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How Janasaviya was born and food distribution amid JVP terror

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Premadasa'

In 1988, a Cabinet decision landed on my table indicating that I was appointed as a member of a very senior group to be chaired by the Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Warnasena Rasaputram to study and produce a report within one month on issues relating to poverty alleviation, with recommendations for ameliorating these conditions. We had about 15 meetings of intensive discussions held in the Central Bank. Practically all these discussions, took place after normal office hours often going into the night, and ending up with a quick dinner there.

These discussions were supplemented by special meetings over some week-ends. Since the deadline given to us was very tight, we had to read and assimilate a large amount of material, which we had to do at home, before coming for the next meeting. It was an intense and extremely busy period. The report was finalized just before the deadline expired.

Susil Sirivardana of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service who acted both as a member and as Secretary to the Committee, displayed extraordinary skills, knowledge, energy and commitment. It was largely due to him that the Committee finished its work in time. The report was discussed at a special Cabinet meeting convened to discuss it at which we were present, adopted, and published as a sessional paper. Later, this report formed the basis of Prime Minister Premadasa’s Janasaviya proposals.

He added the ingredients of a political programme to the recommendations of the Rasaputram Committee. After Mr. Premadasa’s victory in the Presidential elections of December 1988, his government was able to attract World Bank and German KFW. and UNDP. assistance for his poverty alleviation programme. I was once again put into a senior group to work with the World Bank teams in discussing and finalizing the programme. Here too, as is not uncommon in such circumstances, President Premadasa added his own strong political input into the final result by suitably modifying our recommendations.

The Janasaviya Programme was his programme and he gave his personal attention to all aspects of it. In due course when the Janasaviya Trust Fund was set up I found myself appointed as one of the Trustees, and when the Government changed in 1994, the President Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga appointed me as Chairman of the Trust, which position I still hold at the date of this writing in the year 2000.

The programme was an innovative attempt to use the expertise of NGOS with a proven track record of working with the poor at grassroots level, in order to alleviate poverty through a multi-pronged programme of training and skills development; community works; credit and nutrition interventions. The government through the Trust channeled funds to these NGOs giving them a sufficient interest spread to finance their activities.

The programme itself has had mixed results. It had undoubtedly achieved much. But more could have been achieved if not for numerous impediments and weaknesses ranging over many aspects of it, including human short comings.

The JVP insurrection and food supplies

1988 was a bad year. In fact it was the beginning of a couple of bad years. The main reason for this was the second JVP insurrection which manifested itself during this period. This compounded the normal unstable conditions which occur during the tail end of a government. Even normally, such a period is one of trade union demands, political maneuvering, and vigorous opposition moves which puts a government on the defensive, which in turn leads it to panicky compromises and attempts to spread largesse. These are usually periods where fiscal responsibility goes out through the window and every strategy used to please the electorate. The JVP militancy which progressively became a serious attempt to take over the State through the use of violent means added seriously to government’s problems. At a certain point there was even doubt as to whether a Presidential election could be held in the prevailing climate of violence.

The general populace became so intimidated that practically the whole country shut down in obedience to the JVP demand to observe a hartal, or desist from work. These demands accompanied by threats were circulated through a system of chits that went from hand to hand. Word of mouth of a panicked population did the rest. Alarming rumours were rife. In addition several public servants, members of elected bodies, and others were being killed. There developed a general fear psychosis which paralyzed work and effort. Nobody knew whether they were on somebody’s hit list or not, and a period of time came when people were living for the day and hoping that the next day would not bring any serious problems.

The overall situation had a major impact on the food operation. The working of the ports, the stores and transport became affected. I have already recorded previously why the food operation had to go on smoothly and without impediment day in and day out, and the consequences of a break down in this flow. Now this problem was upon us in unexpected and random ways. On some days Storekeepers were threatened and told not to come to work. On other days lorry drivers were threatened. The railway had its own problems. So did the port. The multifarious activities connected with food supplies became therefore a major problem.

To compound this situation, political leaders were under serious threat. Mr. Sarathchandra Rajakaruna, who had been for long Deputy Minister of Food, was appointed Minister of Food in May 1988. He was also under threat. Elections were now looming and even with difficulty, legitimate political activity had to be carried out. Ministers and others therefore faced the hardship and danger of political campaigning whilst under severe personal threat. For these reasons, they did not often come to their Ministries.

A heavy load came on the shoulders of the Secretary and other officials. In addition to dealing with the normal problems of food supplies they had to constantly cope with disruptions and breakdowns, in a situation where they did not know whether carrying out their normal duties meant death. It would be idle to deny that we were not afraid. As things worsened, we were in very real fear. There was no question however of abandoning one’s post or neglecting one’s responsibilities. We steeled ourselves to do our duty, with the prospect of death ever present in our minds.

No one must think that this is an exaggeration. This was the reality we faced. The killing in broad daylight in the heart of Colombo of the lady Chairman of the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, Engineers in the Port and others, constantly reminded us of what might lie in store for us. The climate of fear was so pervasive that it affected all of us. When I went home generally between 7.30 and 8 p.m. I used to close the sitting room windows, some times over the protests of my wife who complained that she had opened all the windows because it was so warm.

