 2 year tenure.
I and many others will miss Mangala not so much for his achievements and efforts as Finance Minister. Nor for his work towards reconciliation from the Sudu Nelum movement to date, for his work in liberalization of the telecom sector in the late 1990s, for his work with the UDA in Colombo’s initial beautification. I will miss a human being of immense courage, who stood for what is right regardless of societal or political compulsions. A man of integrity, conviction, and humility. A patriot in the true sense of the word.
Deshal de Mel Economist based in Sri Lanka
Features
Universities, as centres of learning, must not be politicised
“They must foster the abiding values of freedom of thought and expression, respect and tolerance for viewpoint difference …”
Address recently delivered by Professor Savitri Goonesekere,
former Vice-Chancellor and emeritus Professor of Law of the university of Colombo,
at the establishment of the Prof. G.L. Peiris Trust for Legal Education and Research.
Thank you, Professor Peiris, for inviting me to speak this evening at an event to announce the endowment that is being made to the University of Colombo and the Sri Lanka Law College as the G. L. Peiris Trust for Legal Education and Research.
You and I have walked the corridors of this beautiful building as Vice Chancellors of this university. The walls of the Senate Room carry our portraits, but do not reflect the experiences that we have had in that capacity. We worked in this institution and chaired Senates and Councils. These fora were places that gave us an opportunity to respect viewpoint differences that were shared in an environment of collegiate connectivity, often in challenging times, when violence in armed conflict was a lived experience for all Sri Lankans.
This is also an occasion to share with this audience a day in this building when you had to confront the horror of the assassination of your predecessor, Professor Stanley Wijesundere, just across from your office. This was summary justice by the then JVP for taking decisions in academic bodies of the university in medical education. I was at the time Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Open University in Nawala. Yet we connected across Universities, supported each other to cope with those dark times. You, as Vice-Chancellor of this University, and my Vice-Chancellor, the late Professor Dayantha Wijesekere, collaborated to network and respond to violence against staff and students from non-state and state actors. University Teachers for Human Rights was born at this time with the support of both Vice-Chancellors.
Some years later, as I walked up the stairs of College House, on what I expected to be a routine day, a colleague ran down that staircase to say that a former student and cherished friend, Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam, had just been assassinated. Devastated as I felt, I had no inhibitions in speaking later at his funeral, in what had been a political assassination. I did not have to ask for permission from the University Council to do so.
Today, freedom of thought and speech in academic institutions is being challenged in the United States and our own country in restrictive norms on governance of public institutions. These events of the past and that history are an eloquent reminder that Universities, as centres of learning, must not be politicised. Rather, they must foster the abiding values of freedom of thought and expression, respect and tolerance for viewpoint difference, and bring that voice to both University fora and the public domain. In those times, professors and law teachers did not have to explain to Vice-Chancellors and Deans why they expressed views within and outside Universities on issues of public concern.
Today is a day to also recall Professor Peiris’s own scholarship in the area of public law and particularly on freedom of speech and expression that preceded the dramatically different career path he chose to take. That scholarship will now be available to generations of law students, teachers and lawyers, as well as others, hopefully inspiring an understanding and reflection on fundamental legal principles and concepts that can contribute to the wellbeing and sustainable development of a nation.
The literature and your scholarship that will be shared through the G.L. Peiris Trust will also hopefully be a reminder that “one must know the law as it is, to comment on what it should be”. For your early scholarship is very much in the tradition of analytical positivism that you and I were immersed in as students of the one and only Law Department in Peradeniya and later in this university. We pulled what are called “all-nighters”, as students and teachers, reading in our rooms or in that wonderful library in Peradeniya, referring cases, statutes, Grotius and Voet, the jurists of Civil Law, and of course the great Common Law and Civil Law scholars like Ivor Jennings, H. L. A. Hart, and R.W. Lee.
Professor Peiris, as you all know, came into the University with a stellar record from that institution near the Indian Ocean, where, (as loyal Royalists would have it), scholar students were not the norm. Coming into a University with a scholar’s record does not necessarily translate to a stellar University career. Professor Peiris, with his prodigious capacity for academic work, clarity of thought and writing, thrived in that new learning and teaching environment. He made history in the Law Department, winning every scholarship awarded and graduating at that time with the much prized first-class honours degree. I myself was a young law teacher at the time, and recall that it was impossible to grade GL’s papers with any grade but an A. The length of those contributions, of course, required exhausting attention, and I think taught his teachers to learn how to read carefully. My young grandchildren cannot read a long email from me today without missing a lot of its content!
