Midweek Review

Impact of foreign-funded projects on Parliament’s standing as sole sovereign and supreme body

Published

3 years ago

2023/08/9

Members of the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus during their recently-concluded visit to New Zealand (pic courtesy Parliament)

Yahapalana Speaker Karu Jayasuriya’s plea for Indian funding to develop Elapathagama in the memory of the late Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera remains a mystery. In terms of an agreement signed on 14 July, 2017, India provided Sri Lankan

Rs 300 mn to develop Elapathagama in the Anuradhapura district. The late Sobitha Thera, a controversial character, spearheaded a high profile campaign that facilitated the UNP-led Opposition strategy meant to thwart Mahinda Rajapaksa securing a third presidential term.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Actress Shalani Tharaka dominated electronic, print and social media recently after the shocking disclosure that Sri Lanka Cricket heavyweight Jayantha Dharmadasa recommended her for an Australian visa among other faux pas committed by the cavalier SLC Executive Committee.

The revelation, based on Auditor General W.P.C. Wickremaratne’s draft report on the country’s disastrous T-20 World Cup tour of Australia late last year, embarrassed the SLC. The SLC is yet to respond to a spate of questionable ‘transactions’ raised by the National Audit Commission in its draft report handed over to Sports Secretary K. Mahesen. That report is evidence that the SLC bosses spent funds at will in spite of being answerable to Parliament.

Then versatile singer Umara Sinhawansa upstaged model Tharaka, who captured the media limelight in 2007 as ‘Sirasa’ Kumariya. Sinhawansa earned the wrath of the nationalists for the way she sang the national anthem at the opening of LPL at the R. Premadasa stadium, Khettarama, on Sunday (30 July). Social media exploded over the issue at hand while the government sought the advice of Attorney General Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC, in this regard.

Would Umara have received such negative coverage if she had not performed live at the invitation of SLC, under heavy fire over squandering of funds? It would be pertinent to ask how much Umara received for her controversial singing of the national anthem. Perhaps the Auditor General would raise that issue later with the SLC. Most probably she put in her sincere best effort, without knowing some of the key words in the national anthem. May be the blame should go to our education system and those at SLC who should have whetted her performance, in advance. The whole issue should be examined against the backdrop of Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe’s claim that SLC didn’t even bother to consult him regarding the LPL tournament. But another issue is how much Umara Sinhawansa’s particpation at the LPL opening cost SLC.

The draft report underscored the failure on the part of Parliament to discipline the richest sports body in the country. In fact, the reports issued by the National Audit Commission, over the past several years, reveal the pathetic failure on the part of our supreme legislative body the Parliament at all levels.

Close on the heels of the continuing controversy over Umara who’s younger sister Umariya received the honour of singing ‘Hanthane Sihine’ with the late maestro W.D. Amaradewa a few years ago.

Meanwhile the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus’ visit to New Zealand also grabbed public attention. So much so, Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera issued a brief statement to explain the position of the Parliament. Rohanadeera insisted that public funds weren’t utilized. The funding was provided by Sri Lanka’s development partners. The initiative, launched two and half years ago, never received public funding and the visit was meant to gain experience from developed countries in the Commonwealth.

The group consisted of Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle (SLPP), Dr. Sitha Arambepola (SLPP), Rohini Kumari Wijeratne (SJB), Pavithradevi Vanniarachchi (SLPP), Geetha Samanmalee Kumarasinghe (SLPP), Thalatha Atukorale (SJB), Kokila Gunawardena (SLPP), Mudita Prishanthi (SLPP), Rajika Wickramasinghe (SLPP), Manjula Dissanayake (SLPP) and. (Dr.) Harini Amarasuriya (JJB). Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera, Assistant Director (Administration) Indira Dissanayake and Media Manager of Parliament Nimmi Hathiyaldeniya accompanied the delegation. Having left the country on 24th July, the group concluded the visit on 3rd August.

The Island

sought an explanation from the Chairperson of the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus Dr. Sudharshini Fernandopulle. The Gampaha District parliamentarian said that the Secretary General would have issued a statement in response to media queries in this regard. The lawmaker added: “New Zealand was selected because they have 50% women’s representation in Parliament, as well as in Cabinet. They also have an electoral system, known as Multi Member Representation, where people have two votes – one for the party and the other for the candidate. This system ensures representation by small parties, too. This high representation has been introduced by reforms within political parties where they have fielded more female candidates.”

A few years ago, the media wouldn’t have raised such a visit. But the conduct of members of Parliament and especially their foreign visits are increasingly coming under public scrutiny against the backdrop of the country being declared bankrupt in April 2022 and unprecedented deterioration of parliamentary standards over a period of time. (During the war various interests sought to influence MPs by arranging foreign tours. They felt public opinion can be manipulated by winning over MPs)

NZ tour courtesy USAID

In a trilingual statement, dated 02 August, the Parliament explained how the required funding for this year’s tour was obtained. The National Democratic Institute (NDI), with the funding provided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), has organized the tour undertaken by the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus for the advancement of Sri Lankan women at every level.

In addition to the USAID, the NDI works closely with the National Endowment for Democracy, the U.S. Department of State and the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS). The above-mentioned organisations are well known around the world for sponsoring such initiatives, in line with furthering US interests.