I did not wish to upset her by communicating my fears, and got away by giving some vague reply. This act of mine was perhaps not rational. What could closed windows do if some one came for you? It however created a degree of security psychologically. One clung to surface satisfactions such as closing windows. The worst thing was that one could not discuss one’s fears with anyone. You couldn’t do it at home, because you would have panicked the family. You couldn’t do it in office, because of the responsibility you had in a vital area of activity. If you appeared to have panicked, you would have communicated it to your officials, who were themselves in fear. In such circumstances, operations would have collapsed, for there were days when due to fear and intimidation the Treasury couldn’t open, or for that matter the Ministry of Public Administration.

We couldn’t afford to close under any circumstances. If food did not move that would have been the end. This psychological isolation was extremely stressful. It affected sleep. The mind was often over-active and could not easily be quieted. You became startled at sounds. To this day I think that I would have lost a couple of years of my life span, due to the tension and stress during this period.

In early 1989, after Mr. Premadasa’s victory in the Presidential elections, I had to work with Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali in a new expanded Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Cooperatives. Even then, we were still engaged in a continuing battle to keep the food lines open. During this period too, on two different occasions, Mr. Athulathmudali told me “Dharmasiri, I am worried about your security.” Having previously been Minister of National Security, he had wide access to officers of the police and the armed services and through this access picked up a great deal of information.

On one of the occasions, he was so concerned that he asked me whether I had any kind of weapon at home. “Three broomsticks and a couple of kitchen knives where a person is more likely to die of tetanus than stab wounds, if any cut was inflicted with them,” I replied lightly, although my blood ran cold. I had long decided to be philosophic and take what comes. Mr. Athulathmudali said “Never mind all that, can I come and see your place?”

This question certainly didn’t improve the temperature of my blood. It became still colder. I thanked him and said that I appreciated his concern and that he was welcome to come. He said “I will drop in some time.” This however posed another problem. If the Minister came home, he would have come with a procession of security vehicles and a significant number of personnel carrying automatic weapons. The whole neighbourhood would have been attracted to this spectacle and any JVP supporters around would have drawn all kinds of erroneous conclusions.

I did not mention any of this to Mr. Athulathmudali, but spoke to his Chief Security Officer, Superintendent of Police Mr. Muthu Banda. I told him of the Minister’s intentions and my reservations.

Mr. Muthu Banda agreed with me. I finally told him to bring the Minister along privately, if possible, in case he insisted on coming and to avoid at all costs, his coming in a motorcade. He promised to do what he could. In the end this event did not come to pass. A couple of days later, the Minister, to my great relief told me, “I have been checking on your matter further. There’s nothing to worry at the moment.”

This episode occurred in early 1989. But, as mentioned we were having serious problems in managing the food supply during the last quarter of 1988. Things were gradually building up, and by the last quarter, the JVP was seriously attempting to disrupt the Presidential election which was now falling due. Threats to officers in the Ports, the Railways, the Food Department, particularly to Store-keepers, and to private transport contractors increased both in frequency and intensity. We had to close down some stores temporarily, because the officers were so frightened. This threw a bigger load on other stores, and disrupted their smooth functioning.

By the time we opened the closed stores, threats had reached a peak to officers working in the other stores. Matters came to such a pass eventually, that the Army had to take Store-keepers and other store officials into their protective custody and force them to work, under the Emergency Regulations. But the security forces were also stretched. They were already fighting a battle in the North and East of the country against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE.) Now they were confronted with a serious insurgency in the rest of the country.

Therefore, although they helped us to minimize some of our problems, they could not be everywhere. Disruption continued, with threats to lorry drivers and other categories. We had to improvise solutions as we went along, fight fires as and when they were lit, and also find the time in between to anticipate and head off possible problems yet to come. But the closer we got to the Presidential elections of

December 1988, greater was the intensity of disruption. By this time, most of my officers were getting increasingly ineffective due to overwork, strain and fear.

The numbers I could depend on, whatever the circumstances, dwindled. Fortunately, my Deputy Food Commissioner (Supplies), Mr. Rodrigo, was amongst these dwindling numbers. This was a key position in the whole chain of food supplies and a post I myself held in the mid 1960’s. Mr. Rodrigo acted with a high regard for public duty at great personal risk. His co-operation was both essential and invaluable.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobigraphy of MDD Pieris) ✍️



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The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran

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Iranians vowing resistance at a mass funeral of the victims of US-Israeli airstrikes

(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)

The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.

Iran not merely a state

Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.

In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.

Energy-embedded global economy

The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.

The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.

Decline of global order based on US hegemony

This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.

Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance

Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.

Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.

Transition shaped by paradoxes

In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.

The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.

This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.

by Gamini Keerawella ✍️

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The dawn of smart help for little ones

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How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care

For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.

In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.

Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.

What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?

Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.

The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.

The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.

Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen

AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:

1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles

One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.

2. The Sound of a Voice

Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.

3. Movement and Play

Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.

Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions

The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.

Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.

Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?

The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”

For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.

Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.

The Human Element: Proceed with Care

As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.

= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.

= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.

= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.

A Brighter Future

We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.

The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.

 The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months

The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.

Communication and Social Cues

= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?

= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?

= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?

= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?

Behaviour and Play

= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).

= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?

= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?

The “Golden Rule” of Regression

Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.

If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely

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The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.

Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?

Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.

This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.

The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.

For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.

The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.

Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.

Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.

This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.

by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com

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