The G. L. Peiris Trust will provide readers with a rich range of literature on a phenomenal diversity of laws in this country, with comparative jurisprudence from Civil and Common Law countries. If the Rule of Law in a democracy is to be maintained and strengthened, we must reflect on the fact that analytical positivist scholarship is not irrelevant in our times. It is that University tradition that was nurtured in the early post-independence and post-colonial era in Sri Lanka and Civil and Common Law countries that created the foundation for the great later jurisprudence in our own courts and in India. This is especially evident in important areas of public law, including constitutional law and human rights. Justices like A. R. B. Amerasinghe and Mark Fernando and lawyers like Mr. H.L.de Silva and my late husband, R. K. W. Goonesekere, were all alumni connected to this University. Their contribution to jurisprudence and legal reform in this country was nurtured in halls of learning that recognised that we must learn the law as it is, to understand what it ought to be. Professor Peiris himself demonstrates that heritage in his later work on public law and in contributing with another distinguished alumnus, the late Neelan Tiruchelvam, to the draft Constitution of 2000. I hope that the G. L. Peiris Trust will also include papers relating to that work, the best draft Constitution to date, abandoned in what has now become the norm of adversarial politics.
The long overdue institutional connection between university academia and the Law College that is made through the G .L. Peiris Trust is welcome. The Principal of the Law College, Prasantha Lal de Alwis, PC, an alumnus of our Law Faculty, has given leadership in creating a new path that must benefit both institutions.
In my time, students and teachers did not connect outside the halls of learning in later life as Sirs/Madams in perpetuity. They became and interacted as colleagues. As a former teacher, colleague, and Vice-Chancellor of this University, thank you, GL, for this generous endowment. May it be a valued institutional legacy that will inspire commitment to, and understanding of, the Rule of Law in a country that will always be a Democracy.
Features
The silent hunters: Why Sri Lanka’s spiders matter
By Ifham Nizam
They are everywhere, yet most of us hardly notice them. In the corner of a garden, beneath a leaf, across a paddy field, inside a forest or quietly occupying an old tree, spiders are constantly at work.
They may be tiny enough to escape the human eye or large enough to command attention, but beneath their often-misunderstood appearance lies an ecological workforce that performs one of nature’s most important jobs.
They hunt
And in doing so, spiders help keep insect populations under control, strengthen food webs and contribute to the delicate ecological balance upon which both natural ecosystems and agriculture depend.
For Sri Lanka, a country celebrated for its extraordinary biodiversity and high degree of endemism, the world of spiders is particularly fascinating. Yet it remains one of the lesser-known chapters of the island’s natural history.
Field biologist and researcher Dr. Ranil Nanayakkara has spent years helping to open that chapter.
His work on Sri Lanka’s spiders, including the spectacular tiger spiders of the genus Poecilotheria, has demonstrated that there is much more to these creatures than the fear and suspicion with which they are often regarded.
Nanayakkara has been involved in the description and documentation of several remarkable Sri Lankan tarantulas, including Poecilotheria rajaei and Poecilotheria srilankensis, as well as Chilobrachys jonitriantisvansickleae. His research has also taken him into the less-studied corners of Sri Lanka’s biodiversity.
His approach is significant because the story of Sri Lanka’s spiders is not simply a story about unusual or frightening creatures. It is a story about ecosystems.
Nature’s pest controllers
A spider sitting motionless in a web may appear inactive, but its ecological role can be anything but passive.
Spiders are predators, feeding predominantly on insects and other arthropods. Across an agricultural landscape, this makes them natural allies of farmers.
Moths, beetles, flies, grasshoppers, leafhoppers, planthoppers and many other insects become part of the prey base of different spider species.
Some spiders wait patiently in intricately constructed webs. Others actively hunt across leaves, vegetation and the soil surface. Jumping spiders stalk their prey with remarkable precision, while wolf spiders move across the ground rather than depending on webs to capture food.
Different species therefore occupy different ecological niches.
Together, they form an army of natural predators.
This is why the presence of spiders in a paddy field or vegetable plot should not automatically be interpreted as something undesirable. On the contrary, their presence may be an indication that a functioning predator community is at work.
Nanayakkara’s own publication, An Introduction to Common Spiders of Sri Lanka, was designed partly to introduce the public and research community to these frequently overlooked animals.
The book covers spider morphology, natural history and Sri Lankan spider families, while highlighting their importance as biological control agents and bioindicators.