During the nearly 10-day visit, Dr. Fernandopulle’s group had an opportunity to meet New Zealand’s first woman Prime Minister Helen Clark as well as Jacinda Ardern who created waves as the Premier from 2017 to 2023. They shared their experience with the visiting MPs, with Ardern focusing on the challenges she faced in the face of the economic and political crises, as well as the Covid-19 pandemic, during her tenure.

Political parties, represented in Parliament, should seriously examine whether the country benefited from foreign tours received by its members. Let me stress that such an appraisal shouldn’t be restricted to the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus. Unfortunately, Parliament has never been bothered with such examinations though a section of the media raised the accountability on the part of the House to provide proper audit of foreign grants.

Perhaps Parliament can explain the outcome of the high profile USAID project worth Rs. 1.92 billion (USD 13.7 million), launched in late November 2016, during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the parliamentary Speaker during the Yahapalana government.

The USAID, partnered with the Parliament, and the first project of its kind, was meant to strengthen accountability and democratic governance. Interestingly, USD 3 mn had been released in September 2016 before the official launch of the project.

Parliament announced the USAID project in the wake of Sri Lanka becoming the newest member of the United States’ House Democracy Partnership programme which purports to support peer-to-peer exchanges for partner legislatures around the world.

By then the massive Treasury bond scams had been perpetrated twice in late February 2015 and March 2016 while the fugitive Governor of the Central Bank, Singaporean Arjun Mahendran, later indicted in the High Court of Colombo, had still not fled the country.

Actually, Karu Jayasuriya, the incumbent head of the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), certainly owes an explanation as to the progress made in terms of the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) geared to improve strategic planning and communication within government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at local level.

The people have a right to know how the USAID funds were spent and whether stated objectives were achieved, especially in light of former US Secretary of State John Kerry having crowed about how they brought about undemocratic secret regime changes here and elsewhere after spending hundreds of millions of dollars.

Maryland headquartered Development Alternatives, Inc (DAI) implemented the project intended to reform the public sector in accordance with an agreement between Sri Lanka and the House Democracy Partnership of the US House of Representatives.

During the implementation of that USAID project, Speaker Jayasuriya had retained retired controversial career diplomat Prasad Kariyawasam as his advisor. Kariyawasam, who had served as the Foreign Secretary after being Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, was on the USAID payroll. Kariyawasam earned the wrath of the JO/SLPP and various other parties. They accused him of promoting US interests, both in and outside Parliament. Even as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, he figured in a rather embarrassing press conference with TNA Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran claiming that there was a triparite agreement on the setting up of hybrid court to investigate accountbaility issues.

Having failed in its bid to elect General Sarath Fonseka at the 2010 presidential election, the US played a role in the change of government in January 2015. No less a person than the then US Secretary of State, John Kerry, who visited Colombo, in May 2015, is on record as having said that the US-funded restoration of democracy (read clandestine change of governments) in Nigeria, Myanmar and Sri Lanka. The State Department referred to USD 585 mn as the cost of those clandestine projects.

May be due to such continuing underhand interventions of the US, Sri Lanka ended up bankrupt and the incumbent Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe had to officially acknowledge the country’s pathetic status in April 2022. The economic fallout should be examined taking into consideration the circumstances the Yahapalana administration (2015- 2019) obtained International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) to the tune of USD 12.5 bn.

Interestingly, Auditor General W.P.C. Wickramaratne exposed the massive disparity between the above such borrowings and lack of corresponding assets when he addressed a workshop for parliamentarians recently

According to the Auditor General, Sri Lanka has taken project loans, amounting to eight trillion in rupee terms ,since 2015, but the country has corresponding assets worth only two trillion rupees to show, leaving a black hole of six trillion rupees.

According to a report in the Sunday Times BUSINESS of 30 July, Wickramaratne was quoted as having stated that this cannot be acceptable by any accounting standards and that loans are recorded as liabilities on the borrower’s balance sheet.

The explanation given for this disparity by state officials was that they were in the process of assessing the assets, he has revealed, adding that even after eight years the country was unable to identify the corresponding assets.

Like in the case of the CB bond scam we may not see any justice in our life time the way the system works, but even if this was a robbery of six trillion marbles it is certainly no small matter.

The Sunday Times BUSINESS, in a separate report headlined “Loophole for money launderers in Foreign Exchange Act” says a gaping loophole in the six-year-old Foreign Exchange Act (introduced by the Yahapalana government) is damaging the country’s fight against money laundering.

Enacted in 2017 after repealing the 1953 Exchange Control Act, it quotes unnamed experts as stating that the Act does not have provisions to regularise foreign exchange transfers.

Accountability of Parliament

On the request of Yahapalana Speaker Jayasuriya, China arranged familiarisation tours for members of Parliament. Tours began about 10 weeks after the August 2015 General election. Altogether 11 batches of MPs, accompanied by officials, visited China from Oct0ber 2015 to July 2019. Following their return, the then Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Cheng Xueyuan hosted a grand reception for the parliamentarians.

In addition to them, a group of journalists, covering Parliament, too, were included in the deal. Did the country benefit in any way from these junkets?

