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Govt., Opp. under India’s thumb alleges FSP

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Disputed take-over of Colombo Dockyard by Mazagon

The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) and the parliamentary Opposition are under the thumb of India, Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) spokesman, Pubudu Jayagoda, alleged yesterday (01).

Jayagoda cited Mazagon Dock, India’s biggest warship builder, securing a controlling interest in Colombo Dockyard PLC (CDPLC) as a glaring case in point.

The Opposition conveniently turned a blind eye to the Indian move for obvious reasons, Jayagoda said, demanding that the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the United National Party (UNP) and Sarvajana Balaya reveal their official position on the issue at hand.

Jayagoda said that it was not so difficult to comprehend the NPP’s subservient attitude to Narendra Modi’s India but the Opposition’s silence is deafening.

Responding to The Island queries, the FSP spokesman emphasised that the whole issue had to be examined, taking into consideration the disputable Japanese role in the developing situation here. Acknowledging that Japan had been one of Sri Lanka’s long-standing development partners and helpful in numerous ways, regardless of political changes here, the outspoken political activist pointed out Tokyo appeared to have backed the Indian takeover of the strategic asset in Colombo.

The Indian Defence Ministry-run Mumbai headquartered Mazagon Dock paid USD 52.96 mn to Japan’s Onomichi Dockyard to secure controlling interests of the CDPLC. “The Parliament should be collectively held responsible for India taking over the Japanese share of the CDPLC. In a geopolitical sense, we are cozying up to the US-led Quad alliance that includes Australia, Japan and India,” Jayagoda said, alleging that the NPP was taking an utterly dangerous path.

Jayagoda pointed out the trade union arm of the JVP, the main party in the NPP, that had been strongly opposed to questionable foreign investments here, should explain its position. If the CDPLC had been in such a precarious situation, financially, why on earth India wanted to take over a loss-making venture, Jayagoda asked, pointing out the strategic importance of the acquisition.

A dissident group of JVPers formed the FSP in April 2012. Asked whether the FSP opposed the JVP-led NPP government out of jealousy, Jayagoda said that the issue here is the government blatantly pursued the policies of the UNP, SLFP-led alliances and the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa coalition. Political parties represented in Parliament had treacherously allowed foreign powers to exploit the bankrupt country to their hearts content, Jayagoda alleged, pointing out how the passage of the Economic Transformation Bill, in July 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election, without a vote, gave whoever exercised political authority to do as it pleased.

Jayagoda said that the 2021 agreement that paved the way for India and Japan to jointly develop the West Container Terminal (WCT) was also a key element in the overall strategy. John Keells is in this joint venture with India’s Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd., (APSEZ) and the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), Jayagoda said.

The agreement was reached on the WCT after the government cancelled a tripartite agreement that involved India, Japan and Sri Lanka in the development of the Easter Container Terminal (ECT), Jayagoda said.

The $800 million project, developed under a 35-year Build, Operate, and Transfer (BOT) agreement, commenced operations in early April this year.

Jayagoda said that since 2014 the Modi administration relentlessly sought to expand its influence here. The recent signing of seven MoUs that covered vital sectors, including defence, significantly strengthened India’s hold on its smaller neighbour, Jayagoda said, adding that the Chinese, too, pursued its own strategy at Sri Lanka’s expense.

Jayagoda mentioned that the MoUs signed on 05 April this year hadn’t been tabled in Parliament or subjected to discussion with the parliamentary Opposition.

“The take-over of the Hambantota Port by the Chinese, during the Yahapalana administration, is a case in point,” Jayagoda said, as political parties, represented in Parliament, seemed to have extended their support to foreign interventions by remaining silent. “The entire country knows about the controversy over the Colombo Port City. We are not opposed to foreign investment or joint ventures. The issue is the absence of transparency in foreign investments.”

By Shamindra Ferdinando



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President proposes; Speaker disposes

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Dr. Wickramaratne

AKD’s request to Harsha:

Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne has frustrated an attempt by Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (CoPF) Dr. Harsha de Silva, MP, to intervene to settle the continuing dispute over the appointment of a new Auditor General.

Dr. De Silva yesterday told The Island he had recently written to all members of the Constitutional Council (CC) drawing their attention to the urgent need to address the issue at hand. The AG’s position remains vacant since 08 Dec, 2025. AG W.P.C. Wickremanayake retired in April and since then there have been a couple of Acting appointments. The CC has declined to endorse any of President Dissanayake’s nominees as the AG.

Asked whether he had taken up the issue with the CC following President Anura Kumara Dissanayake soliciting his support in this regard, MP de Silva said that he had written to CC members as agreed with the President.

The former UNPer and one-time State Minister said: “I did so, giving due respect to CC’s independence, underscoring the critical importance in them working with the President to resolve the crisis. I alluded to the need to have transparency in public financial management during this post-cyclone period where large amounts of funds are being transacted on multiple fronts, both domestic and foreign.”

