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Editorial

Gota’s address to the nation

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The point has been made that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in his address to the nation last Thursday had not only argued the case for his defence over the dire predicament now confronting the country, but had also left a great deal unsaid. We begin this comment complimenting the president on the tone and tenor of his delivery. As is usual with him, he made his pre-recorded address without oratorical flourishes or rhetoric, obviously reading from a teleprompter, and also not taking cheap jibes at his opponents as most politicians are wont to do. He clearly said that he is very well aware of the present suffering of the people but these problems were not of his making. As President Rajapaksa has eyes to see and ears to hear, he cannot be unaware of what people are going through today. Right now we at a juncture widely accepted as being among the worst periods in our post-independence history. These feelings are freely articulated at numerous protest rallies and queues for almost impossible-to-get essentials and are beamed to millions of homes countrywide in the evening television news bulletins.

What hit many viewers of this address was that not a word was said about the president’s fertilizer misadventure that created chaos in the agriculture sector. It disrupted production and created massive shortages of previously available essentials including home grown rice, vegetables and fruit. The president conveniently chose to ignore all this, a matter which is a major contributor to the present impasse rooted in the forex crisis the country is now fighting. There was also his remark that those who contributed to creating the problems are criticizing the government before the people today. This, perhaps was the only overt criticism of the opposition in his speech aimed at and those who served the previous Yahapalana administration. It could not be targeting the JVP which too is in the vanguard of the protests. Certainly Yahapalana’s acts of omission and commission during its tenure, notably the bond scam, did contribute to the present mess but the present lot has done worse

The president must not forget that his brother, Mahinda, who unsuccessfully sought a third term in 2015 after engineering defections for a two thirds majority to abolish the constitutionally mandated term limit on the presidency, brazenly colluded with Yahapalana leader Mathiripala Sirisena to unlawfully seize the prime ministry from Ranil Wickremesinghe. Sirisena and his SLFP were part of the winning coalition at the last parliamentary election although they are now distancing themselves from the ruling party which enabled most of them to win their seats.

Who blasted the country’s precious resources in vanity projects like the not yet commissioned Lotus Tower, the far from viable Mattala International Airport, and other projects at Hambantota like the stadium, the international convention centre, what was claimed to be the only dry zone botanical garden and much more? The Hambantota port is now under long lease to the Chinese to overcome debt servicing and repayment problems. Then there was the disaster of getting rid of the Emirates Airline profitably managing the national carrier under a joint venture over a matter of personal pique and the airline has returned to losses. Some of these vanity projects were shamelessly bestowed the name of a living Rajapaksa.

While there is no gainsaying that the highway construction initiated by the previous Rajapaksa regime vastly improved connectivity in the country, there are questions on whether many of them were rated high enough on the national priority list to rate turboprop implementation at great cost. Did we for instance need a six lane highway to Hambantota with the elaborate Siribopura intersection linking it to the local road network? We cannot overlook pervasive suspicion that road building entails massive kickbacks into political pockets.

Then there was Gota’s assertion that he entered politics at the invitation the people. That was what Winston Churchill once called a “terminological inexactitude.” He was undoubtedly invited by the Rajapaksa family to run for president to succeed his brother who wasn’t entitled to run for a third term thanks to the 19th Amendment. He gave up his U.S. citizenship with that objective. Although 6.9 million voted for him, grateful for the major role he played in the war victory, and trusting his promises of “vistas of prosperity and splendor”, they in no way invited him to seek the presidency. That was his own and his family’s choice. The majority were happy that he won comfortably but many of them are now publicly ruing how they voted and saying so without mincing their words. That has hitherto not happened on the present scale when people publicly express their feelings towards their rulers in the harshest terms. But that, of course, can be marked a plus for the regime not interfering with free speech.

