Connect with us

Features

ICJ’s call for international probe into Chemmani mass grave: A reply

Published

on

Chemmani mass grave site

I write in response to the article of the above title that appeared in the Sunday Island on 3rd August 2025. The article appears to be a statement by the ICJ (International Committee of Jurists). The article calls on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that the exhumations at the Chemmani site be carried out according to international standards so that there are no questions over the veracity of the findings later. The article also argues that because incidents such as Chemmani raise suspicions regarding government impunity for past crimes, it is essential that international monitoring under the Human Rights Council be continued. For instance, it says:

“Given the long-standing failure of domestic mechanisms to deliver justice, since 2012 the UN Human Rights Council has through multiple resolutions mandated the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to monitor the situation, preserve evidence, and support accountability efforts, particularly through the Sri Lankan Accountability Project under Resolution 46/1. The ICJ considers that the ongoing exhumations at Chemmani render the need for sustained international oversight ever more urgent.”

I take strong exception to the attempt above to link the Chemmani issue to an argument advocating the extension of the Sri Lanka Accountability Project, an evidence-gathering mechanism that has been operating from Geneva since 2021. The High Commissioner is scheduled to present a comprehensive report on this mechanism at the UNHCR’s upcoming 60th session. As I will explain in a moment, there are reasonable grounds to believe that the mechanism is contrary to the principles, procedures and mandate of the Human Rights Council. If true, then it is illegal. It is vital that members of the public distinguish between arguments designed to advocate for this mechanism, and arguments related to Chemmani.

There are two basic problems with the Sri Lanka Accountability Project: the first, based on the applicable law, and the second, on its possible contents. (The specific contents of the mechanism’s database is secret, but, from certain statements of the High Commissioner, it is possible to gain an idea of the type of material that this database might contain.) The legal problem with the mechanism is briefly this. Article 2(7) of the UN Charter prohibits the UN and its subsidiary organs from interfering unduly in the internal affairs of nations. Meanwhile, paragraph 4 of the UNHRC’s founding document (UN General Assembly Resolution 60/251) states, among other things, that the work of the Council shall be guided by the principles of ‘cooperation and constructive international dialogue.’

The Sri Lanka Accountability Project is a country-specific device. This means that, it is established exclusively for Sri Lanka. Nowhere in Resolution 46/1 (the resolution that establishes the mechanism) does it require the High Commissioner to submit the findings of the mechanism to the Council prior to forwarding such material to third parties in order for them to take action against Sri Lankan citizens. In a report to the Council in September 2023, the High Commissioner states that the OHCHR is in active consultations with the prosecutorial agencies of a number of countries on ways of taking such action. (See A/HRC/54/20, 6 Sep 2023).

Meanwhile, the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) has consistently rejected the mechanism. It is not in dispute that, were the mechanism’s evidence to be submitted to the UNHRC, the GOSL, along with the accused persons, would have an opportunity to respond to such evidence before the Council. This, obviously, would be entirely consistent with the injunction that the work of the Council be guided by the principles of ‘cooperation and constructive international dialogue.’ In these circumstances, prima facie, the mechanism is contrary to the principles set out in Article 2(7) of the UN Charter along with paragraph 4 of the UNHRC’s charter mentioned above.

The problem with the possible contents of the mechanism is briefly this. In the report to the Council in September 2023, the High Commissioner states:

“The team continues to prioritize the establishment and development of a repository of information and evidence, to maximize OHCHR’s long-term contribution to supporting accountability initiatives. The repository was originally populated with data from the earlier OHCHR investigation on Sri Lanka, together with other material collected over the years by OHCHR. It has been supplemented by material from nine key non-governmental organizations and academic sources. The project team is engaging with other stakeholders to seek to bolster the repository’s holdings, subject to appropriate terms of access.” (A/HRC/54/20, para 50, 6 Sep 2023)