Responding to another query, Dr. De Silva emphasised that he had clarified that the President must send the names of qualified and experienced persons to the CC for consideration. “However, these letters were returned to me by the Speaker, without being delivered to members of the CC. The Speaker didn’t give an explanation. Thus, except for members who are MPs who had been copied via email by my committee office, others never received my letter of concern. Even though I questioned, in Parliament, the basis of his refusal to forward my communication to the members of the CC of which he is Chairman, no answer was given.”

The CC consists of Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne, Speaker and Chairman of the 10-member body. Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Prime Minister, Sajith Premadasa, Leader of the Opposition, Bimal Rathnayake, Aboobucker Athambawa, Ajith P. Perera, Sivagnanam Shritharan, and three civil society members namely Dr. Prathap Ramanujam, Dr. Dilkushi Anula Wijesundere and Dr. Dinesha Samararatne. None of the President’s nominees could obtain CC’s approval as all of them were rejected by the CC.

The present CC was introduced by the 21st Amendment to the Constitution which was endorsed on 31 October 2022.

Both the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and the Transparency International Sri Lanka Chapter recently requested President Dissanayake, in writing, to propose a suitable person to the post of AG. The BASL, in another statement that dealt with the forthcoming vacancies in the CC due to three civil society members completing their terms, declared its concern over possible attempts by the President and the NPP government to fill the vacancies with rubber stamps.

The three civil society members will complete their terms on 18 January. In terms of Article 41E of the Constitution, the CC meets at least twice every month, and may meet as often as may be necessary. The Chairman presides at all meetings of the CC and in the absence of the Chairman, the Prime Minister, and in the absence of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition presides at the meetings of the CC.

Asked whether the CC could be disrupted due to the end of civil society members’ terms, an authoritative official pointed out that in case new appointments were not made the current members could continue.

The Parliament has not so far called for applications to fill the forthcoming vacancies.

by Shamindra Ferdinando ✍️

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Sri Lanka loses Rs.7.5 bn due to coal tender irregularities: FSP

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Pubudu

The NPP government’s coal procurement process has once again come under scrutiny following allegations by the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) that substandard coal has been imported for power generation and that tender procedures were manipulated to favour a specific supplier.

Addressing the media after a party meeting in Maharagama on Saturday, FSP Education Secretary Pubudu Jagoda said a test report issued by the government laboratory at the Lakvijaya Power Plant had confirmed that the latest coal shipment unloaded in Sri Lanka did not meet the required quality standards. According to the report, the coal’s calorific value ranged between 5,600 and 5,800 kilocalories per kilo, below the 5,900–6,200 kCal/kg range specified in tender requirements.

Jagoda warned that lower calorific value coal would require higher volumes to generate the same amount of electricity, increasing costs significantly. Preliminary estimates, he said, indicated an additional financial burden of around Rs. 7,500 million, which might eventually be passed on to consumers through higher electricity tariffs.

The FSP also accused the government of tailoring procurement rules to benefit the Indian supplier, which has deposited bonds for long-term coal supply for the upcoming season. Jagoda alleged that tender conditions had been altered to accommodate the company, pointing to changes in coal reserve requirements. Under the 2021 Sri Lanka Coal Registration Document, suppliers were required to maintain a minimum reserve of one million metric tonnes with a gross calorific value of 5,900 kCal/kg. This threshold, he said, had been reduced to 100,000 metric tonnes in the 2025 document which is a 90% reduction raising serious concerns.

He further cited past allegations against the Indian company, including findings in a 2016 Auditor General’s report that the company violated procurement guidelines regarding a rice supply contract with Sathosa in 2014. Jagoda also referred to legal issues involving individuals linked to the company, and the suspension of a representative by the International Cricket Council in 2019 over match-fixing allegations.

Beyond company-specific concerns, Jagoda criticised what he described as systemic manipulation of the coal tender process. He questioned why the coal tender, typically called in February or March, was delayed until July, despite electricity being declared an essential service. He also alleged that the tender submission period had been progressively shortened from the internationally accepted six weeks to five weeks, and now reportedly to three giving an unfair advantage to suppliers with existing stock.

The Ministry of Energy has recently issued an amended tender to procure 4.5 million metric tonnes of coal for the Lanka Coal Company for the 2025/26 and 2026/27 periods, following the cancellation of an earlier tender.

Jagoda warned that delays and irregularities could lead to coal shortages, higher spot market purchases, increased electricity costs, and even power cuts if hydropower generation falls short. He called for urgent investigations into the procurement process, insisting that the burden of alleged mismanagement and corruption must not be transferred to the public.

by Chaminda Silva ✍️

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CID summons SJB MP for criticising education reforms

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Prasad

SJB Gampaha District MP Prasad Siriwardhana has been summoned to the CID today (12) for questioning in connection with a statement he made on a private television channel regarding education reforms.

He was earlier asked to report to the CID on 10 January to make a statement. However, as Siriwardhana had notified the authorities that he was unable to appear on that day, he was subsequently asked to come today.

Siriwardhana is one of the critics of the shortcomings of the education reforms introduced by the NPP government.

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