During the period the groups of lawmakers toured China, the emerging power finalized the controversial deal on the Hambantota port. Then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who had been openly critical of Chinese policy here, ended up leasing the port for a period of 99 years. In spite of the government repeatedly claiming that the leasing was meant to raise the funds required to settle loans, taken from China to build the port, subsequently it was revealed USD 1.2 bn received from China was utilized for other purposes. When the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) raised this issue with Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), it didn’t even know how USD 1.2 was spent. The then Ports and Shipping Minister Arjuna Ranatunga resigned after having refused to sign the lease agreement. But President Maithripala Sirisena brought in Mahinda Samarasinghe as the Shipping Minister to authorize the deal. Finally, Samarasinghe who entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket, at the last general election, in August 2020, received appointment as our Ambassador in Washington.

Speaker Jayasuriya also obtained laptops for all MPs, courtesy China. China is reported to have spent $293,000 for the supply of nearly 250 laptops.

Regardless of foreign lessons and a range of other facilities received by parliamentarians, the standards have deteriorated over the years with political parties losing control over its members. The absence of MPs at vital votes in Parliament reflects the unprecedented crisis in Parliament today. There cannot be a better example than the vote on the Central Bank of Sri Lanka Bill on 20 July, this year. Parliament passed the Bill with a majority of 42 votes, with amendments. The Bill received 66 votes in favour and 24 voting against it. Both the government and the Opposition owed an explanation why more than half of the total number of lawmakers skipped the vote. Examination of several votes, taken over the past several years, proved that MPs participation was low (Parliament meets only eight days a month) and the absence of quorum in Parliament is not a rarity.

The MPs’ participation in the vote on resolution regarding the Domestic Debt Optimization (restructuring of local debt) on 01 July, this year, was much better, even though the absence of 41 lawmakers cannot be justified, under any circumstances. Altogether 122 MPs voted for the resolution whereas 62 voted against.

The position taken by political parties, and individual members, should be examined, taking into consideration President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s declaration that the Parliament failed to avert the financial crisis. Wickremesinghe, who also holds the Finance portfolio, found fault with the Parliament at a recent awards ceremony held in the House. However, the UNP leader cannot absolve himself of the responsibility for the country’s bankruptcy status. Having first entered Parliament, in1977, Wickremesinghe represented the UNP in Parliament, apart from a break of 10 months, from August 2020 to June 2021. That was due the UNP’s humiliating defeat at the last general election when it failed to win a single seat and had to be contented with one National List slot. The UNP couldn’t reach consensus on the National List nominee for nearly a year before Wickremesinghe took oaths on 23 June, 2021, as an MP. Having served as the Premier on six occasions, Wickremesinghe, too, owed an explanation regarding the failure of Parliament to achieve its two primary tasks, namely ensure financial discipline and enactment of laws.

Parliament, as an institution, owed an explanation as to why the Exchange Control Act No 12 of 2017 hadn’t been amended yet to bring enough pressure to bear on those who had parked billions of USD overseas to bring the money back. In spite of some dissident MPs, including Gevindu Cumaratunga, Wimal Weerawansa and Vasudeva Nanayakkara raising this issue, both in and out of Parliament, the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government has conveniently turned a blind eye to the urgent need to amend the Exchange Control Act No 12 of 2017. They have estimated the amount of forex stashed overseas at USD 36 bn whereas Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, placed that amount at USD 53 bn (during a period of 12 years). Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, too, has publicly discussed this issue though he never referred to USD 36 bn or USD 53 bn. However, exporters stashing money overseas remains a major problem. Would Justice Minister Rajapakse care to explain what he has done so far to change the laws as promised by him last December.

In spite of the big talk by leaders of political parties and propaganda shows,courtesy the House, the Parliamentary system is in tatters. That is the ugly truth. The UNDP and Parliament should examine whether their current costly projects resulted in tangible improvement to the parliamentary system.

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Midweek Review

Opp. caught up in CIABOC offensive

Published

9 hours ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Mahinda Rajapaksa leaving CIABOC on 12 June, 2026

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) on 12 June questioned former President Mahinda Rajapaksa regarding the USD 2 Mn bribe allegation directed at the late SriLankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena, whose body was found on 8 May in a close relative’s home in Kollupitiya. Chandrasena’s alleged suicide sent shock waves through political circles and interested parties questioned the circumstances leading to him being granted bail on 6 May on cash bail of Rs. 500,000 with three sureties of Rs. 10 million each. The Colombo Magistrate court also imposed a travel ban. The issue at hand is as to how Mohamed Riswan and Mohamed Irshan stood as sureties for Chandrasekera. Of all the investigations undertaken by the CIABOC, the USD 2 Mn bribe case is the most politically charged probe.

Of the Rajapaksas, former State Minister Shasheendra Rajapaksa is so far the last to be indicted. CIABOC on 19 June filed indictments before the Colombo High Court against him and two others Sepalika Saman Kumari and Keerthi Bandara Kotagama. According to the charges, the accused are alleged to have committed the offence of corruption and aided and abetted the commission of the offence by using official influence to pressure certain government officials, attached to the Office for Reparations, to obtain compensation amounting to Rs. 8.85 million for a property built on a state land by Shasheendra and destroyed by marauding Aragalaya mobs.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) government last week emphasised, in no uncertain terms, that it wouldn’t tolerate the growing Opposition challenge.

