Editorial
JVP in NPP’s clothing
Tuesday 30th April, 2024
The JVP-led NPP has come under an avalanche of criticism for a claim made by Nalin Hewage, one of its stalwarts, in a recent television debate, that the victims of the JVP’s reign of terror in the late 1980s were anti-social elements such as rapists, robbers, bootleggers and cattle rustlers. A protest was held near the JVP headquarters, Battaramulla, yesterday, against that controversial claim.
Hewage’s assertion runs counter to JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent statement, in Canada, to the effect that he was sorry for the JVP’s violence in the late 1980s. One wonders whether the JVP is remorseful for its terrorism (1987-89) or divided on that score, with the party’s ultra-radical core remaining unremorseful. Is the JVP in the NPP alliance trapped in what may be called the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde duality? Other political parties planning to contest the upcoming presidential election are out for the JVP’s blood, so to speak, the prominent among being the SJB, the UNP and the SLPP.
The UNP has condemned the JVP for the latter’s mindless violence in the late 1980s. It seems to think the people have forgotten its own Caravan of Death, which left thousands of youth dead. It ran many torture chambers, massacred suspects and buried them in mass graves or burnt them on tyre-pyres on the roadside by way of a warning to others. Most of all, the country would not have been plunged into a bloodbath if the UNP had not falsely accused the JVP of complicity in the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom and proscribed it. Perhaps, the UNP destroyed more lives than the JVP did during the 1987-89 period. Worse, the UNP, had no qualms about enlisting the JVP’s support to retain its hold on Parliament after falling out with President Maithripala Sirisena in 2018. The ‘Marxist’ JVP unashamedly propped up the beleaguered ‘capitalist’ UNP administration! The SJB leaders were in the UNP government, which benefited from the JVP’s backing. They did not make an issue of the JVP’s ugly past then.
The SLPP is also without a moral right to condemn the JVP for its past violence. Its leader Mahinda Rajapaksa would not have won the 2005 presidential election but for the JVP’s support. It was the JVP which led his propaganda campaign to all intents and purposes and made his victory possible.
The JVP is playing the victim card to gain public sympathy. It says it has become a target of the political elites in the SLPP, the UNP, the SJB, the SLFP, etc., They, it says, have banded together, shedding their differences, to suppress it. This claim is not without a modicum of truth. The leaders of the political parties opposed to the JVP co-operate to safeguard their interests, and that is why none of their leaders have been incarcerated for their crimes despite regime changes. But one disagrees with the JVP on the Marxist markers used in identifying elites. Going along with Vilfredo Pareto’s theory of elites instead, one may argue that the JVP leaders cannot be excluded from the political elites. Examining the structure and change of elites, Pareto has convincingly argued that elites and non-elites are not stable and new elites rise and oust othe old ones, and this change is called the circulation of elites, which has not spared the JVP. Besides, the JVP has earned notoriety for political promiscuity. It has honeymooned with the parties it describes as elitist. In 1970, it backed the SLFP-led United Front, and turned against the newly-formed government the following year. In the late 1970s, it got close to the UNP, whose government released its leaders from prison. Later, it turned on the UNP and met its Waterloo in 1989. In 1994, it backed the SLFP led by Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, and subsequently fell out with it. In 2004, it coalesced with the SLFP and had representation in the UPFA Cabinet. The following year it enabled Mahinda to realise his presidential dream. It took on Mahinda later on. In 2015, it honeymooned with the UNP again for about five years. Now, it is on a campaign to vilify the UNP and its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Fear being expressed in some quarters that the JVP is likely to revert to its old ways and suppress political dissent ruthlessly the way it does in universities is not unfounded. Its role in the 2022 protests, especially the abortive march on Parliament, has fuelled the fear that it has not bid farewell to extra-parliamentary methods to capture state power.
The JVP would have the public believe that winning the next presidential election will be a walk in the park for it, but reality is otherwise. It has its work cut out to allay fears in the minds of the public. Having made a colossal blunder at the last presidential election, the people are not likely to vote blindly for any political party or person again. The least the JVP can do to gain public confidence is to tender an unqualified apology for its past crimes and publicly abandon its outdated ideology.
Editorial
Cramped cells, fettered rights
Wednesday 17th June, 2026
Some occupants of key positions in the public service unashamedly display their chameleon-like ability to adapt to changing political circumstances and please new leaders. They do not scruple to trade their professional dignity for expediency. So, it is not surprising that some police officers have chosen to be at the beck and call of powerful politicians, and the police go out of their way to further the interests of the powers that be. Their servility has stood in the way of efforts to depoliticise the police through constitutional safeguards.
