Features
Is Sri Lanka on right path for economic and social recovery?
By Prof. Sunil Wimalawansa,
MD, PhD, MBA, DSc.,
Prof of Medicine
Elected governments are temporary caretakers of national assets; they have no right to sell these to foreigners without a nationwide referendum. A simple majority of parliamentarians selected the current temporary president—not by constituents. The unelected executive branch and the conflicted cabinet rushing to privatize national resources, public assets, and state-owned enterprises threaten the security and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. Besides, such actions will harm the recovery, the longer-term economy, and the country’s sustenance. Are these sales (and long-term leases) done to benefit the public or for the personal gains of the executives and their political survival?
Flaud policies of the caretaker government
Besides, instead of economic recovery and job creation programs, why is the government desperate to create new legislation to centralize and strengthen its power base to protect itself? Why would they be so interested in selling national assets suppress are not entitled to), contracting unwarranted and unnecessary mega-projects to benefit themselves and their cronies, and suppressing freedom of speech, unity, progress, and growth of the country? These short-sighted acts threaten the unitary nature and sovereignty of Sri Lanka.
With lost priorities, the caretaker government continues to make significant financial and policy errors that harm the country, continue with untransparent secret deals, and deliberately take destructive and risky actions that harm the country and its people. With such a pitiful history and flawed policies designed to benefit themselves and stay in power at any cost, could voters trust any members of parliament and the president?
Constitutional amendments
None of the constitutional amendments enacted by the parliament during the past two decades were directed to help the country, economy, or its citizens. Nor have they been designed to alleviate food and energy insecurity or overcome curses associated with healthcare, education, and agriculture. The poorly crafted constitution in 1978 was now tainted with multiple rotten amendments to strengthen the political authority and control over the public, facilitate the looting of the treasury, and open additional doors for corruption. None of these benefit “we the people.”
Missed operations and out-of-focus plans
Many of the expensive and potentially unconstitutional stunts are designed to strengthen their partisan base. It has not taken a single credible step to reduce government expenses, increase GDP and value-added exports, leverage growth, and systematically reduce the debt-to-GDP ratio (i.e., comparing what a country owes with what it produces) to a sustainable level—e.g., bring down to less than 90%. Lowering government costs and/or increasing productivity and the GDP would reduce this ratio. This would allow the repayment of loans, balancing the budget, reducing the deficit, and re-establishing the prosperity of Sri Lanka, as well as the unity and happiness of its people. However, to date, the current government has not achieved these. In addition, debt restructuring has not been successful.
The caretaker government had two years to implement a firm, effective economic program to get Sri Lanka out of the economic crisis, but it failed. Apart from enforcing multiple tax burdens on people, it has done little to revamp the growth and recovery of the economy or reduce governmental expenditure. The unelected president and conflicted cabinet continue to fail to take crucial, fundamental steps toward debt reduction and a sustainable economic recovery. Despite the bankruptcy, its expenses have increased, and it still relies on taking additional loans to run the government, which is insanity. The trend of continuing to take loans is a disastrous path that any fool can take—there is no need for economic advisors and a finance minister.
International Monetary Fund mess
The current IMF offer accepted by Sri Lankan political leaders is not just a debt trap but a “death trap,” as shown by its historical dealings with other developing countries. Its officials are expert manipulators—keeping developing countries poor, expanding internal markets to benefit the West, allowing product dumping, reducing the growth rate (GDP) partly via increasing exorbitant taxes and tightening regulations, and even forcing (unconstitutional) changes in recipient countries’ laws to benefit themselves.
Few people know that, as part of the agreement, a significant portion of the IMF loan in 2023 was paid back to the IMF to service “previous” loans–particularly from 2016. So, the priority of the IMF was to recover its loaned money with interest, not solve the economic crisis in the recipient country. The current involvement with the IMF is like holding the ‘tiger’s tail.’ However, it provides one benefit—a platform for the government to negotiate loan repayment structures with other entities. As usual, the IMF’s prescription was not to cure the disease but to prolong the suffering. It has little to foster developments in Sri Lanka to increase GDP and facilitate loan payments—especially high-interest commercial loans.