Amidst the growing controversy over the continuing detention of retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay. in terms of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), under humiliating conditions, in connection with the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, police arrested Sugeeshwara Bandara, leader of the New People’s Front (NPF). The Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) apprehended him on 18 June and the Fort Magistrate’s Court remended him till 1 July..

The CCIB also apprehended Binoy Hettiarachchi who was accompanying Bandara. Hettiarachchi served as a media coordinator at the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office. Police intercepted their vehicle at Kollupitiya where the arrests were made like in an action-packed movie. Hettiarachchi was freed four hours later.

But, it would be better to identify Bandara as the former private secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well as the Director General of Special Projects at the Presidential Secretariat in the wake of Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over the presidency.

Accused of receiving two salaries simultaneously, under the President’s Expenditure Head, Bandara who managed the media for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the run-up to the 2019 presidential election, is under investigation for abuse of government vehicles and employing government workers for political work.

Having launched his political career as the Colombo District organiser of the alliance New People’s Front, a breakaway faction of the UPFA, in February, 2024, Bandara contested the November, 2024, parliamentary polls on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket. But, of late, Bandara, as the leader of NPF, became one of the most active opposition activists, aligned with the political grouping, dubbed People’s United Opposition, operating from Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office.

Bandara drew the wrath of the government when he launched a noisy protest outside Finance Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma’s residence at Akuregoda, Pelawatta, on 26 April, where he and his protesting supporters were given a shower of excreta. The group, led by Bandara, demanded the Finance Secretary’s resignation over the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury. No less a person than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reacted angrily to Bandara’s actions.

Acknowledging the right for legitimate protests, the President warned against protests directed at residences of officials. On 18 April, Bandara led a protest outside Agriculture Minister K.D. Lal Kantha’s recently built luxury residence at Weliwita, Kaduwela, where he questioned how the JVPer managed to build such a home as he was on record as having repeatedly said that he lived a difficult life.

The police apprehended Bandara as he was returning from a meeting between senior representatives of the People’s United Opposition and the IMF Colombo at the Tiki Bar, Shangri-La. In spite of negligible parliamentary presence, with those elected on the NDF ticket at the last parliamentary election not really speaking in one voice, the Flower Road project has become a headache for the government.

In fact, the Flower Road operation has been causing continuous harassment to the NPP, while the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) struggled to play its anticipated role as the main Opposition. Instead of conducting a cohesive campaign against the cocky NPP government, members of the SJB seem to be pulling in different directions at the expense of the common opposition front.

Regardless of the Wickremesinghe-led grouping vowing to press ahead with its campaign, the arrest of Bandara is obviously meant to have a detrimental impact on the activities of the Opposition.

It would be pertinent to mention that Bandara had been among those who stayed with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the President’s House, in Colombo, as a massive protest erupted on 9 July, 2022. Bandara was among the last to flee the President’s House as the military withdrew, amidst mounting pressure on their positions.

The police arrested Bandara as former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa moved the Court of Appeal in terms of Article 140 of the Constitution to prevent him being arrested under the PTA. The wartime Defence Secretary sought the court intervention in the wake of police probing the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and obtaining a travel ban against him.

The court heard Romesh de Silva PC’s submissions on behalf of the ex-President on 18 June. The court deferred the hearing to 24 June. The crux of the matter is that the ex-President fears that the CID is about to arrest him on the basis of a statement made by fugitive Azad Moulana, in Paris, linking Sallay directly with the Easter Sunday carnage.

NPP intensifies pressure

The NPP seems confident of its current course of action meant to pin down the Opposition. In spite of unbridled corruption being the major issue on the post-war election platform, no political party succeeded in going flat-out against the political opposition.

However, the NPP allowed the judicial process to continue. The first major sentencing was announced on 2 April, 2025, just six months after the parliamentary polls, handsomely won by the NPP. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) moved the Colombo High Court successfully against the former Chief Minister of the North Central Province S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon.

Colombo High Court No. 01 Judge Adithya Patabendige sentenced him in terms of Section 70 of the Bribery Act. The HC declared the former CM perpetrated malpractices by ordering fuel to his personal secretary’s vehicle. The personal secretary happened to be Shanthi Chandrasena, wife of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, a former Cabinet Minister and one of the most powerful Ministers to represent the North Central province.

The ex- Chief Minister and the second accused, his personal secretary, were convicted guilty of two charges. Both were sentenced to 16 years rigorous imprisonment and were also ordered to pay a fine of Rs. 200,000/- with an additional two-year prison term in case of default.

Deputy Director General Asitha Anthoney appeared on behalf of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.

There had never been any really coordinated CIABOC campaign against corruption. No political party, or a particular family, felt threatened by CIABOC. Both those in and outside Parliament acted with impunity. They feared no one. There was no need to be because the powerful and the influential operated above the law.

Just a couple of weeks after sentencing of S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon and Shanthini Chandrasena, the CIABOC arrested the latter’s husband, one-time Deputy Economic Development Minister and Special Projects Minister, S.M. Chandrasena. The CIABOC took him into custody on 4 July, 2025.

The CIABOC accused the former Minister of causing loss to the government by distributing seed corn, imported at a cost of Rs 25 mn, in 2024, among the farmer community in the Anuradhapura district, at a subsidised price. The distribution had taken place ahead of the 2015 presidential election contested by Mahinda Rajapaksa and estranged former SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. The CIABOC alleged that Chandrasena exerted undue influence on the Director (Planning) and other officers of the District Secretariat and distributed seeds through his political allies to gain an advantage in the 2015 presidential election and incurred a loss to the government.

