Features
How the DUNF was born and gathered steam under Lalith & Gamini
At this time Anuruddha Ratwatte had emerged as the “strong man” of the SLFP. As the cousin of Mrs. B he had access to her and was able to console her regarding the behaviour of her son Anura who was a captive of the anti-Sirimavo faction led by Maithripala Senanayake, who had become a favourite of the UNP. Anuruddha was living in the residence allocated to the leader of the Opposition in Colombo 7. He was the coordinator responsible for getting the signatures of the SLFP members for the impeachment motion.
This was no easy task as some of them like Stanley Tillekeratne were consorting with Premadasa. I would meet Anuruddha in his residence where he was usually in the company of journalists like Victor Ivan and Sunanda Deshapriya who were able to track the anti-Premadasa moves for the readers of “Ravaya” and “Yukthiya” weeklies which they edited. Though the impeachment motion failed and Mrs. B was genuinely distressed by the embarrassment caused to Gamini and Lalith, the SLFP as a party gained by this manoeuvre because they were able to crack the up to now monolithic UNP apart.
Mrs. B and Anura also enjoyed the humiliation of Premadasa whom they disliked at a personal level. Led by Anura who had become a skilled debater, they began to fight back in Parliament and established a cordial relationship between the SLFP and the UNP dissidents. I accompanied Gamini for several meetings with Mrs. B at her Rosmead Place residence. She had Nimal Siripala de Silva as her legal advisor at those meetings.
The dissidents on the other hand were in a desperate position. They were on the verge of being driven out of the UNP by an unrelenting Premadasa. Some dissidents however wanted to remain in the party “to fight another day”. J. R. Jayewardene’s advice was that they should remain and struggle within the party as he had done when Dudley was under pressure to expel him from the UNP. The solution which emerged was to follow a two pronged strategy. While Lalith and Gamini would face party and Supreme Court inquiries, a “dummy”party was to be set up with its credentials presented to the Elections Commissioner.
The new party could be activated if the duo were forced out of the UNP. The composition of the office bearers had to reflect the interests of the two leaders. Accordingly A. C. Gooneratne, a senior President’s Counsel and Laliths relative, was made the President of the new party and I was made its Vice President. The Secretary was Fonseka, a lawyer from Lalith’s chambers. None of us were members of the UNP and there were no complications arising regarding conflict of interest. We made an application to the Elections Commissioner for the registration of a new political party. After much deliberation we decided to seek such registration as the “Democratic United National Front” [DUNF].
It was an attempt to seek legitimacy as a UNP oriented outfit, while at the same time satisfying the demand by the Commissioner that it would not lead to a confusion of identities by the voter. We were lucky in that the Elections Commissioner was an old University hand who had served as a distinguished official under Gamini. He held the scales evenly but Premadasa was fighting all the way and had sent a team led by Choksy and Sirisena Cooray to file objections to our application. We were bracing for this encounter when our leaders were expelled and they were able to lead our counter attack in the Commissioners office.
Having won the name of the new party we turned to the symbol and colours which had to be approved by the Commissioner. As regards the symbol someone had the bright idea to ask for the eagle or “Rajaliya”. In Sinhala Rajaliya (meaning Eagle) can be pronounced as “Raja Aliya” meaning “King Elephant”which suited the recently sacked UNPers just fine. Indeed the majority of the voting public did not bother with the appellation DUNF but referred to us as the “Rajaliya” or King Elephant party. As regards party colours we broke new ground by asking for a combination of two colours – green and yellow. Since green was the UNP colour our platform decor had a preponderance of that colour which satisfied the UNPers who were abandoning Premadasa’s UNP by the day. After a protracted inquiry the Commissioner approved our choices much to the annoyance of the President who needled his lawyers for their incompetence.
However I got the sense during the inquiry that both Choksy and Cooray were not very convinced of the value of Premadasa’s relentless persecution of the dissidents who were after all UNP stalwarts. But they were too afraid to argue with their leader. We on the other hand emerged from this encounter with all our demands intact.
The entry of the DUNF as a third force, with its own symbol and colours, led to a considerable realignment of Sri Lankan politics. By this time there was manifest disenchantment with the autocratic ways of the new President. Also there were many businessmen who had benefited from the earlier decisions of Lalith and Gamini and were willing to bankroll the new party. The media was very supportive and we began to make headway as an efficient third force much to the annoyance of Premadasa.
