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Govt. to receive USD 780 mn via IMF SDR facility to get over COVID difficulties
State Minister Ajith Nivard Cabraal says Sri Lanka will receive USD 780 mn in terms of Special Drawing Rights (SDR) in support of efforts to meet difficulties caused by the Covid-19 crisis. Asked whether the government had agreed to a programme, the former Governor of the Central Bank Cabraal said that the funds were made available to all countries regardless of a programme.
Pointing out that the total IMPF allocation was about USD 650 bn, Sri Lanka was entitled to USD 780 mn.
Top SJB spokesman Dr. Harsha de Silva, MP said that every IMF member nation would get their share of the USD 650b new allocation to be used in any manner they wished but mostly for Covid-related expenses.
The MP said: “These allocations have taken place several times in the past as well. This time the proposal was stuck during the Trump administration but cleared by Biden.
Going to the IMF or not to resolve our debt issue is a separate matter. That is the decision of the government.
But the reality is that we are now on very thin ice because even with this windfall our official reserves will be around USD 3b at the end of August. And once the gold is removed, reserves will be around USD 2.5b. Then even if the reserves of all private banks and entities are added, at a national level usable reserves would be around USD 4.5b by the end of the month. But we have, both government and private sector, close to USD 7b in debt payments alone in the coming 12 months.
As we just saw last week the import ban is not working and the trade deficit is ballooning while remittances are falling and tourism is stuck. This means we will run a deficit in the current account of the balance of payments.
The result is additional requirements for reserves to meet imports.
Now I heard the Minister saying to CNBC that he expects USD 400m from India and USD 250m from Bangladesh. But these swaps are all very short term loans. A few months max. Maybe some additional money may come from China Development Bank etc. He said he expects anywhere from USD 400m to USD 1b from ‘utilizing underutilized assets’ in other words privatisation. This is I presume via Selendiva, but I am at a loss to figure out what would need to be sold to get that amount. That is still a one off inflow. Beyond that the much talked about FDI to Port City and elsewhere has not materialised and even if it does only a fraction would go to reserves as most would be spent on imports.
So even they have been harping on an ‘alternative’ no one has explained what it is.
So yes, I don’t see any other option but to approach the IMF to work out a facility to bail Sri Lanka out of the hole this government has put us into, starting from the unwise tax cuts in December 2019 and multiple blunders since, besides the pandemic. If they went to the IMF in late 2020 we could have settled at around LKR 190 to the dollar. If they go now perhaps around Rs 215 to Rs 220 and if we delay further then at a further depreciated rate. The choice is theirs but given the situation they have put us all into there is no way we can come out of this without the help of the IMF either now or 6 months down the road.
The MP said that instead of keeping the country open and letting thousands die because of their logic of the need to keep the economy moving, what they need to do is enter into a program with the IMF to restructure the debt and get a breather and close the country based on medical expert advice.”
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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