Chandrasena was granted bail on 1 August, 2025. He was indicted on 12 June before the Colombo High Court.

Before further discussing the ongoing anti-corruption campaign, let me introduce the top leadership of CIABOC. The Commission consists of Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawela (Chairman), K.B. Rajapakse and Chethiya Goonesekera P.C, with High Court judge R.S.A. Dissanayake as its Director General.

The sentencing of the S. M. Ranjith Samarakoon didn’t really bother his side. The arrest of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, too, didn’t really upset those facing charges. But, sentencing of former Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former Sathosa Chairman and former Trade Minister Nalin Fernando on 29 May, 2025, sent shock waves through the Opposition.

The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar sentenced Aluthgamage and Fernando for committing the offence of corruption by purchasing 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 checkers boards through Sathosa, allegedly to distribute to schools and sports clubs selected by the Sports Ministry, and distributing them to party offices of the government, during the 2015 presidential election campaign thereby, causing a loss of over 53 million rupees to the government, stunned the Opposition.

Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment, Fernando received a sentence of 25 years of rigorous imprisonment. Additionally, a fine of Rs. 100,000 (hundred thousand) was imposed for each count.

The CIABOC’s Assistant Director General Mrs. Anuththara Jayasinghe and Assistant Director General Mrs. Thushari Dayaratne conducted the prosecution.

During the Yahapalana government Aluthgamage spearheaded a high profile anti-corruption campaign, dubbed ‘Yahapalana Top 10 kamba horu’. The then Joint Opposition (JO) group, led in Parliament by Dinesh Gunawardena, published a 750-page book, targeting the Yahapalana ministers. Mahindananda, who spearheaded that campaign, is now serving a long sentence.

The JO group consists of UPFA lawmakers who declined to throw their weight behind the then President Sirisena aligned with the UNP.

Let me mention the names of those against whom the accusations were made by the JO.

Yahapalana corruption

The JO dealt with 10 major cases. (1) The Treasury bond scams perpetrated in 2015 and 2016. Accusations were directed at Ranil Wickremesinghe, Ravi Karunanayake and Governor Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran. The losses were estimated at Rs 26 bn. (2) causing losses amounting to Rs 10 bn through the fraudulent import of vehicles. Ravi Karunanayake was named the chief culprit (3) Misappropriation of Mahapola funds to the tune of Rs. 1 bn. Allegations were directed at Malik Samarawickrema (4) Stealing from an insurance scheme implemented for the benefit of those going for employment in West Asia. The JO accused Thalatha Atukarale of misappropriating funds amounting Rs 1.5 bn (5) Receiving Rs 1.5 bn through the leasing of Hambantota port to China on a 99-year lease. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema and R. Paskaralingam were named the offenders (6) Kabir Hashim was accused of causing a loss of Rs 54 bn by cancelling aircraft ordered from Airbus Industries for the national carrier (7) fraudulent activities pertaining to the release of paddy stocks held by the government. The JO estimated the losses caused to the government at Rs 10 bn. (8) Scam in vehicle parts. Ravil Karunanayake was accused of causing losses amounting to Rs. 6.5 bn, (9 A) Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was accused of leasing of the Modera fisheries harbor and procurement of eight vessels to catch fish, fraudulently, and thereby causing losses up to Rs 1 bn, (9B) The JO also found fault with Dr. Senaratne for perpetrating Rs 1.5 bn fraud in the procurement of medicine and lastly (10) Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema, R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte were blamed for a massive fraud in the procurement of coal for the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. That particular fraud was estimated at Rs 5 bn.

Although the JO transformed itself to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) later, to successfully contested the 2019 presidential election, none of the above-mentioned cases were investigated. As far as we know, none of those cases had been dealt with during the SLPP rule, from November, 2019, to July, 2022. Faced with an externally backed regime change operation, the SLPP invited Wickremesinghe, who had been named by them in three major corruption cases, to accept the premiership in May, 2022, and presidency in July same year.

So far, there is no indication whether the mentioned JO allegations had received the attention of the CIABOC or the Attorney General of the government. As far as we know of all the politicians and officials, Wickremesinghe is the only one facing imminent threat due to the ongoing case pertaining to him visiting the UK in September, 2023, to join his wife Prof. Maithree at the University of Wolverhampton at her graduation ceremony.

Wickremesinghe has been accused of squandering nearly 17 mn rupees at a time the country was in deep economic turmoil. The Fort Magistrate’s court is scheduled to take up the case on 8 July.

SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa is also facing a major legal challenge. The former Minister has been indicted on charges of criminal misappropriation of Rs. 70 mn in connection with the controversial Krrish project. The indictments have been forwarded to the Colombo High Court by the Attorney General, alleging that Namal Rajapaksa misappropriated funds by receiving Rs. 70 million from the Indian real estate company for the development of rugby in Sri Lanka.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, too, has been dealt with by the CIABOC. The Rajapaksas have been accused of lowering qualifications required to join the executive branch of the Navy and then sending him to the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom at taxpayers’ expense. Produced before the Colombo Additional Magistrate, Yoshitha was released on three personal bail bonds of Rs. 5 million each.

