Editorial
His Master’s Voice

We run a front page report today quoting Mr. Wajira Abeywardene, the UNP Chairman who succeeded President Ranil Wickremesinghe to the party’s solitary National List seat in Parliament, making some interesting assertions at a Siri Kotha press briefing last Thursday. The MP, observers believe, will soon be made a cabinet minister when the president finishes the yet unfinished business of adding to the present 20 cabinet ministers now in office. We commented in this space as recently as a week ago that the president would not have relished the appointment in September of as many as 38 state ministers. Nor will he look forward to adding to the cabinet caving in to the demands of his SLPP electors who won him the presidency. Many of them are already knocking at his door for ministerial appointments. Puppeteer Basil Rajapaksa is hard at work pulling the strings from faraway USA.
Abeywardene’s frequent press conferences, and what the spouts on that platform, no doubt reflects His Master’s Voice. Citing several constitutional provisions, he rightly or wrongly declared the recent declaration of Sri Lanka’s bankruptcy by what he called the “previous government” as “unconstitutional.” This, though there’s little difference between the previous government and this one. A cursory look at the provisions cited indicate that they are in the section of the constitution dealing with parliamentary control of public finance and there does not appear to be any overt prohibition there on declaring the country bankrupt. If the country is bankrupt, as is freely admitted all round, and has repudiated its international sovereign debt, what does one do? Nobody will dispute that it was the Rajapaksa regime that bankrupted the country as Abeywardene implies. But as everybody knows, Ranil Wickremesinghe embraced the Rajapaksas in a project he has now labeled risky, and at least till next February when he can dissolve the legislature, he’s a virtual prisoner of the SLPP.
When the whole country wants an election, although no reasonable person will deny that the time is not right for that at present, the president recently went on record talking about referendums. Obviously, if the time is not opportune for an election, the same would apply to a referendum. RW says that if there is no consensus about new electoral laws, a referendum would be necessary. The next scheduled elections are the local government polls due in March. The president said a few days ago that he wants to downsize the local bodies to half their present size – from 8,000 member to 4,000. He was, of course, eloquently silent on who was responsible for bloating them to their present numbers.
Nevertheless, the proposal will be widely acclaimed countrywide with no opposition to a reduction at all levels of the leeches fattening themselves off the blood of the tax exchequer. Beginning with parliament and going down the provincial councils and the different local authorities to the humblest pradeshiya sabhas, there is no debate that the country does not receive a return from them of a fraction of the value of the funds expended on them. But there is a rub, and no small one at that. Downsizing the local bodies will mean a long drawn process that will cost a great deal of time so there isn’t even a remote possibility of an election in March along with downsizing.
There is no necessity labouring the fact that neither President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNP nor the Rajapaksas’ SLPP pohottuwa need an election right now like it needs a hole in the head. That is why the whole opposition, who well know the government and its president are dead ducks, is pushing so hard for a poll regardless of dismal country conditions. It will be clear to the meanest intellect that all this talk of downsizing local bodies is no more than a strategy not to hold local elections in March. The pohottuwa has not only lost its mandate, having plunged the country to its worst ever economic predicament in contemporary history, it has also repudiated it by President GR’s and PM MR’s resignations. The enthronement of Ranil Wickremesinghe, who MR called “our man” at Kalutara a few days ago, elected to the presidency by the pohottuwa’s parliamentary majority followed. Its MPs want the incumbent parliament to run its full term although that’s not what the country wishes. Various political and other forces are now building steam for a new round of agitation and the president has accused an unnamed party of attempting to grab power on the back of dead bodies.
Wajira Abeywardene would have us believe that everything is Tickety Boo as in Danny Kaye’s famous song because there are no longer shortages of milk powder, fuel and gas and things have turned for the better. The reality is far from that. He has closed his eyes to the fact that right now there’s a crude oil shipment outside port, incurring huge demurrage, remaining unloaded for want of dollars to pay for it. The dollar crunch is nowhere near gone and whether the hoped for foreign assistance is coming at the desired level at the right time is far from assured. Rajan Philips has in this page made a trenchant and incisive analysis of the present state of play particularly on the economic front. The UNP chairman may think that the president knows what to do and will do it at a time the Rajapaksas are crawling out of the woodwork. He is welcome to his own beliefs but few will buy it.
Editorial
Transparency and hypocrisy

Wednesday 9th July, 2025
The Opposition has been asking the NPP government to release the report of a special committee appointed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to probe an alleged racket where 323 red-flagged freight containers were green-channelled at the Colombo Port in January 2025. Its efforts have been in vain. The government has sought to deflect criticism by saying that the committee report will be presented to Parliament ‘in due course’.