Our main attraction was our speakers list which included Lalith, Gamini, Premachandra, Weerawanni and a few others who could not be matched by other parties. The UNP meetings were a “one man show” of Premadasa who, no doubt, was an orator of the first rank. The first DUNF meeting which was held in Nugegoda was a mammoth one which scared the UNP and brought out the “lumpen” urban supporters of Premadasa who used violence to intimidate our supporters. In Nugegoda they created a stampede and many onlookers were injured.
Every meeting saw the mass crossover of UNP supporters, including some MPs, to the DUNF stage. At the Kandy meeting which was held in spite of the opposition of the Chief Minister who had become an acolyte of the President after abandoning his mentor Gamini, Muthubanda the MP for Polonnaruwa was carried on the shoulders of the bystanders to the stage from where his erstwhile boss Gamini was addressing the public. He was fired by Premadasa the following day. In Kesbewa, Lalith was attacked by the goons of a Minister who was at that time a supporter of Premadasa. We realized that politics was no longer a cakewalk. Several of us wrote our wills and testaments because the future was uncertain.
The Pannala attack
We all nearly died from a grenade attack at our Pannala meeting. We planned this meeting with care because it was the political base of Gamini Jayawickreme Perera, a Premadasa loyalist. He was supported in the area by another UNP member known to be violence prone. Gamini (Dissanayake) and I left Kandy in the morning and reached Lalith’s farm in Giriulla for lunch. This small plot had been inherited by Lalith from his parents and he nurtured it with great care. He loved to walk about his land in a pair of muddied rubber boots while experimenting with new breeds of rice and growing local vegetables.
He had planned to feed us the products of the farm of which he was very proud of though it did not receive the same publicity as did Premadasa’s farm in Ambanpola, also in the Kurunegala district. After lunch we drove to nearby Pannala for our propaganda meeting. It was a busy day for me as Hugh Fernando- a former Speaker of Parliament and the uncle of my son-in-law Rohan Fernando – had invited all of us to dinner at his house in Wennappuwa. We had started the meeting and the crowds were coming in when a live grenade was hurled at the stage on which we were seated. Had it burst on the stage all of us would have been killed instantly. However it hit a wire which was strung across the stage and fell on to the audience injuring many onlookers who had to be rushed to hospital.
Naturally the dinner was not a great success. We spent time in the hospital and it was late by the time we reached Hugh Fernando’s house. But he was forgiving especially after we found that he had been present “incognito” at the Pannala meeting and had seen the bomb attack on the DUNF stage. He was helpful to the DUNF though in the end he preferred to remain with the SLFP. Later he collapsed while leading a SLFP procession organized by Mahinda Rajapaksa and died before he could be rushed to hospital. The party asked me to represent it at the funeral which was held in Wennappuwa and in my speech I thanked him for his support. A nephew became our party organizer for the Wennappuwa electorate.
While the DUNF was gathering strength in the country where we were holding well attended public meetings every week, the inevitable problem of selecting a party leader arose. Both Gamini and Lalith aspired to hold that office and there emerged a “cold war” among their respective supporters even though the two leaders were on good terms. They met almost daily and decided on party activities. Most importantly they shared the not inconsiderable costs of running the party propaganda machine.
There were many business people who made voluntary contributions and we were able to finance our public meetings with such “ad hoc’ support. Since I was on good terms with both leaders I could smoothen out some problems which were created by tale carriers. For instance Lalith held a meeting in the Kalutara Town Hall and a tale carrier who wanted to be the organizer rushed to Gamini alleging that Lalith had criticised him. Fortunately I happened to be at that meeting and could inform Gamini that no such thing happened.
This was a difficult time for the Gamini camp because Lalith’s organization was far superior and his lawyer friends were more committed to their leader. Moreover Lalith would appear in courts regularly for his supporters while Gamini’s camp had to depend on lawyer friends like Nigel Hatch to represent our activists. All the while Premadasa was keeping a wary eye on the progress of the DUNF and doing everything in his power to sabotage its activities.
By this time he had gathered a fawning group of courtiers led by AJ Ranasinghe who was feeding him horror stories about the DUNF and urging him to use state power to curb its progress. Some of those courtiers did not hesitate to use violence as they did in Kesbewa and Pannala. They also began to intimidate the non state media which was headed by outstanding journalists like Victor Ivan [Ravaya] and Sunanda Deshapriya [Yukthiya]. Many of them found the DUNF more responsive than the slothful SLFP which at that time was mired in internal conflicts and was intrigue prone.