Producing Yoshitha before court on 17 June, Deputy Director General of the Bribery Commission, Ruvini Wickramasinghe declared: “”Your Honour, the complaint regarding this incident was received on June 25, 2016. Accordingly, the Commission initiated investigations. The complaint states that the suspect had participated in naval training programmes held in England and Ukraine by misusing government funds, while depriving qualified applicants of such opportunities. At that time, this individual, who is a civilian in the dock today, was also a civilian in 2006 when he was deemed eligible for the Royal Navy Young Officer training at the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom. The opportunities to receive this training are extremely limited. Your Honour, selection to this prestigious course is usually based on being the most outstanding cadet officer during a two-year training period or based on performance during training. However, this suspect, although a civilian in 2006, was proposed and included in the list and was sent for the course in haste.”

The Deputy Director General also stated that Yoshitha Rajapaksa had undergone medical examinations required for overseas training even before being officially recruited into the Navy.

The court was also told that though Sri Lanka previously received scholarships from the UK the Rajapaksa government funded Yoshitha to the tune of Rs 6.2 mn.

Opp. attacks CIABOC

The Opposition has repeatedly attacked the CIABOC with its Director General Ranga Dissanayake being the primary target. Accusing Dissanayake of being a JVPer, the Opposition has repeatedly questioned the conduct of the High Court judge demanding that the CIABOC inquired into the top official’s conduct, especially with regard to the alleged suicide of former Sri Lankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena who had been under investigation pertaining to the receiving of USD 2 mn bribe to facilitate procurement aircraft from Airbus Industrie during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term.

Former Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, a regular speaker at Flower Road media briefings, alleged that the CIABOC was a political tool in the NPP’s hands.

A section of the Opposition to question the circumstances one-time JVP heavyweight Nandana Gunatilleke died in January this year at the Ragama Teaching Hospital after accusing Dissanayake of pursuing an agenda beneficial to the JVP, a charge denied by the High Court judge. When the writer raised the allegations with Dissanayake, he emphatically denied any wrongdoing on his part https://island.lk/ciaboc-dg-denies-jvp-link/.

The CIABOC has simply ignored accusations directed at its DG who proved through his actions that he really meant high profile public pronouncements against corruption.

Former Deputy Minister and ex-MP Sarana Gunawardena was sentenced to a total of 16 years rigorous imprisonment by the Colombo High Court on June 8, 2026.

During the Yahapalana administration many cases, filed by the CIABOC as well as the Attorney General, were either dismissed or dropped due to lapses on their part. The accused in such cases were ex-MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena, ex-EP Chief Minister Sivanesathurei Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, ex-Ministers Johnston Fernando, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Basil Rajapaksha, Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Janaka Bandara Tennakoon and former AG and CJ Mohan Peiris.

Regardless of Opposition protests, the public appreciate tangible action against corruption. However, the NPP has not been free from serious allegations against it since the last general elections. The release of suspicious 323 containers, plus two containers filled with ice, in January, 2025, followed by the massive coal scam perpetrated in September 2025, loss of over USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury and controversial Aswesuma payments, as well as wealth, accumulated by NPP Ministers as revealed by declarations made to CIABOC, shocked the electorate.

The NPP has failed to counter allegations. The circumstances under which Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody resigned, along with Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala, on 17 April, just a week after the NPP defeated the no-confidence motion moved by the Opposition against the Energy Minister. dealt a devastating blow to the NPP’s much touted integrity. The NPP couldn’t explain as to why a person under investigation by the CIABOC for an alleged fraud perpetrated during the Yahapalana government was accommodated in President Dissanayake’s first Cabinet. Indicted before the Colombo High Court, Jayakody’s case commenced last week.

Asset declarations of some NPP Ministers have shocked the country. The SJB has called for CIABOC to investigate them without delay and prove that CIABOC was not only going after the Opposition. Ministers Lal Kantha and Wasantha Samarasinghe are two of the top JVPers who have attracted attention as the Opposition hits back at the government.

SJB MP Mujibur Rahuman said that the JVP/NPP owed an explanation as to how their members amassed so much wealth since 2024 as they repeatedly claimed their inability to meet even their basic needs. But, their asset declarations exposed their blatant lies.

Midweek Review

Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean

Published

9 hours ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Listening to the Winds, Reading the Waves:

Prof. Gamini Keerawella’s latest publication, Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945 will be launched on 5 August at the Auditorium of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS). The keynote address will be delivered by Prof. T. V. Paul, James, McGill Professor of Political Science at McGill University, Canada and the former President of the International Studies Association (ISA).

Prof. Keerawella, Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Peradeniya, has dedicated hisbook to the memory of Dr. Newton Gunasinghe, the eminent sociologist and Marxist theoretician who encouraged him to venture beyond disciplinary frontiers. In many respects, this work represents a successful realization of that intellectual endeavour. In her testimonial to back cover of the book, Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy observes that “Gamini Keerawella offers a nuanced and layered account of the Indian Ocean region’s strategic evolution from the era of decolonization to the contemporary phase of intensifying great-power rivalry. Its distinctive analytical perspective makes it an important contribution to the study of international relations, maritime geopolitics, and regional strategic dynamics.” This assessment accurately captures the significance of the work, and I fully endorse her judgement.