Surprisingly, none have yet exposed this dual interest of the IMF. Besides, it uses paid consultants (formerly known as iNGOs, now disguised under a fancy name) to propagate and entice the falsehoods about the importance and value of IMF conditions that perpetuate poverty, shortages, and disharmony in Sri Lanka, forcing her to take more loans for sustenance.
Qualities of the leaders Sri Lanka needs now
To protect and recover the sinking ship—Sri Lanka—it is time for the younger generation to take leadership positions and let the current entrenched older lot retire. The country’s next leader must be young, preferably less than 55, intelligent and able to multi-task, a true patriot who practises five-prefects (so no wrong-doings will be done), and a champion of honesty and integrity. He or she must be fully conversant with macroeconomics, transparent and accountable, uphold freedom of speech and the country’s laws, treat all Sri Lankans equally, and promise to protect the sovereignty and unitary nature of the country, leading to prosperity.
The new leader (and his or her team) must be educated with a university degree, with at least 15 years of business and international experience, and willing to take out-of-the-box but data-driven informed actions. These qualities would allow the restoration of the economy and the confidence in all elected democratic institutions, appointed bodies, and the judiciary—i.e., protecting the interests of all Sri Lankans—united under one law, one flag, and one anthem. It must re-establish a “United Sri Lanka” by replacing the current constitution as early as possible.
Unfortunately, none of the current party leaders possess these qualities. The country had a 76-year history of party-political maneuvering by such failed leaders to maintain power and benefit themselves. For them, people and the country come last. So, why would any Sri Lankan trust or vote for the current lot of politicians?
Unelected President and his playbook
The unelected, self-serving leader and the cabinet have made no tangible contribution to restoring the economy and balancing the budget. They have
accepted the conditions imposed by the IMF mindlessly to stay in power despite such conditions harming the country and its people. The only major contribution was enforcing a broader range of tax burdens on individuals and industries. It failed to reduce government expenses, pay off govt loans, or stop taking additional loans.
The lack of specific and effective policies to reverse the economic crisis and the absence of truthful nationalistic speeches and policies by politicians and administrators are striking. Evidence indicates there are no true patriots among the 225+1 politicians. They focus on short-term gains and retaining power—often through deception, blind-siding the naïve public, and painting a rosy picture to get votes.
Blatant failures of the government
None of the political parties have proposed tangible, practical, and effective economic policies and solutions to alleviate the fiscal crisis. They do not even have a plan to ensure food, medicine, and fuel adequacy at an affordable cost to the public in the short- and longer term. They failed to establish a safety net for people experiencing poverty, job recovery/unemployment, reversing people’s distress, means of paying off debt without taking additional loans, reducing government expenses by at least 35% (out of the current employment of 1.54 million people), and encouraging private sector growth.
Education, healthcare, and agriculture policies, infrastructure, communication, and technologies are outdated. How would the new government reform them? Where are the cost analyses and expected outcomes? The public has heard nothing about these. Apart from taxes, the only area that has increased is tourism, but this is driven by private sector initiatives, not by the government. The private sector has launched major campaigns to popularize destinations, increasing tourism. However, this could be a temporary peak.
Economic shocks and misplaced priorities could threaten Sri Lanka’s tourism and growth
As seen in early 2020, economic shocks—whether external or internal—can swiftly devastate tourism, a vital income source for the government. This collapse has a cascading effect on related industries, such as travel, hotels, and restaurants. Without genuine growth, business-friendly deregulations, access to global markets for Sri Lankan products, reduced government expenses, and increased value-added exports, the growth rate (GDP) will be insufficient to service the current debt. The government has missed crucial priorities for the country’s development and people. Meanwhile, the unelected president and conflicted cabinet focus on extending their tenure by a year by attempting to postpone the presidential election unconstitutionally.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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