The President’s Office, during previous governments, drew criticism for its reluctance to disclose information about matters of national importance. It was expected to uphold transparency and promptly respond to requests for information after last year’s regime change, but sadly the status quo remains.
President Dissanayake should be able to release the committee report at issue immediately if his government has nothing to hide. Minister of Ports, etc., Bimal Rathnayake, whom the Opposition has blamed for the questionable release of containers, has claimed that the probe committee has rubbished his rivals’ allegation. If so, he, as the Leader of the House, should have the committee report presented to Parliament forthwith.
However, one should not be so naïve as to expect a committee appointed by a President to hold those in his inner circle accountable for a serious transgression and trigger a political storm. One may recall that in 2015, a committee consisting of three lawyers, appointed by the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, to probe the Treasury bond scams, cleared Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran of wrongdoing while recommending further investigation.
Meanwhile, it has been reported that some MPs who shielded the bond scammers are likely to face a probe. Dozens of MPs benefited from the largesse of the Treasury bond racketeers and got off scot-free. Legal action should have been taken against them then. Interestingly, the JVP had no qualms about defending the UNP-led Yahapalana government even after the release of the damning report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry which probed the bond scams. It threw a political lifeline to PM Wickremesinghe in 2018 vis-a-vis the then President Maithripala Sirisena’s efforts to sack him. It helped him muster a parliamentary majority and fought a legal battle, enabling him to stay in power.
President Dissanayake’s predecessors demonstrated a remarkable ability to swallow committee/commission reports, as it were. Those who expected President Dissanayake to make a difference and handle such documents in a transparent manner must be really disappointed.
Time was when Dissanayake, as an Opposition MP, would aggressively call upon the previous governments to present agreements and commission/committee reports to Parliament, and thereby respect the people’s right to information. His calls struck a responsive chord with the public. Today, he is under pressure from the Opposition to release the report of a committee he himself appointed to probe an alleged racket!
The NPP came to power, promising to practise good governance, which the UNDP has defined as “the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s affairs at all levels. It comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences”. Transparency is one of the cornerstones of good governance, others being participation, the rule of law, responsiveness, consensus orientation, effectiveness, efficiency and accountability. Good governance without transparency is a contradiction in terms. Lack of transparency creates an ideal breeding ground for corruption, misinformation and arbitrary decision-making—all of which are antithetical to good governance.
It is a supreme irony that the SJB MPs who, as members of the Yahapalana government, prevented the presentation of the first COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) report on the Treasury bond scams to Parliament, went so far as to dilute the second COPE report on the scandal, with a slew of footnotes, and unashamedly defended that corrupt administration with the help of the JVP are now campaigning for transparency and the people’s right to information.
Editorial
A classic catch-22

Tuesday 8th July, 2025
Sri Lanka, which is struggling to put its worst-ever economic crisis behind it, finds itself in another dilemma. It had to ban vehicle imports to rebuild its foreign currency reserves. That method proved effective in the short run. But the adoption of extreme measures, such as import restrictions or bans, to tackle a foreign exchange crisis only provide short-term relief; they are unsustainable and need to be tapered off for the long-term economic health of the country. Vehicles were not imported for nearly two years, and a significant amount of much-needed forex could be saved, but the ban on vehicle imports took its toll on the government’s tax revenue, which has to be increased to resolve the rupee crisis.
Government revenue is expected to reach 15% of GDP in 2025, according to media reports, but this figure is considered relatively low . The government is under IMF pressure to increase its revenue significantly. It must do everything in its power to do so because gone are the days when money could be printed according to the whims and fancies of politicians in power. Direct and indirect taxes are already beyond tolerance levels for many. Further increases therein are bound to spark protests which might even spill over onto the streets. So, the only way the government apparently could think of increasing its revenue was to allow vehicle imports to resume so as to rake in taxes. The Customs revenue has increased as expected, but vehicle imports have led to another problem which was not unexpected.
The ban on vehicle imports was lifted in February 2025, and since then as many as 18,000 vehicles have been imported at a cost of USD 742 million, we are told. The forex limit the government has imposed on vehicle imports for the current year is USD 1 billion. The Customs has earned Rs. 220 billion by way of import duty on vehicles. A sharp increase in imports following the lifting of a ban is something to be expected owing to what is termed pent-up demand. However, at this rate, expenditure on vehicle imports could exceed USD 1 billion in a month or two.
It is highly unlikely that the government will allow the amount of forex spent on vehicle imports to exceed USD 1 billion on any grounds. The country should be able to pay for essential imports and service debt. One may recall that in 2022, there were hundreds of thousands of vehicles waiting in long fuel queues as the country lacked dollars to pay for petroleum imports. Nobody wants to face a similar situation again.