- Genus -Sason
- Chilobrachy jonitriantisvansickelei
The invisible service
There is an important ecological service taking place every day that does not appear on an agricultural balance sheet.
A spider catches an insect.
Then another.
And another.
Multiply that interaction by thousands of spiders across thousands of hectares and the ecological significance becomes enormous.
Unlike a pesticide, a spider does not need to be manufactured, transported, mixed or sprayed. It does not require a farmer to purchase another container or return to the field with a spray machine.
It simply performs its ecological role.
That does not mean spiders can replace all forms of pest management. Rather, they can form one component of integrated pest management, in which natural predators, parasites, cultural practices and carefully targeted interventions work together.
The objective should not necessarily be to create an agricultural landscape in which every insect disappears.
It should be to create one in which pest populations are kept below damaging levels through a functioning ecological system.
When pesticides kill the allies
This is where the story takes a darker turn.
Broad-spectrum insecticides are designed to kill insects, but the ecological world does not always recognise the distinction between a farmer’s target species and a beneficial predator.
When chemicals are applied indiscriminately, spiders and other predatory arthropods can also be affected.
The consequences can be surprisingly complex.
A pesticide application may reduce a crop pest rapidly. But if it simultaneously reduces the predators that feed on that pest, the field may lose part of its natural defence system.
As surviving pest populations recover, farmers may again reach for the sprayer.
The result can become a vicious circle: fewer natural predators, greater reliance on chemicals and repeated disruption of the ecological relationships that once helped regulate pest populations.
Pesticides can also move beyond the field through runoff, spray drift and other pathways, potentially affecting surrounding vegetation, wetlands and waterways.
The real cost of chemical-intensive agriculture, therefore, cannot always be measured simply by the price of a bottle of pesticide.
There can be an ecological cost that remains invisible.
A paddy field is more than a crop
Sri Lanka’s paddy fields are often viewed through the lens of production: acreage, yield, irrigation, fertiliser and harvest.
But look more closely and another world emerges.
Between the rice plants are insects. In the water are aquatic organisms. Along the bunds are grasses and other vegetation. Amphibians move through the landscape. Birds forage. Reptiles pass through.
Microorganisms work beneath the surface.
And somewhere among the vegetation, spiders wait.
The paddy field is therefore not simply a food-production unit. It is an ecosystem.
Field margins, bunds, grasses and neighbouring vegetation can provide shelter and alternative habitat for spiders and other beneficial organisms. Maintaining this ecological complexity can help predator populations persist and recolonise cultivated areas.
Destroying those refuges or exposing them repeatedly to chemicals can simplify the ecosystem and weaken its natural resilience.
The spectacular world of tiger spiders
If ordinary garden spiders are largely invisible to the public, Sri Lanka’s tarantulas are impossible to ignore.
The genus Poecilotheria, commonly known as tiger spiders or ornamental tarantulas, includes some of the island’s most spectacular arachnids.
Their intricate patterns, extraordinary size and specialised lifestyles have made them subjects of scientific fascination.
Nanayakkara’s work brought international attention to this hidden world.
One of the best-known examples is Poecilotheria rajaei, a tarantula described from northern Sri Lanka after specimens were encountered during field surveys. The species was formally described in 2012 by Ranil Nanayakkara and co-authors.
The story illustrates something important about biodiversity research: discovery does not necessarily begin in a sophisticated laboratory.
Sometimes it begins in a forest.
Sometimes it begins with a local observation.
And sometimes it begins when a field researcher is willing to look closely at something that most people would rather avoid.
Another remarkable chapter came with Poecilotheria srilankensis, described from Belihuloya in 2019. The research documented another arboreal tarantula from Sri Lanka and added to understanding of the island’s highly distinctive Poecilotheria fauna.
Nanayakkara and his collaborators have also documented Chilobrachys jonitriantisvansickleae, a tarantula associated with a fragmented forest patch in Sri Lanka’s wet zone.
These discoveries are not merely additions to a scientific list.
Each species raises questions.
Where does it live?
What does it eat?
How large is its population?
What habitat does it require?
How isolated are its populations?
What happens when its forest disappears?
The blue surprise in the forest
Perhaps nothing illustrates the richness of this hidden world better than the discovery of a striking blue tarantula in Sri Lanka’s rainforests.
The species, Chilobrachys jonitriantisvansickleae, was found in an isolated patch of southwestern rainforest surrounded by tea and rubber plantations. Its vivid blue colouring helped attract attention to an animal living in a highly fragmented landscape.