Nobody would have expected a mea culpa address to the nation from an incumbent president and we did not get it. People remember that President J.R. Jayewardene in 1983 did not utter a word of apology to the Tamils who were set upon by savage Sinhala mobs while law enforcers idly stood by earning his regime a massive blackmark at home and abroad. President GR in his address last week called for the cooperation of all to overcome the massive problems besetting the country. The generally non-abrasive nature of his address has set the stage favorably for achieving a positive outcome from that effort. But for that much else must be done as Mr. Karu Jayasuriya said at Anuradhapura last week. But his proposal that 20A be repealed as a sign of good faith is too much to expect. So also the demand of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa’s that a presidential election be held and the government handed to a ‘can do’ SJB. Dr. Nihal Jayawickrema has forensically demonstrated that this is unattainable while columnist Rajan Philips has on this page branded it as “vacuous bluster.”



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Editorial

Polluted TUs

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Political propaganda is double-edged. Hence the need to handle it carefully lest it should backfire. One may recall that before the 2019 presidential election, a prominent Buddhist monk blundered by asking SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa to act like Hitler. The then Opposition made Gotabaya out to be Hitler incarnate thereafter. JVP/NPP stalwart Lal Kantha, addressing a campaign rally in the run-up to the September presidential election, pledged to vest villagers with some judicial powers. The opponents of the JVP/NPP raised hell, claiming that the JVP was planning to reintroduce kangaroo trials. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has drawn heavy flak for asking the people to get rid of the Opposition and elect 225 NPP MPs in the upcoming general election. Besides, in a bid to discredit the government, the Opposition is now using a rhetorical statement made by Lakshman Nipuna Arachchi, an NPP candidate in the current parliamentary election fray, about trade unions. Addressing an election rally, Nipuna Arachchi said the other day that trade unions had become redundant as the NPP government was now looking after the interests of the working class; there was no need for labour struggles, and the NPP should consider disbanding the trade unions affiliated to it.

The Opposition parties have given a twist to Nipuna Arachchi’s statement to suit their own narratives and agendas. Some of them have claimed the NPP has issued a not-so-veiled threat to Sri Lanka’s trade union movement.

Nipuna Arachchi’s statement boils down to mere campaign rhetoric. Those who are out of power usually see more devils than vast hell can hold and cry wolf at the drop of a hat. That is the name of the game in Sri Lankan politics.

The JVP-led NPP has however brought to light, albeit unwittingly, an important issue that has gone unaddressed all these years—the over-politicisation of trade unions, which have been reduced to mere appendages of political parties as a result.

Political spectacles that pass for May Day rallies in this country are cringeworthy. Workers carry politicians on their shoulders, making a public display of their servility. In fact, May Day rallies have become political dog-and-pony shows.

Trade unions with political agendas do not hesitate to subjugate the interests of workers and the country to their parties’ agendas. There are a handful of independent unions, but they are the exception that proves the rule. Thus, one may argue that the JVP/NPP should seriously consider disbanding its trade union wing forthwith, as Nipuna Arachchi has suggested. Other political parties with trade union arms ought to follow suit.

Much is being spoken these days about the need to bring about a new political culture. There is also a need for a new trade union culture, which is a prerequisite for serving the interests of workers and achieving economic development. Sri Lanka lacks a work ethic, without which national productivity cannot be increased to achieve economic progress. Most trade unions only make demands and never do they concentrate on their members’ duties and responsibilities. They are also responsible for having rendered the state sector inefficient and unproductive. A stock of biometric attendance marking devices procured by the Health Ministry at a cost of Rs. 30 million remains unused due to trade union resistance, we are told. The health sector has therefore become notorious for overtime rackets. This is how trade union power is abused. Most labour unions in the private sector are no better.

Sri Lankan trade unions ought to learn from their counterparts in other countries, such as Japan, how to act responsibly and help the country achieve progress while protecting labour rights. That said, the blame for the sorry state of affairs in this country should be apportioned to successive governments and most private sector employers. The only way workers can have themselves heard and their grievances redressed, in most cases, is to protest or down tools, and the trade union arms of political parties make the most of this situation.

Sri Lanka has set for itself ambitious economic goals and debt repayment targets. None of them may be attainable unless national productivity is enhanced substantially with employees, employers, trade unions and politicians putting their shoulders to the wheel. This task requires healthy relations and cooperation among key stakeholders. Hence the pressing need for a radical rethink of trade unionism in this country.