The above raises two important questions: first, does the mechanism’s repository contain the databases of Sri Lanka’s domestic mechanisms (ie. The LLRC and Paranagama Commissions)? Second, what are the identities of the ‘nine key non-governmental organisations and academic sources’ referred to by the High Commissioner above? If the Sri Lanka Accountability Project’s repository does not contain the databases of the domestic mechanisms, then the mechanism has been deprived of potentially exculpatory evidence that the domestic mechanisms might possess. If true, this would compromise the work of prosecutorial agencies who may be using the mechanism’s database in order to frame charges against Sri Lankan citizens. Meanwhile, in regard to the nine NGOs and academic sources that the High Commissioner mentions, if even one of them is funded or owned by Sri Lanka’s critics, it potentially taints the entire database.

The Sri Lanka Accountability Project must stand or fall depending on whether its supporters can address concerns such as the above, not on whether the Chemmani site in being investigated properly. A word, however, about Chemmani. The government is currently investigating the suspected gravesite. There is absolutely no evidence that these investigations are compromised in any way. In this regard, it is important to recall that on two previous occasions, both in 2013, there were claims of mass graves being found. The first was in Mannar, and the second, in Matale.

Extensive investigations were conducted on both sites. The human remains discovered at the Mannar site were carbon-dated to the Portuguese period (see ‘Bodies found in Mannar mass grave date back to the 1400s,’ www.asianews.it, 3rd Sep 2019). The remains found in Matale were dated to ‘an era prior to 1950’ (see ‘Skeletal Remains have no connection to 1989-1990 disappearances,’ www.sundaytimes.lk, 10th May 2015.) Therefore, it is possible that there is an innocuous explanation for the Chemmani site as well. On the other hand, it is possible that the investigators would reach far more disturbing conclusions. The reasonable thing to do is to keep an open mind and let the investigators complete their work.

It is not in dispute that the UNHRC and the OHCHR have a duty to protect and advance human rights worldwide. They must, however, do this within the four corners of the law. One cannot advocate for the advancement of human rights while at the same time undermining the fundamental principles of international law. It is in everyone’s interest to ensure that the UN remain viable and respected, rather than constantly discredited and suspected of double-standards and bias. The Sri Lanka Accountability Project is coming up for a reckoning in September. It is vital that, members of the public be clear on the issues involved, and hold the UNHRC as well as the OHCHR accountable if they have exceeded their powers in regard to this mechanism.

Dharshan Weerasekera is the author of, A Factual Appraisal of the OISL Report: A Rebuttal to the Allegations Against the Armed Forces, (Sarasavi, 2020)

by Dharshan Weerasekera ✍️



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary

Published

on

President Donald Trump addresses the public on the occasion of the US celebrating the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.(BBC)

Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.

If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.

Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’

Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.

The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.

Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.

The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.

Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.

Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.

The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.

Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.

Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?

A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.

The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.

However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.

The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.

Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.

Continue Reading

Features

Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril

Published

on

Sunela / Rishan / Spencer

It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.

Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.

Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.

Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.

“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”

That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.

According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.

“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”

She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.

For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.

It begins with humility.

It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.

“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”

One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.

Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.

The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.

“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.

Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.

“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”

That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.

It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.

Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.

Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.

“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”

For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.

She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.

Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.

The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.

“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.

Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.

Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.

Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.

Climate differs.

Rainfall differs.

Vegetation differs.

Wildlife differs.

Culture differs.

Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.

All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.

“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.

“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”

This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.

Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.

It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.

Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.

Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.

She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.

In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.

One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.

“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”

That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.

Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.

Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.

“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”

Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.

Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.

Greenfield sites demand restraint.

Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.

The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.

Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.

Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.

For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.

They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.

Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.

Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.

It should celebrate coexistence.

Every building should strengthen biodiversity.

Every development should restore ecological balance.

Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.

As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.

They carried a challenge

To question inherited assumptions.

To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.

And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.

For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.

It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.

By Ifham Nizam

Continue Reading

Features

Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”

Published

on

Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.

She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.

Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.

Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.

Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.

In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.

On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.

As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.

As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.

Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”

As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.

She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.

Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.

Continue Reading

Trending