This volume constitutes the final publication of a trilogy that explores the evolving dynamics of international relations from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective. The first study examined the trajectory of Sri Lanka’s defence and foreign policy, while the second revisited the origins, evolution, and principal constituent elements of international relations as an academic discipline from a Global South perspective. The present work broadens the analytical canvas by tracing the shifting geopolitical contours of the Indian Ocean since 1945 and examining the evolving interplay between great-power competition and regional agency.

Indian Ocean not merely maritime transit space

At the heart of Prof. Keerawella’s analysis is the argument that the Indian Ocean is not merely a maritime space of transit but a living archive whose language is inscribed in tides, trade, and collective memory. To uncover the deeper structures that have shaped the region, he draws on Michel Foucault’s concept of the archaeology of knowledge, probing beneath the visible layers of historical experience to reveal successive strata of thought, exchange, and power. This approach enables him to trace the multiple origins of the Indian Ocean’s geopolitical significance through the sedimented traces of how the ocean has been known, governed, and imagined across time. Complementing this perspective is Fernand Braudel’s concept of the longue durée, which provides the framework for understanding the long-term evolution of Indian Ocean geopolitics. As Keerawella notes, for Braudel, history unfolds not as a single linear sequence but as a layered field of continuity and change, revealing the deeper architecture of the past—the slow yet powerful currents that shape political and economic developments beneath the surface of events (Keerawella 2026: xxiii).Prof. Keerawella further notes that later historians such as K. N. Chaudhuri and M. N. Pearson drew on Braudel’s insights and adapted them to understand the Indian Ocean as a polycentric world.

Prof. Keerawella argues that the terms employed in the title of this work—Winds, Waves, and Currents—evoke the ocean’s dual language of surface movement and underlying structure. In his reading, winds and waves signify motion: the visible and often turbulent forces that carry ships, peoples, commodities, and ideas across shifting maritime frontiers. Currents, by contrast, refer to the deeper and less visible forces that shape historical trajectories and connect coasts and continents through enduring patterns of interaction. As he observes, while winds and waves represent the restless dynamics of the ocean’s surface, currents embody the slower yet more consequential energies that operate beneath it, binding disparate regions into a larger maritime system (2026: xx).

Metaphors and Conceptual Foundation

Building on this conceptual foundation, the author employs winds, waves, and currents not merely as metaphors but also as analytical categories. Winds represent changing strategic directions and geopolitical realignments; waves denote recurring cycles of commerce, conflict, and interaction; and currents symbolize the deep structural forces that connect societies across space and time. Viewed from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective, the volume demonstrates how a strategically located small state at the centre of the Indian Ocean perceives and navigates this maritime space through its own strategic lens. The book opens by situating Sri Lanka within the intersecting forces of history, geography, and power that have shaped the Indian Ocean world. It advances the notion of a dual strategic consciousness that has informed Sri Lanka’s external engagements: a persistent sense of vulnerability, rooted in colonial experience and geographical exposure, coexisting with a cosmopolitan outlook forged through centuries of maritime exchange. Prof. Keerawella contends that this dual consciousness constitutes the underlying framework through which Sri Lanka has historically interpreted and responded to developments in its external environment.

Winds and Waves is a comprehensive study comprising eleven chapters and an extensive introduction that establishes the analytical foundations of the work by treating the ocean simultaneously as text and method. The opening chapter situates Sri Lanka within the wider Indian Ocean system, tracing the island’s navigation through shifting configurations of power while emphasising the agency of small states. The Indian Ocean is presented not merely as a strategic arena but also as a moral and political space, linking Sri Lanka’s historical experience to the broader aspirations and consciousness of the Global South.

Revisiting British withdrawal

The book revisits Britain’s withdrawal from the Indian Ocean, arguing that it was not simply a consequence of post-war decline but the culmination of deeper structural transformations in the international system. Decolonisation, Afro-Asian nationalism, and the emergence of bipolarity fundamentally altered the regional order and created the conditions for Britain’s retreat. In turn, this withdrawal opened the way for superpower competition, particularly between the United States and the Soviet Union, transforming the Indian Ocean into major theatre of Cold War geopolitics.

A substantial portion of the volume is devoted to examining the policies and strategic trajectories of the major powers. The author traces American engagement from Cold War containment through post-Cold War maritime predominance to contemporary Indo-Pacific formulations, demonstrating that U.S. strategy has evolved through the interaction of structural imperatives and changing strategic discourses. Particular attention is paid to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War, which is interpreted as a transformative event that exposed the limits of military hegemony and accelerated patterns of strategic hedging and multi-alignment among regional actors. The book also explores the Soviet Union’s entry into the Indian Ocean in 1968 and the subsequent re-emergence of Russia under Vladimir Putin through selective naval deployments, arms transfers, and strategic partnerships, illustrating what the author characterises as the recurrent rhythms of great-power engagement in the region.