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Editorial

Tuk-tuk tut-tutting and ground reality

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Monday 4th November, 2024

Many are those who are tut-tutting over the latest fuel price revision, which has not brought any relief to the general public; trishaw drivers, who served as the JVP-led NPP’s grassroots propaganda foot soldiers, as it were, are prominent among them. Quite a few of them are openly critical of the NPP government.

Securing popular mandates in elections is one thing, but delivering what they are obtained for is quite another. Sri Lankan voters are a fastidious lot known for their impatience to have election pledges fulfilled. So, it is only natural that the NPP government has come under fire for its inability to sort out a host of issues such as unconscionably high prices of commodities, especially rice, coconuts, milk food, eggs and fuel.

The NPP leaders, who came to power, promising to break the back of the escalating cost of living immediately, are now expected to make good on their pledge. They also offered to slash petroleum prices by reducing taxes and eliminating corruption, but fuel prices were reduced only marginally last month. The latest fuel price revision has irked the ordinary people using regular petrol and diesel, whose prices have remained unchanged. Only the prices of 95 Octane petrol and Super Diesel have been brought down, and the government stands accused of having sought to serve the interests of the rich at the expense of the poor.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and his interim government are caught in a nutcracker, in a manner of speaking. On the one hand, they have to abide by the IMF dictates to keep the bailout programme on track, and on the other, they are under severe pressure from the public as well as the Opposition to grant promised relief forthwith.

The IMF has said in no uncertain terms that general government revenues must be in the region of 15 percent of GDP in 2025. So, it will be well-nigh impossible for the government to reduce taxes to slash fuel prices, and at the same time it cannot convince the public of this economic reality; they are in no mood to reason.

The NPP says it will win the upcoming general election. If it achieves its dream, it is likely to find itself in a more unenviable situation, for it has pledged to grant pay hikes from Budget 2025 and increase welfare expenditure substantially; it has said it needs a parliamentary majority to deliver the promised relief. But whether it will be able to allocate adequate funds for that purpose within the fiscal confines stipulated by the IMF is the question.

The IMF has urged Japan, an economic powerhouse, to fund additional spending plans for relief programmes within its budget without issuing more debt. This has been the IMF’s reaction to the Japanese government’s promise to introduce a sizeable spending package to mitigate the adverse impact of rising costs on the public. “Any kind of support you are providing should be a lot more targeted, and any kind of new initiative should be financed within the budget … You should not be increasing more debt to provide for any new initiative,” Krishna Srinivasan, IMF Director for Asia and Pacific has told Japan, according to Reuters. This shows how difficult it will be for the next government of Sri Lanka, dependent on IMF assistance, to increase welfare expenditure.

Whenever a self-proclaimed messiah elevated to power fail in this country, those who have voted for him or her try to overcome their sense of guilt and vent their frustration by swinging en masse to another political camp, and when they react in this manner waves of popular support form in the polity and crafty politicians ride them. The NPP has benefited from such a wave, and, now, the biggest challenge before it is to prevent its political and electoral gains from being reversed by a counterwave of public anger.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the SLPP also rode a massive wave of popular support to power in 2019, but faced a backlash soon afterwards. Most trishaw operators threw their weight behind Gotabaya in the 2019 presidential race, but when he became a metaphor for failure, after being ensconced in power, they dissociated themselves from him, and some of them went to the extent of displaying on their tuk-tuks a catchy slogan, which read in Sinhala, “Sajith peradichcha eka hondai, neththam api thama hithan inne Gota veddek kiyala”—‘it is good that Sajith lost [in the 2019 presidential contest], otherwise we would still have been under the impression that Gota was a maven’. Whether the NPP, in case of its victory in the upcoming parliamentary race, will be able to prevent the aforesaid slogan reappearing on trishaws, with ‘Gota’ replaced with ‘Anura’, remains to be seen.

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Editorial

Elections in the U.S. and SL

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On Tuesday, Nov. 5, Americans will vote for a new president at an election that most observers and commentators agree is destined to be as consequential, if not even more so, as only two other elections in the chequered history of the United States of America. Americans will either choose to continue with the Great Experiment of democracy envisaged by the Founding Fathers over two centuries ago; or they will change course and adopt an authoritarian government on the model of other authoritarian nations in the world, like Russia.