Independent journalists however maintained good relations with Anuruddha Ratwatte but he had no idea about getting an adequate coverage for SLFP activities. The non state media highlighted human rights abuses by the Premadasa regime. They were supported in this field by several reputed intellectuals like Reggie Siriwardene and Charles Abeysekere. The opposition managed to win the sympathy of Sinhala cultural heroes like Sarachchandra and Madoluwawe Sobhita Thero as well as religious dignitaries like Father Tissa Balasuriya of the Catholic church and several Anglican Bishops.
It was an impressive collection of dissidents and Non Governmental Organizations. They were able to influence the western embassies whose leaders were themselves highlighting human rights issues. We in the DUNF were regular invitees to such embassy parties. They must have sent blood-curdling political reports to their capitals. One Ambassador of a western country told me that if my life was in danger he would personally escort me to Katunayake airport in order to ensure that I would not be kidnapped on the way by state security.
President Premadasa was ill served by his media advisors. Though he was warned by close associates like Sirisena Cooray to be more tolerant he preferred to rely on the advice of his cronies like AJ Ranasinghe, Hudson Samarasinghe and Anton Alwis who were given prominent positions in the state media institutions. They suggested the launching of an aggressive approach regarding the free media using not only the state media institutions but also bringing in the police to silence critics. In the end this aggression and use of state power proved to be a boon to the opposition, particularly to the DUNF.
Both Lalith and Gamini were media savvy and were always available to respond to the demands of journalists. Since they were better educated and more likely to give newsworthy interviews the free media often preferred to quote them than the SLFP which was still mired in internal wrangles. The DUNF supported the Free Media Movement which based its membership on a more radical set of journalists from the weekly Sinhala publications. They became household names in the country and created a critical readership which was hostile to Premadasa and favourable to the DUNF and the SLFP, though we were probably the biggest beneficiaries.
his movement also drew in many University teachers and progressive Sinhala literati to our cause. Ravaya and Yukthiya which were close to the anti-government NGOs operating in the domain of human rights, helped in the rapid progress of the DUNF which led to further frustration in the Premadasa camp.
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography) ✍️
Features
Immediate industrial reforms critical for Sri Lanka’s future
Sri Lanka’s industrial sector has historically been an engine of growth, employment, and exports. Yet today, many industries face structural challenges, outdated practices, and intense global competition. Immediate and comprehensive policy reforms are, therefore, both urgent and essential—not only to revive growth but also to secure the future prosperity of the country.
Strengthening economic growth and diversification
Industries contribute significantly to GDP and export earnings. They create value-added products, reduce import dependency, and improve trade balances. Sri Lanka’s economy remains overly reliant on a few traditional sectors, such as garments and tea. Industrial reforms can encourage diversification into higher-value manufacturing, technology-driven production, and knowledge-based industries, increasing resilience against global shocks.
Job creation and social stability
The industrial sector is a major source of formal employment, particularly for youth and women. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) provide both direct and indirect jobs. Without reforms, job creation is limited, pushing young people to seek opportunities abroad, which drains talent and exacerbates social and economic inequality. By modernising industries and supporting SME growth, the country can create high-quality, sustainable employment, reduce migration pressures, and promote social stability.
Competitiveness and export expansion
Sri Lanka faces stiff competition from countries such as Vietnam, Bangladesh, and India in textiles, garments, and other manufacturing exports. Many local industries struggle with outdated technology, high production costs, and weak supply chains. Urgent reforms—such as improving industrial infrastructure, incentivising technology adoption, and simplifying trade regulations—are critical to enhancing competitiveness, retaining market share, and expanding exports.
Attracting domestic and foreign investment
Investors require clarity, stability, and efficient regulatory processes. Complex licensing, bureaucratic delays, and inconsistent policies deter both domestic and foreign investment. By implementing transparent and predictable industrial policies, the government can attract capital, encourage innovation, and accelerate industrial modernisation. Investment is not just about funding production—it is also about transferring technology and upgrading skills, which is essential for long-term industrial development.
Promoting innovation and technological upgrading
Many Sri Lankan industries continue to rely on outdated production methods and low-value processes, limiting productivity, efficiency, and global competitiveness. Comprehensive industrial reforms can incentivise research and development, digitalisation, automation, and adoption of green technologies, enabling local industries to move up the value chain and produce higher-value goods. This is particularly urgent as global competitors are rapidly implementing Industry 4.0 standards, including AI-driven production, smart logistics, and sustainable manufacturing. Without modernisation, Sri Lanka risks not only losing export opportunities but also falling permanently behind in technological capabilities, undermining long-term industrial growth and economic resilience.