It is an important reminder that biodiversity does not always survive in vast wildernesses.
Sometimes it survives in small fragments.
And when a species is closely associated with a particular habitat, the destruction of even a relatively small area can have disproportionate consequences.
Beyond fear
One of Nanayakkara’s important contributions has been to make spiders accessible to people who may otherwise never look beyond their reputation.
His books, including An Introduction to Common Spiders of Sri Lanka and Poecilotheria – “Tiger Spiders” of Sri Lanka, have helped bring information about these animals to a wider audience. His Tiger Spiders of Sri Lanka focuses on the identification, habitats, behaviour and conservation of Poecilotheria.
The challenge is not simply scientific.
It is cultural.
For generations, spiders have often been associated with fear, danger and something that should immediately be killed.
But understanding changes attitudes.
Once a spider is seen as a predator rather than a pest, its role begins to look different.
Once a tarantula is understood as a specialised inhabitant of a particular forest habitat, destroying that habitat becomes a conservation issue rather than merely a matter of removing an unpleasant creature.
Small predators, enormous consequences
Spiders are also prey.
Birds, amphibians, reptiles and other animals depend on arthropods as part of their diets. Spiders consequently occupy several positions in food webs: they are predators of insects and, in turn, food for other animals.
Their disappearance can therefore create effects that travel through an ecosystem.
This is why biodiversity conservation cannot focus exclusively on elephants, leopards, birds or other charismatic wildlife.
The ecological machinery of a forest is also made up of creatures that are small, obscure and rarely photographed.
Some may never make the headlines.
But remove enough of them and the system changes.
A call to look closer
Sri Lanka still has much to learn about its spiders.
Taxonomy remains fundamental. Before conservationists can determine how a species is faring, they need to know what species exist, where they occur and how they differ from one another.
Field research is equally important because many species cannot be understood simply by examining specimens in collections.
Their habitats, behaviour, prey, reproduction and relationships with other organisms all matter.
Nanayakkara’s research illustrates the value of this patient field-based approach. His work has contributed to the documentation of Sri Lanka’s lesser-known biodiversity and to the scientific understanding of spiders that had previously received little attention.
But perhaps the larger lesson is even simpler.
Nature does not waste species.
The spider spinning a web beside a paddy field, the hunter moving through the undergrowth and the spectacular tarantula hidden in a forest tree are all pieces of a much larger ecological puzzle.
Protect the predators
Conserving spiders does not mean protecting every individual spider from every natural threat.
It means protecting the ecosystems that allow spider populations to survive.
It means reducing unnecessary pesticide use.
It means encouraging integrated pest management.
It means maintaining vegetation around agricultural fields, protecting forest fragments and conserving wetlands and streams.
It means giving farmers the knowledge to recognise that some of the creatures living among their crops are not enemies at all.
They are allies.
For Sri Lanka, there is another urgent reason to look more closely.
The island’s biodiversity is exceptional, but its habitats are increasingly fragmented and altered. The loss of specialised habitat can be particularly serious for species with narrow ecological requirements.
The work of researchers such as Dr. Ranil Nanayakkara reminds us that discovery and conservation are inseparable.
We cannot protect what we do not know.
And we cannot appreciate what we have never learned to see.
The next time a spider appears in a garden, on a paddy bund or quietly beneath a leaf, perhaps it deserves something more than a broom or a spray can.
It may be doing what nature designed it to do—hunting, regulating and maintaining balance.
For millions of years, spiders have been doing this work without asking for recognition.
Perhaps it is time we gave them some.
When we protect the predators, we protect the balance.
Features
West Asian conflict undergoing manifold complications
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s message to Israel’s enemies was blunt and stark.‘We’re going to win; we have no choice.’ He said so while the majority of attendees at a recent UN General Assembly session walked out of the conference hall when the Israeli Prime Minister took the podium; many of them booing in derision.
Those commentators who have been studying Israel’s handling of her enemy states over the decades are unlikely to dismiss the entirety of Netanyahu’s address as rhetoric. The general pattern has been for the Israeli state to stand up firmly against its enemies in the battle field. On most occasions, these adversaries have been beaten back.
It is also little realized in particularly the Southern hemisphere that Israel, for the most part, could defend herself without much US assistance. The history of the conflict bears this out.