The U.S. constitution decrees that a presidential election be held once every four years on the first Tuesday following a Monday in November. This is to ensure that the Polling Day does not interfere with Sunday worship and also that it does not fall on Nov. 1, also for a religious reason. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka has no ironclad date for holding elections, both presidential and parliamentary, and incumbents have considerable flexibility of when elections will be called. This is often used for their own advantage.

We in Sri Lanka will vote on Nov. 14 to elect our 17th Parliament which will convene on Nov. 21, completing two national elections to choose an executive president and a new parliament within a few weeks of each other. We voted in a new president as recently as Sept. 21. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake had during his campaign pledged that his first executive action, if elected, would be to dissolve the then parliament. This, of course was a sine qua non – an essential or indispensable requirement – as the NPP/JVP had only three seats in the last parliament and is now governing the country with the world’s smallest cabinet of just three ministers.

It is unlikely that the result of the U.S. election will influence voters here. There has been little or no mention of that subject in ongoing campaign rhetoric although the U.S. election has been extensively reported and commented upon both here and the world-over. Most Lankans, we believe, are convinced that the election of Donald Trump in what appears to be a very tight race in the “swing states,” would be an unmitigated disaster not only for America but also the wider world. There have been five examples – two recently – at U.S. presidential elections where the winner literally lost. The recent examples are 2000 when Al Gore won the popular vote and lost to George. W. Bush in the Electoral College. Then in 2016 Hillary Clinton who won the popular vote lost to Trump..

The 2024 U.S. election is being fought on a variety of issues, with immigration and reproductive freedom taking center stage. The economy used to be a major issue, but recent reports of a vast improvement in the economy consequent to the policies of the Biden administration – Bidenomics – has had the effect of a dramatic reduction in inflation, which now stands at 2.2%, down from 9% in 2022. Glowing reports about the continuing success of the economy, which The Economist recently headlined as “The envy of the world” has largely silenced Republican critics. As has the prediction of a majority of economists that Trump’s nebulous economic plan, based mainly on increased tariffs on imports, will result in higher prices and recession.

Convicted felon Trump keeps hammering on about the catastrophe of an open Southern border, with gross exaggerations about criminals, murderers, rapists and people who bring drugs, crossing the border in their millions – “vermin who are poisoning the blood of the people”. He is creating hatred and fear of immigrants in a land of immigrants, continuing a strategy which won him the presidency in 2016.

However, the overturning of Roe v. Wade by the Republican backed US Supreme Court, will likely play a major role in the final outcome of the election. Women’s reproductive rights had been guaranteed by the Supreme Court judgment of Roe v. Wade, since 1973. The Court had ruled that that abortion was a decision to be made by the pregnant woman, her physician, her parents (in the case of a minor) and her God. After 50 years, Donald Trump appointed, three decisively pro-life judges to the Supreme Court, which now has a 6/3 Republican majority, which overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, ending the constitutional right to abortion.

Women, Democrats, Republicans and Independents, form the majority (52%) of the electorate. They are overwhelmingly in favor of the re-instatement of Roe v. Wade. Vice-President Harris as vowed to sign this into law as one of her first actions on election as president. The fact that women usually exercise their right to vote in greater numbers than men may just swing an extremely close, most consequential election in favor of Vice-President Harris and the Democrats.

Here in Sri Lanka we have President AKD calling on the electorate to give the NPP/JVP a parliamentary majority to ensure smooth government with a single party controlling both the presidency and the legislature. He wants the voter who crowned him executive president to do a “satyagraha” to give him the parliamentary majority as well. Sajith Premadasa seeks the majority pledging to work with the president on everything good it attempts while Ranil Wickremesinghe lectures that politicians with experience must be elected MPs. He is eloquently silent on why he, the country’s most experienced politician, does not offer himself for election. He has even ruled out a National List entry to parliament for himself like he did in 2020 when the UNP won zero seats and scraped a single National List slot. But he eventually took that place after months of foot dragging. The rest is history.

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