Features
Make 20A an instrument of a modernising Govt.
By Jehan Perera
The ongoing investigation into the Easter Sunday bombings, in 2019, which claimed hundreds of victims and brought the country’s economy to its knees, reveals more and more the lack of responsibility and failure on the part of the government authorities at that time. Everyone being questioned in regard to the security failure seems to be seeking to pass the responsibility onto someone else or to say that all are responsible and so no one is. The 19th Amendment which reduced the powers of the president and distributed it to the prime minister, parliament and other state institutions has been made the scapegoat for those human failures and unwillingness to take responsibility. The political problem with the 19th Amendment is that it has enabled those who wish to shirk their responsibility many ways to point their fingers at others.
It is in this unsavory context that the proponents of the 20th Amendment have been able to make their case to the general population that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa will do what other leaders have not been able to do. The 20th Amendment goes to the other extreme of transferring powers to the President at the expense of other institutions which the President is willing to accept as the way forward to meeting the expectations of the people. This was personified in his statement that even his verbal directions should be taken as the equivalent of written government circulars. There have been many serious criticisms of this presidential statement especially in the social media. However, to people who want their problems solved speedily and without getting stuck in bureaucracy, such criticisms are seen as politically motivated.
Those who are able to see the larger picture, and from a comparative perspective, are aware that governments in which one institution dominates all others and in which there are no checks and balances are more likely to descend to autocracy instead of delivering good results to the people so that they enjoy the benefits of development and the protection of human rights. As one of the country’s foremost political analysts, Prof Jayadeva Uyangoda, has said, “Undermining the rule of law, weakening the independence of the judiciary, and making the accountability institutions subservient to the executive will initially please the egos of the politicians and officials, but in the long run are bound to create a deep chasm between the government and the citizens, rulers and the ruled.” But the popular perception is to give the proposed new order a chance.
GOVERNMENTAL CONFIDENCE
In its current formulation the 20th Amendment has many deficiencies and excesses. Some of these have been noted by the Supreme Court in its determination of the 39 cases filed before it by concerned citizens, political parties and civic organisations. There is unprecedented criticisms of the proposed 20th Amendment by sections of the religious clergy and civil society and not only by politically-motivated opposition parties. They are concerned about the corrosive effect of unchecked power on powerholders. Despite the strong opposition to the 20th Amendment the indications are that the government leadership is unwavering to have its way and have the constitutional amendment passed in parliament with the required 2/3 majority. This resolve is reflected in the short date of October 21 for the debate to take place in parliament even though the Supreme Court’s determination of the constitutionality of the draft amendment will only be officially presented to parliament on October 20.
The absurdity of giving the parliamentarians only one day to study the Supreme Court determination and to come up with their own proposals is mitigated by the leak of a document purporting to be the determination of the Supreme Court on the proposed 20th Amendment. This document became available on the internet and appeared on several news sites on October 10, the very day it was handed over as a confidential document to the President and Speaker of Parliament. The fact that the document was strategically leaked to the public suggests that the government wishes to proceed with the new constitutional order as soon as possible and without any delay. It has even denied the opposition the three days it requested for the debate to take place and limited the debate to just two days.
The manner in which the 20th Amendment is being taken to parliament, without delay, is both an indication of confidence, as well as the belief in decisive leadership that stands in contrast to the mode of governance of the previous government. That government, headed by President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, made many good plans and made commitments which they could not implement due to the lack of decisive and cohesive leadership. By way of contrast, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa appears to be a leader who is driven by his sense of destiny to those who voted him to the presidency believing in his pledges to them. The government’s position is that the centralization of power envisaged by the 20th Amendment is necessary to face the unprecedented challenges the country currently faces.
MODERN STATE
In particular, the country faces a difficult international environment in which the big powers are putting a great deal of pressure on it. With the exception of China, the big powers have shown strong interest in human rights issues especially in relation to the long standing ethnic conflict. While the motivations of big powers may be questioned, debt repayments, international market access and geo-political security considerations come mixed with human rights issues. From 2011 onwards Sri Lanka has been subjected to resolutions of the UN Human Rights Council which put it into the category of countries such as North Korea, Syria and Myanmar. This was one of the challenges that the previous government took up and committed itself to resolve but failed to succeed in even though it succeeded to a large extent in improving the country’s international image.
The previous government’s efforts to co-sponsor a UN Human Rights Council resolution was appreciated internationally but was controversial within the country. The government did not have the strength or commitment to implement what it promised. Mechanisms that it set up such as the Office on Missing Persons and the Office of Reparations have been left high and dry. Even the Rs 6000 a month that was promised to families of the missing has not been given to most of them who live in poverty without their breadwinner for the most part. The manner in which the present government addresses these issues can win it more support from the international community while also addressing an internal problem that has caused utmost distress to its people and weakened and divided the country for decades.
At the March session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva this year the government formally announced its withdrawal from the co-sponsorship of UNHRC Resolution 30/1 of 2015 entered into by the previous government. In February, when it first announced its withdrawal from the UNHRC resolution, the government pledged a nationally designed reconciliation process to replace the previous one, which it said was internationally driven. Concluding his speech at the UNHRC session, in Geneva, Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena said: “No one has the wellbeing of the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-cultural people of Sri Lanka closer to their heart than the Government of Sri Lanka.” Once armed with the powers of the 20th Amendment the government can go down the path of a “tribal society” as warned by the religious clergy or create a modern state that incorporates a nationally designed reconciliation process in which equal citizenship and inclusive development leaves out no section or part of the country. The hope will be that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa will succeed where predecessor presidents armed with similar powers failed.
Features
The Division Bell Mystery
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.
Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.
Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.
That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.
Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.
But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.
He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.
Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.
Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.
After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.
The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.
Features
The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive
The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.
At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.
Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.
In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.
Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.
The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.
Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.
In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.
The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.
It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.
Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.
That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’
In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.
In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’
True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.
Features
Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly
I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.
Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.
She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.
As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes
Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.
Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity
These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.
What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.
What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.
According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.
Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”
Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.
Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.
He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love
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