Unsurprisingly, the police have resorted to legal action against some Opposition politicians who took up the cudgels for the rights of former State Intelligence Service Director Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Suresh Sallay in CID custody. If the CID had acted impartially and respected Sallay’s rights as a detainee, the need for protests would not have arisen. It was protests that prompted the CID to bite the bullet and rush Sallay to hospital. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has reportedly expressed concern about the conditions of the detention cells at the CID headquarters.
Contrary to government claims, there have been no calls for Sallay’s release or an end to the ongoing police investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks. Everyone is of the view that the probe must go on and justice must be done to the carnage victims. Protests have been against the alleged ill-treatment of Sallay at the CID headquarters. Criticism of the suppression of the rights of detainees must not be misconstrued as efforts to undermine the judiciary.
Police action against the critics of the CID smacks of a sinister move to suppress democratic dissent. The incumbent government is apparently emulating the previous dispensations that resorted to draconian measures to silence dissent to consolidate their hold on power.
In a democracy, sovereignty resides in the people, who are the ultimate political authority, and they must not be denied their legitimate right to oppose the subjugation of the legal process to the political interests of the government in power. It is antithetical to democracy and amounts to an assault on the people’s freedom of expression for criticism of politically driven investigations and the abuse of suspects under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to be framed as obstructions of the police or contempt of court.
The PTA allows the Defence Minister to order the detention of suspects arrested by police investigators to further the interests of his or her political party on some pretext or another. However, the abuse of the PTA is not of recent origin. There is hardly any law that has not been abused under successive governments, and the self-proclaimed campaigners for democracy and human rights, were abusers themselves, while in power.
The present-day UNP leaders who have condemned the alleged ill-treatment of Sallay fully endorsed numerous such violations, especially the arrest and prolonged detention of Vijaya Kumaratunga in a dark cell in the early 1980s. The JVP assassinated Kumaratunga a few years later.
The JVP vehemently opposed the PTA, politically driven investigations, etc., as it bore the brunt of repressive practices facilitated by the PTA. But the JVP-led NPP government has not only chosen to use the PTA to suppress dissent but also reached a new low; it has brought two of its active party members out of retirement and appointed them as the CID Director and Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security. Worse, it intimidates those who dare criticise the undemocratic actions of these officers and campaign for the rights of suspects in detention.
Now that the appalling conditions of the CID’s detention cells have come to light, pressure must be brought to bear on the government to take remedial action for the benefit of all suspects. Most of all, police officers loyal to the ruling party must not be allowed to subject detainees to cruel treatment in a bid to break their will and obtain confessions.
Editorial
A deal that pours oil on troubled waters
Tuesday 16th June, 2026
The world must have breathed a sigh of relief yesterday following the announcement that the US and Iran had agreed to sign a peace deal soon and begin negotiations in earnest to resolve contentious issues. The peace plan has renewed hope that no more lives will be lost due to military strikes in West Asia; precious assets, especially oil infrastructure, in that part of the world will be safe, and disruptions to global oil supplies will be over.
Interestingly, as US President Donald Trump turned 80, global oil prices which had shot up to extremely high levels, owing to his war on Iran, dropped to about USD 80 a barrel, the lowest since the eruption of the war in February. Upon the announcement of the US-Iran peace deal, WTI, the US oil benchmark, decreased to USD 80 a barrel, and the global oil benchmark, Brent crude, which was about USD 70 a barrel before the conflict and peaked at about USD 120 during the war, dropped to USD 83 a barrel. Share markets surged in Asia. These are very positive signs.
The US-Iran peace deal and the resultant oil price drops could not have come at a better time for developing nations, especially Sri Lanka, which is struggling to stabilise its rupee and shore up its forex reserves.
However, a return of global oil prices to the pre-conflict level of USD 70 a barrel may not be possible in the short term, given some factors, such as the lost production capacity in West Asia, strategic oil reserve replenishment and higher risk premium. The situation may improve sooner than expected if OPEC, the US, Canada, Brazil, etc., care to increase oil production and help stabilise the world energy market, thereby strengthening the global economy, which has shown signs of severe decline due the West Asian conflict.
US President Donald Trump pretends that he has done Iran a big favour by agreeing to a peace deal. However, Trump has apparently made a virtue of necessity. It was difficult for him to go on fighting, particularly in view of the passage of a crucial War Powers bill. Besides, US Vice President J. D. Vance, in an interview with Fox News, has said, inter alia, that Americans were facing economic hardships due to the Iran war; he has expressed hope that energy prices will start coming down shortly much to their relief. This shows that the Trump administration was also badly in need of a peace deal.