Strengthening supply chains and local linkages
Effective industrial reform can improve integration between agriculture, services, and manufacturing. For example, better industrial policies can ensure that local raw materials are efficiently used, logistics systems are modernised, and SMEs are integrated into global supply chains. This creates multiplier effects across the economy, stimulating productivity, innovation, and competitiveness beyond the industrial sector itself.
Environmental sustainability and resilience
Global trends demand green and sustainable industrial practices. Sri Lanka cannot afford to ignore climate-friendly production methods, energy efficiency, or waste management. Reforms that promote sustainable manufacturing, circular economy principles, and renewable energy adoption will future-proof industries, improve international market access, and ensure compliance with global trade standards.
Institutional capacity and governance
Industrial reforms are not just about incentives; they require strong institutions capable of policy design, monitoring, and enforcement. Weak governance, policy inconsistency, and politicisation have historically undermined industrial development in Sri Lanka. Strengthening industrial institutions, simplifying bureaucracy, and ensuring accountability are essential components of meaningful reform.
Responding to global technological and trade shifts
The industrial landscape is rapidly changing due to digitalisation, automation, AI, and new global trade patterns. Sri Lanka must adapt quickly to benefit from global industrial trends rather than risk falling behind regional competitors. Immediate reform will allow industries to adopt modern production systems, integrate with global value chains, and improve export competitiveness.
Conclusion
Industrial policy reforms in Sri Lanka are urgent because delays threaten employment, competitiveness, and investment. They are important because a modern, resilient industrial sector is crucial for economic growth, export expansion, technological advancement, social stability, and environmental sustainability. Strategic, forward-looking reforms will not only save existing industries but also position Sri Lanka for a prosperous, resilient, and inclusive future.
(The writer is a former senior public servant and policy specialist.)
BY Chinthaka Samarawickrama Lokuhetti
Features
How to insult friends and intimidate people!
US President Donald Trump is insulting friends and intimidating others. Perhaps. Following his rare feat of securing a non-consecutive second term, one would have expected Trump to be magnanimous, humble and strive to leave an imprint in world history as a statesman. However, considering the unfolding events, it is more likely that he will be leaving an imprint but for totally different reasons!
From the time of his re-election, Trump has apparently been determined to let the world know who the ‘boss’ is and wanted to Make America Great Again (MAGA) by economic measures that were detrimental even to his neighbours and friends, totally disregarding the impact it may have on the world economy. Some of his actions were risky and may well have backfired. Businessmen are accustomed to taking risks and he appears to behave as a businessman rather than as a politician. There was hardly any significant resistance to his arbitrary tariff increases except from China. He craved for the Nobel Peace Prize, claiming to have ended and prevented wars and, and unashamedly posed for a picture when the Nobel Peace Prize was ‘presented’ to him by the winner! To add insult to injury, Trump demonstrated his ignorance by blaming the Norwegian Prime Minister for having overlooked him for the Nobel Peace Prize. He should surely have known, before the Norwegian PM pointed out, that the awardee was chosen by a non-governmental committee.
Trump’s erratic behaviour reached its climax in Davos. He came to Davos determined to railroad the European leaders into accepting his bid to acquire Greenland and seemed to do so by hurling insults left, right and centre! Even before he started the trip to Davos, Trump had already imposed a 10% tariff on imports from seven European countries including the UK, increasing to 25% from the beginning of February, until he was able to acquire Greenland. In a rambling speech, lasting over an hour, he referred to Greenland as Iceland on four different occasions.
Exaggerating the part played by the US in World War II Trump proclaimed “Without us right now, you’d all be speaking German and a little Japanese”. After making a hideous claim that the US had handed Greenland to Denmark, after World War II, Trump said, “We want a piece of ice for world protection, and they won’t give it. You can say yes and we will be very appreciative. Or you can say no and we will remember”. A veiled threat, perhaps!