The government’s catch-22 is to manage vehicle imports in such a way that state revenue will not decrease, and it will be possible to keep the country’s forex reserves above the safe threshold. This is a balancing act of the highest order that has to be performed successfully to steer the economy out of both rupee and forex crises. The situation is far too complex for the government to cut the Gordian knot; imposing a ban on vehicle imports again is one of the least desirable options, according to experts, for such a course of action will adversely impact the vehicle market again, and government revenue will drop steeply, making it even more difficult to meet the IMF-prescribed revenue targets.
Since decreasing interest rates have led to an increase in vehicle imports, some economists are of the view that serious thought should be given to adjusting them. The depreciation of the rupee may also bring the demand for vehicle imports down, they have pointed out. But the appreciation of major foreign currencies, especially the US dollar, against the rupee will adversely affect all imports, causing increases in the prices of essentials. Taxes on vehicle imports are also very high, and it may not be possible to increase them further to curtail the growing demand. The challenge before the government is to find a way out, with the help of all other stakeholders.
Editorial
Tank bund tourism

Monday 7th July, 2025
Close on the heels of a warning that the UNESCO World Heritage status of Sigiriya is in jeopardy due to unauthorised structures and settlements in the archaeological reserve around the world-famous rock fortress, the government has unveiled a grand plan to use the bund of an ancient irrigation tank, of all places, to promote tourism in Anuradhapura.
An attempt to reopen the road on the Anuradhapura Nuwara Wewa bund, which was closed to vehicular traffic years ago reportedly over structural safety concerns, among other things, has sparked protests. The government insists that the tank bund must be made freely accessible to visitors as part of its tourism development project. Director of Irrigation, Anuradhapura, Jayantha de Silva, has said a scientific study is currently underway to assess the condition of the bund, and based on its findings the Irrigation Department will decide whether to reopen the road on the reservoir embankment to vehicles.
The National Farmers’ Union (NFU) has defended the Irrigation Department, questioning the government’s wisdom of trying to use the ageing tank bund to promote tourism. It has said all farmers in the area have asked the Irrigation Department to ensure the safety of the bund by keeping it closed to vehicles, and they will not allow the government to endanger the tank.
What is of more concern than the dispute over the Nuwara Wewa bund is the government’s tourism development strategy, which apparently lacks focus on sustainability, if some NPP politicians’ statements thereon are any indication. Lamenting that some sections of the Tourism Act stood in the way of developing tourism, Deputy Minister Ruwan Ranasinghe said, at the Anuradhapura meeting, that they would be amended. In the Maldives, hotels jutting into the sea charged as much as USD 500 each for rooms with a stunning view of turquoise waters and the horizon, but such projects were not in the realm of possibility here, he said, making one wonder whether the government was of the view that Sri Lanka should do likewise to earn more forex. Geographically, Sri Lanka and the Maldives have more dissimilarities than similarities and therefore in developing tourism, the former should not necessarily adopt the same strategy as the latter, which is full of uninhabited isles ideal for secluded resorts. It is hoped that the proposed amendments to the Tourism Act will not provide for ill-conceived projects aimed at boosting tourism at the expense of the country’s environmentally sensitive coastline. Encroachment on beaches has already reached unmanageable levels, and it must not be allowed to worsen.
Sustainability must be a cornerstone of any programme to develop tourism, with environmental and ecological protection/conservation being factored in. The safety of ancient structures must not be compromised in the name of promoting tourism. These matters are best left to experts such as engineers, archaeologists, and environmental scientists.
There was a howl of protest when the previous government sought to develop a section of the Polonnaruwa Parakrama Samudraya bund as a walking path. Protesters including prominent Buddhist monks prevented backhoes from disturbing the rip-rap of the tank. They pointed out that the project would weaken the embankment of the ageing tank and ruin its aesthetic appeal. A public debate on the issue ensued, and the project was put on hold. Politicians should have sought expert views and commissioned a thorough study instead of trying to bulldoze their way through.
Deputy Minister Ranasinghe’s inspection tour of the Nuwara Wewa bund and his subsequent statements reminded us of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit to a section of the Sinharaja rainforest, affected by a road development project. Gotabaya pooh-poohed environmentalists’ grave concerns, sending the wrong message to politicians, state officials and others bent on environmental destruction. Politicians must not rush in where experts fear to tread.
NFU President Anuradha Tennakoon has revealed that some Irrigation Department officials who are opposing the government’s plan to reopen the tank bund to vehicles have received threats. One can only hope that they will not be victimised for doing what is good for the ancient tank and the people dependent on its water for survival.
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