The US-Iran peace deal to be signed has been described in some quarters as a birthday gift for Trump. It must have gladdened his heart beyond measure, for his approval rating has plummeted due to his handling of the economy and the Iran war, and his Grand Old Party is expected to perform poorly at the midterm elections in November. One may recall that General Sherman, after completing his March to the Sea, famously “presented” the city of Savannah, the Confederacy’s most important port, as a Christmas gift to President Lincoln, in December 1864. Trump may have expected his military commanders to do likewise and present something like Iran’s Kharg Island to him as a birthday gift, but his plans went awry owing to Iran’s fierce resistance, with Tehran effectively shifting the war to the economic front by using the Hormuz Strait as a strategic lever. So, Trump apparently had to settle for a peace deal as a birthday gift, so to speak.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is obviously not well-disposed towards the peace deal to be inked. He was dependent on the Iran war for political survival. His opponents are closing ranks, and he has court cases to contend with. So, if he carries out attacks on Hezbollah targets again, as speculated in international defence circles, Iran may be compelled to respond, maybe by closing the Hormuz Strait again. In the world of cloak-and-dagger geopolitics, anything is possible. It is up to Trump to ensure that his friend behaves.
World powers have welcomed the peace deal to be signed and praised the US, Iran and Pakistan, which made it possible. They themselves have been reeling from the knock-on economic effects of the West Asian conflict, and it will be in their best interest to do everything in their power to ensure that the peace deal will reach fruition and the Iran war will be a thing of the past.
Editorial
El Niño at the gate: Are we ready?
Monday 15th June, 2026
Sri Lanka apparently has more than its fair share of extreme weather events, ranging from floods to droughts and now the disruptive effects of a mega climate anomaly. The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) has warned that due to unusually warm ocean waters in the tropical Pacific, El Niño conditions are developing fast, and they are expected to drive more extreme temperature and rainfall patterns in the coming months. Sri Lanka is among the countries that are expected to suffer the severest impact of this phenomenon.
Some climate experts have suggested that Sri Lanka may not experience a severe El Niño impact. However, it is prudent to prepare for the worst-case scenario.
The WMO has stressed that the time for informed decision-making, planning and preparedness is now. “The science is clear: El Niño is arriving on our doorstep in the coming months with 90% certainty. The world must treat it as the urgent climate warning it is,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres has said. The world has experienced El Niño events for many years and therefore knows what it is like to face them. However, the question is whether such warnings will jolt Sri Lanka into taking urgent action to mitigate the impact of El Niño, which will deal a double whammy, with floods and droughts affecting different parts of the country simultaneously.
Sri Lanka has earned notoriety for ignoring and failing to respond to crises and disasters swiftly. One may recall that in December 2004, nobody sensed danger on seeing the eerie drawback of the sea minutes before the landfall of the Boxing Day tsunami. Thousands of lives were lost as a result. There were quite a few warnings of the impending Easter Sunday terror attacks in 2019, but nobody cared to take preventive action. Many experts warned of a crippling economic crisis in 2022, but no action was taken to prevent it. So, fear being expressed in some quarters that nothing serious is likely to be done by way of disaster risk reduction in view of El Niño is not unfounded. Last year, Cyclone Ditwah caught the incumbent government unprepared and overwhelmed the state disaster response system initially. The impact of El Niño is expected to be far severer as it will last for months.
The first casualty of El Niño is agriculture dependent on monsoon rainfall. Most countries affected by El Niño-driven droughts and floods face crop losses in multiple seasons and the resultant prolonged food shortages have the potential to lead to political upheavals. A possible increase in food imports is bound to worsen Sri Lanka’s foreign currency woes. Perhaps, many countries will be compelled to restrict agricultural exports. There’s the rub. Hence, agricultural experts have called for a climate-smart home gardening initiative to meet such an eventuality.
The impact of El Niño usually spreads to other sectors, such as power and energy. The use of substandard coal has caused a sharp decline in power generation at Norochcholai. If reservoir levels recede steeply, decreasing the country’s hydro power capacity drastically, it will not be possible to meet the Norochcholai generation shortfall by burning diesel, etc., due to the cost factor and forex constraints. Shortages of power, energy and water take their toll on the industrial sector and impede economic growth. Beyond economic losses, El Niño entails broader social costs such as poverty, disease outbreaks and disruptions to education.
The JVP-NPP government would have the public believe that it has a well-thought-out plan to mitigate the severe impact of El Niño by focusing on water conservation, climate-resilient agriculture, food and energy security while strengthening disaster preparedness. The Food Policy and Security Committee, appointed by the government, has reportedly discussed ways and means of mitigating the impact of El Niño with particular focus on agriculture, water storage and drinking water supplies. The proof of the pudding is said to be in the eating. One can only hope that the government will succeed in this endeavour and all other stakeholders will put their shoulders to the wheel.
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