However, the remark that irked the UK most was his reference to the war in Afghanistan. He repeated the claim, made to Fox News, that NATO had sent ‘some troops’. but that they ‘had stayed a little back, a little off the front line’. On top of politicians, infuriated families of over 500 soldiers who sacrificed their lives in the front-lines in Afghanistan, started protesting which forced the British PM Keir Starmer to abandon the hitherto used tactic of flattery to win over Trump, to state that Trump’s remarks were “insulting and frankly appalling.” After a call from Starmer, Trump posted a praise on his Truth Social platform that UK troops are “among the greatest of all warriors”!
The resistance to Trump’s attempts at reverting to ‘unconstrained power of Great Powers’, which was replaced by the ‘rule-based-order’ after World War II, was spearheaded from an unlikely quarter. It was by Mark Carney, financier turned politician, PM of Canada. He was the Governor of the Bank of England, during the disastrous David Cameron administration, and left the post with hardly any impact but seems to have become a good politician. He apparently has hit Trump where it hurts most, as in his speech, Trump stated that Canada was living on USA and warned Carney about his language!
Mark Carney’s warning that this was a moment of “rupture” with the established rules-based international order giving way to a new world of Great Power politics and his rallying cry that “the middle powers” needed to act together, need to be taken seriously. What would the world come to, unless there is universal condemnation of actions like the forcible extraction of the Venezuelan President which, unfortunately, did not happen maybe because of the fear of Trump heaping more tariffs etc? What started in Venezuela can end up anywhere. Who appointed the US to be the policeman of the world?
With words, Trump gave false hope to protesters rebelling against the theocracy in Iran but started showing naval strength only after the regime crushed the rebellion by killing, according to some estimates, up to 25,000 protesters. If he decides to attack, Iran is bound to retaliate, triggering another war. In fact, Trump was crass enough to state that he no longer cares for peace as he was snubbed by the Nobel Peace committee! Trump is terrorising his own people as is happening in Minnesota but that is a different story.
Already the signs of unity, opposing Trump’s irrationalities, are visible. Almost all NATO members opposing Trump’s plans resulted in his withdrawal from Greenland acquisition plans. To save face, he gave the bogus excuse that he had reached an ever-lasting settlement! Rather than flattery, Trump’s idiosyncrasies need to be countered without fear, as well illustrated by the stance the British PM was forced to take on the Afghan war issue. For the sake of world peace, let us hope that Trump will be on the retreat from now.
Mark Carney’s pivotal speech received a well-deserved and rare standing ovation in Davos. One can only hope that he will practice what he preached to the world, when it comes to internal politics of his country. It is no secret that vote-bank politics is playing a significant role in Canadian politics. I do hope he will be able to curtail the actions of remnants of terrorist groups operating freely in Canada.
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Features
Trump is a product of greed-laden American decadence
One wonders why the people of the US, who have built the most technologically and economically advanced country, ever elected Donald Trump as their President, not once, but twice. His mistakes and blunders in his first term are too numerous to mention, but a few of the most damaging to the working people are as follows:
Trump brought in tax cuts that overwhelmingly favour the wealthy over the average worker. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) signed into law, at the end of 2017, provides a permanent cut in the corporate income tax rate that will overwhelmingly benefit capital owners and the top one percent. His new laws took billions out of workers’ pockets by weakening or abandoning regulations that protect their pay. In 2017 the Trump administration hurt workers’ pay in many ways, including acts to dismantle two key regulations that protect the pay of low- to middle-income workers. These failures to protect workers’ pay could cost workers an estimated $7 billion per year. In 2017, the Trump administration—in a virtually unprecedented move—switched sides in a case before the US Supreme Court and fought on the side of corporate interests and against workers.
Trump’s policies on climate change could ruin the global plans to cut down emissions and reduce warming, which has already affected the US equally badly as anywhere else in the world. Trump ridiculed the idea of man-made climate change, and repeatedly referred to his energy policy under the mantra “drill, baby, drill”. He said he would increase oil drilling on public lands and offer tax breaks to oil, gas, and coal producers, and stated his goal for the United States to have the lowest cost of electricity and energy of any country in the world. Trump also promised to roll back electric vehicle initiatives, proposed once again the United States withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and rescind several environmental regulations. The implementation of Trump’s plans would add around 4 billion tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere by 2030, also having effects on the international level. If the policies do not change further, it would add 15 billion tons by 2040 and 27 billion by 2050. Although the exact calculation is difficult, researchers stated: “Regardless of the precise impact, a second Trump term that successfully dismantles Biden’s climate legacy would likely end any global hopes of keeping global warming below 1.5C.” ( Evans, et al, 2024). Despite all these anti-social policies Trump was voted into power for a second term.