The rise of China receives extensive treatment as one of the most significant structural developments of the twenty-first century. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, port development projects, and naval modernisation, China has translated growing economic power into expanding strategic influence. The author contrasts Beijing’s assertive posture in the South China Sea with its relatively restrained approach in the Indian Ocean, where economic diplomacy and cooperative security initiatives have assumed greater prominence. Equally significant is the discussion of India’s transformation from a regional power into an emerging global strategic actor. The evolution of Indian maritime strategy—from Nehruvian custodianship to contemporary blue-water ambitions—demonstrates how a rising power navigates structural constraints while expanding its strategic reach. Initiatives such as SAGAR, naval modernization, and deepening partnerships with the United States, Japan, and Australia have positioned India as a central actor in the evolving Indo-Pacific order.

Roles of Japan and EU examined

The volume also examines the roles of Japan and the European Union in shaping the contemporary maritime order. Japan’s transition from post-war restraint to proactive strategic engagement, embodied in the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision, illustrates how middle powers adapt to changing geopolitical realities through coalition-building and maritime capacity enhancement. The European Union’s engagement is portrayed through less visible but nevertheless significant mechanisms, including trade, development cooperation, maritime governance, and norm diffusion, contributing to what the author terms a form of “quiet-making multipolarity” that encourages restraint, stability, and pragmatic cooperation.

Moving beyond conventional geopolitics, the book broadens the analytical framework to address a range of non-traditional security challenges confronting South Asia in general and Sri Lanka in particular. Climate change, piracy, illegal fishing, maritime terrorism, public health vulnerabilities, and digital insecurity are examined as transnational challenges that transcend the capabilities of individual states. The author argues that these issues reveal the limits of unilateral action and underscore the growing importance of cooperation, collective action, institutional innovation, and middle-power leadership in maritime governance.

Prof. Keerawella further situates the Indian Ocean within the wider context of the emerging Asian Century. Asia’s resurgence—driven principally by China and India and reinforced by the dynamism of Southeast Asia—is presented as a major reconfiguration of global power. In this transformation, the Indian Ocean functions as a vital maritime artery connecting energy resources, manufacturing centres, and consumer markets. At the same time, the author cautions against deterministic interpretations, emphasising that the realisation of the Asian Century remains contingent upon how the region responds to persistent inequalities, environmental challenges, governance deficits, and intensifying strategic competition.

Assessing how SL has navigated shifts

The book concludes by returning to Sri Lanka and assessing how the country has navigated contemporary shifts in the regional and global balance of power under the National People’s Power (NPP) government that emerged in the aftermath of the Aragalaya of 2022. The author demonstrates how economic crisis, demands for accountability, and aspirations for a new political culture have reshaped the domestic context within which foreign policy is conducted. Under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sri Lanka is portrayed as pursuing a carefully calibrated strategy that combines engagement with international financial institutions, enhanced cooperation with India in defence and energy sectors, continued economic engagement with China, and functional security relations with the United States. The government’s response to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War—rejecting military access requests from all parties while extending humanitarian assistance—serves as an illustration of the author’s broader argument that strategic flexibility, principled neutrality, and diplomatic agility remain essential for small states navigating an increasingly complex Indian Ocean order.

Taken together, the book advances several interconnected propositions. First, the Indian Ocean is entering an increasingly multipolar era in which power is exercised through complex networks of cooperation, competition, and interdependence rather than rigid alliance structures. Second, small states are neither passive spectators nor mere proxies of great powers; they possess strategic agency and navigate competing pressures through hedging, diversification, and calibrated diplomacy. Third, Sri Lanka’s strategic behaviour—characterised by navigating asymmetry through flexibility and ambiguity—reflects a historically rooted dual consciousness that combines vulnerability with cosmopolitan engagement. Fourth, non-traditional security challenges and environmental governance are no longer peripheral concerns but central components of the evolving regional order.

Need for adaptive navigation

Prof. Keerawella argues that contemporary statecraft in the Indian Ocean requires adaptive navigation rather than rigid alignment. In a fluid and contested maritime environment, survival and influence depend less on resisting structural change than on understanding and responding to it with prudence, flexibility, and strategic clarity. The book therefore offers important insights into how small states can transform structural vulnerability into strategic agency and convert exposure into opportunities for engagement within a changing regional order.

Combining historical depth with contemporary analysis, it provides a nuanced understanding of the interaction between great-power competition, regional transformation, and the strategic choices of smaller states. The book will be of considerable value to students and scholars of international relations, political science, strategic studies, and maritime affairs, while also offering useful perspectives to policymakers, diplomats, and practitioners. Equally important, it opens several promising avenues for future research on the Indian Ocean and the emerging Indo-Pacific order.

Hermeneutic approachs

Methodologically, the study draws upon hermeneutic approaches to examine the geopolitical and maritime environments that shape relationships among states, societies, and historical processes. The result is a work that is both analytically rigorous and intellectually engaging. This review has sought less to evaluate the book in a conventional sense than to introduce its central themes and encourage a wider readership to engage with its arguments. Having highlighted the many merits of the volume, it is worth noting one technical shortcoming: the absence of an index. Given the book’s wide thematic scope and rich empirical content, the inclusion of an index would have significantly enhanced its value as a reference tool for researchers and students alike.

In sum, Prof. Keerawella listens attentively to the winds, reads the waves with analytical precision, and traces the deeper currents that shape the Indian Ocean world. The outcome is Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945, a timely and thought-provoking contribution published by the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies.

Reviewed by
Dr. Ramesh Ramasamy
Department of Political Science, University
of Peradeniya