However, from the viewpoint of working towards a just and equitable peace in the Middle East the Israeli hard line stance has proved and will prove incalculably detrimental. The sworn enemies of Israel are not going to be in any way deterred by Netanyahu’s stark warnings. On the other hand, they would be only further provoked into taking on Israel by conventional or unconventional military means and seek its destruction.
The recent aborted mid-air hijacking of a Flydubai flight, consisting mainly of Israeli passengers, by an Omani extremist drives home the point. Israel’s enemies are bound to redouble their efforts to annihilate Israel rather than be deterred by the latter’s warnings about standing firm against them. This too history has proved.
It would be in the fitness of things at this juncture to pay a tribute to the professionalism, courage and humanity of the relevant airline pilot, Captain Machchhar, whose timely action proved decisive in botching the hijack attempt. His intervention averted what could very well have been another 9/11 type tragedy. History is not going to forget his daring and resourcefulness.
Meanwhile, the ground realities in West Asia are undergoing further complications that portend increasing regional instability. For example at the time of writing Turkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have agreed under the recently established ‘Mecca Alliance for Defence’ to deploy ‘deterrence measures’ collectively in the event of any member of the alliance coming under military strikes from a non-member state.
The agreement is modeled on the NATO collective defence pact and should help in defusing any threat perceptions experienced by the alliance members in the short term. However, the group would need to be cognizant of the major and potentially divisive role Iran could play in the interstate politics of the Middle East region going forward.
Iran’s reported support, for example, for Yemen’s Houthi rebels, who are engaged in attacking Saudi national assets, could at some point in time compel the alliance, under the terms of the pact, to initiate deterrent military measures against Iran.
The implications for regional peace from such a turn of events hardly require elaboration. A full blown regional war emerges as a distinct possibility if Iran sees itself as being excessively antagonized by the alliance. A further complication is that antagonistic sectarian identities of an Islamic kind could come to play hugely divisive roles in it. Shiite Islamic states would be inclined to back Iran while those countries seen as Sunni Islamic in orientation are bound to support Saudi Arabia.
Accordingly, West Asia is a region rife with manifold aggravated insecurities. If the latter are not defused dexterously they could escalate into a conflict of extra regional dimensions. The latter development would render the world a collective loser.
Unfortunately, no constructive help could be expected from the US at this juncture by way of working towards regional and international peace even of short durance. Its war against Iran has only aggravated the world’s current insecurities.
For example, the world has been compelled to face the possibility of compounded economic woes as a consequence of the Hormuz crisis remaining unresolved. The world is currently experiencing what could be seen as a ‘winter of economic discontent’ of unprecedented proportions.
Unfortunately, the international community is to all intents and purposes helpless in the face of this multifaceted crisis. Substantial intervention is expected of the UN but since it has failed to reform itself over the years it is compelled to stand idly by while the world’s insecurities heighten and multiply.
Yet, it is the seemingly paralyzed UN system that has some potential to contain the current tide of international disorder to even a small measure. Given the persisting divergent and conflicting interests among the world’s principal power blocs, the G7 and BRICS for instance, it is mainly the UN and its principal agencies that could carry some credibility as peace brokers and mediators.
However, as an initial step towards bringing the principal protagonists to the negotiating table the UN would need to convince the principal powers of the UN Security Council of the need for a substantive broad-basing of the membership of the Council so as to reflect more accurately the current global political and economic realities. Such reforms would render the Council more representative and help in strengthening its credibility and effectiveness.
The above reforms call for years of dynamism, hard work and resourcefulness on the part of the international community, read the UN. Yet the aims are not impossible to achieve if strong leadership is brought to bear by the UN.
Meanwhile, the UN agencies and allied organizations need to pay stepped-up attention to the West Asian theatre and its wasting conflicts and wars. Here too there is immense hard work to be put in.
There is, for instance, identity politics and its issues that need to be managed urgently. While internal political matters of countries could not be addressed directly by UN agencies, awareness-raising programs and projects could be energetically carried out by them to blunt the appeal of identity-based slogans, relating to, for instance, religion and race.
Besides, values at the heart of democratic politics need to be freshly and enthusiastically propagated. Vast reserves of energy and resources are needed, to be sure, to consistently champion and implement these crucial projects but they need to be pursued single-mindedly if even a dent is to be made in the current runaway global disorder.
The aborted hijacking of the Flydubai flight pointed to the dehumanizing impact of identity politics on the human consciousness. It was also an indication that those sections endowed with humanity cannot stand idly by while identity politics continues to destroy civilizational values. The time to act is ‘now’.
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