Arguments suggesting the USA is a decadent society, defined as a wealthy civilisation in a state of stagnation, exhaustion, and decline, are increasingly common among commentators. Evidence cited includes political gridlock, economic stagnation since the 1970s, demographic decline, and a shift toward a “cultural doom loop” of repeating past ideas (Douthat, 2024, New York Times).
First, we will look at the economic aspect of the matter though the moral and spiritual degradation may be more important, for it is the latter that often causes the former . The reasons for the economic decline, characterised by increase in inequality, dates back to the seventies. Between 1973 and 2000, the average income of the bottom 90 percent of US taxpayers fell by seven percent. Incomes of the top one percent rose by 148 percent, the top 0.1 percent by 343 percent, and the top 0.01 percent rose by 599 percent. The redistribution of income and wealth was detrimental to most Americans.
If the income distribution had remained unchanged from the mid-1970s, by 2018, the median income would be 58 percent higher ($21,000 more a year). The decline in profits was halted, but at the expense of working families. Stagnant wages, massive debt and ever longer working hours became their fate.
Since 1973, the US has experienced slower growth, lower productivity, and a diminished share of global manufacturing, notes the (American Enterprise Institute). Despite the low growth, the rich have doubled their wealth. In our opinion this is due to the “unleash of a culture of greed” that Joseph Stiglitz spoke about.
Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stiglitz has frequently argued that the United States has unleashed a culture of greed, selfishness, and deregulation, which he blames for extreme inequality, financial crises, and environmental destruction.
Income stagnation is not the only quality of life indicator that suffered. In 1980, life expectancy in the US was about average for an affluent nation. By the 2020s, it dropped to the lowest among wealthy countries, even behind China or Chile, largely due to the stagnation of life expectancy for working-class people. With regard to quality of life the US has fallen to 41st in global, UN-aligned, sustainable development rankings, highlighting issues with infrastructure and social systems, (The Conversation). The political system is described as trapped in a “stale system” with high polarisation, resulting in inaction rather than progress, (Douthat, New York Times).
It is often the moral and spiritual degradation that causes an overall decline in all aspects of life, including the US economy. Statistics on crime, drug and alcohol addiction, suicide rate and mental health issues in the US, which are the indicators for moral and spiritual status of a society, are not very complimentary. The Crime Index in the US is 49 while it is 23 in China and 32 in Russia. Drug abuse rate is 16.8% in the US and alcohol addiction is 18%. Mental illness in adults is as common as 23%. Only about 31% follow a religion. Erich Fromm in his book, titled “Sane Society,” refers to these facts to make a case that the US and also other countries in the West are not sane societies.
Let us now look at Joseph Stiglitz’s thoughts on greed which is the single most important factor in the aetiology of moral degradation in the US society. Stiglitz has directly linked corporate greed and the pursuit of immediate, short-term profits to accelerating climate change and economic failure for the majority of Americans. He argues that “free” (unregulated) markets in the US have not led to growth, but rather to the exploitation of workers and consumers, allowing the top 1% to siphon wealth from the rest of society. Stiglitz argues that neoliberalism, which he calls “ersatz capitalism,” has fostered a moral system where banks are “too big to fail, but too big to be held accountable,” rewarding greedy, risky behaviour. He contends that US economic policies have been designed to favour the wealthy, creating a “rigged” economy where the middle class is shrinking. In essence, Stiglitz argues that the US has allowed a “neoliberal experiment” to turn capitalism into a system focused on greed, which is harming the economy, the environment, and the social fabric.
Big oil companies spent a stunning $445m throughout the last election cycle to influence Donald Trump and Congress, a new analysis has found. These investments are “likely to pay dividends”, the report says, with Republicans holding control of the White House, House and Senate – as well as some key states. Trump unleashed dozens of pro-fossil fuel executive actions on his first day in office and is expected to pursue a vast array of others with cooperation from Congress (The Guardian, Jan 2025).
Trump himself has accumulated wealth just as much as the rest of billionaires, and his poor voters are becoming poorer. He is greedy for wealth and power. He is carving up the world and is striving to annex as much of it as possible at the expense of sovereignty of other countries, the US allies, and international law.
Greed is an inherent human character which when unfettered could result in psychopathic monsters like Hitler. A new world order will have to take into serious consideration this factor of greed and evolve a system that does not depend on greed as the driver of its economy.
by N. A. de S. Amaratunga
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