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Going under armed escort as Chairman SLBC and Director of Broadcasting

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On being told of my new assignment in the SLBC, I went home and dismissed the Prime Minister’s office car. Although I could have used it to go to the SLBC, technically I was no longer Secretary to the Prime Minister, and therefore, not really entitled to use it. I decided to drive my Morris Minor to go there. News travels very fast in this country. Even before I had got home there had been numerous telephone calls. Now, calls were coming in at the rate of one every three or four minutes.

Most of them were from my friends and colleagues and many of them expressed their sympathies and concerns at my going to the SLBC rather than congratulations. Till then I did not fully realize, the kind of public opinion that prevailed, in regard to the SLBC as a place of work. I made a mental note that this had to change.

One of the callers informed me that the important UNP Trade Union, the Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya (JSS) had gone to see the Prime Minister to protest at the appointment of someone who had closely worked with Mrs. Bandaranaike, to an important state media institution like the SLBC. I was very happy to hear this news and thought deliverance was at hand.

I now telephoned Mr. Menikdiwela, and told him about the information I had, and suggested that if this was true, it would be better for me to do something else. Mr. Menikdiwela laughed and said “Yes, some of them came to see us, but we told them that you were an outstanding public servant and not a politician and directed them to co-operate with you fully.”

There was no further recourse, and I was getting ready to go. But it was difficult to have lunch, because the phone was ringing constantly. In desperation my mother put some food on a plate and began feeding me. To her I was a 40-year-old child who had to be fed, in case he went away without eating.

Among these callers. was Admiral Basil Gunasekera, Commander of the Navy. The Navy was responsible for guarding the SLBC. He inquired whether it was true that I had been appointed to the SLBC. I said, “Yes.” He then inquired “When do you hope to go there?” I said, “Almost immediately.” He asked “Can’t you go there tomorrow?”

I told him, that it was impossible and that the Prime Minister wanted me to go there very early. I asked him what the problem was. He said that there were a large number of people there, some of them drunk. Then he said something very touching. “I can guarantee your safety, don’t worry about that. But I don’t want a single bastard to cast even a remark at you.” I thanked him most sincerely for his kindness and concern, and told him I would go and handle the situation and rang off.

However, Basil had not still finished. Within a few minutes he rang me again. “How are you going to the SLBC?” he asked. I told him that I would drive my private car. “Don’t'”, he said. “I will send you a vehicle.” I thanked him, but informed him that I had to leave almost immediately. “A car will be there in 15 minutes,” he said.

I was almost ready to leave when I heard the sound of a car stopping near our gate. I walked to the verandah and was surprised to see a smart Navy officer seated there, cradling a sub machine gun! On seeing me, he got up, smartly saluted, stated he was one of the ADCs to the Commander, and informed me that the Commander had ordered him to personally accompany me to the SLBC.

I was now getting worried. Sending a car was a kind thought and a convenience. Sending an armed escort was a different matter. In any case, there. was now no time for anything and I kept my thoughts to myself. The officer sat behind with me in the Navy car, and we proceeded to Independence Square and the SLBC.

As we came in sight ofthe building, the first thing I saw was a millingcrowd under the main portico. There groups of people scattered here and there in the driveway. The car turned in at the gate and was about to proceed towards the portico, when I ordered the driver to stop. There was too large a crowd under the portico for a car to get through easily, and I did not want an intrepid Navy driver to enforce a right of passage.

The car halted half way and I opened the door and was about to get down, when I saw, the officer reaching for his machine gun which he had kept on the floor of the car. “Drop it. Don’t take it out,” I said urgently. I said it so vehemently that with the corner of my eye I saw him drop it. I did not want to take up my appointment under armed guard. The next moment, I waded into the crowd.

At the SLBC and discussions with the government trade union

From somewhere, two hands appeared clasping a sheaf of betel. A little later, I saw that they belonged to Thevis Guruge, Deputy Director-General. He muttered some words of welcome. He told me that the Directors of the various divisions wanted to meet me, and also the Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya. He wanted to know whom I wanted to meet first. I said the trade union. It was clear that I had to come to terms with them first, otherwise administration would be impossible.

Thevis Guruge then led me to the boardroom. Very soon the room was packed to capacity and not even standing room was available. People were pressing to get in. The place was reeking of alcohol. I sat at the table with Thevis and some of the other directors of divisions, to whom I had been introduced. A spokesman for the trade union began to address me. It was not really an address but a harangue.

He spoke at length on the arbitrary and capricious actions of the previous regime in respect of the Corporation and its employees, particularly those known or suspected to be UNP employees. He went on to relate a long list of specific instances, including the names of those who had been interdicted, dismissed or transferred. He mentioned how the then Minister Mr. R.S. Perera had come in a procession after their election victory and taken numerous arbitrary actions.

When this spokesman ran out of steam, another took over, and then yet another. There was great excitement in the room. People were talking to each other, and interrupting the speakers to signify approval or to remind them of some forgotten point. I did not utter a word. I listened carefully although it was not easy to concentrate amidst the babble.

I realized that there was a great deal of pent up feeling, and that it was a good thing for it to come out. All this went on for over an hour. Then came the demands. They recited a list of persons under interdiction whom they wanted reinstated immediately. They said some of them were present in the room. The same demand extended to some of the dismissed as well as transferred employees, in whose case the demand was that they be put back in their original positions.

Then they became creative and wanted certain people placed in certain positions. All these were to be effected immediately. The room was smelling like a tavern. I continued to remain silent, but a silent fury was growing in me. Then suddenly they realized I had not spoken a word. There descended an awkward silence. I waited awhile. Silence continued to prevail, a silence which illustrated the saying “A loud silence.”

I then asked, “Have you finished? They said, “Yes”. I said, “I have listened to you patiently all this time without interruption and now, I do not wish to be interrupted until I have finished.” They nodded. I then said, “Over the last more than an hour, you had related to me, who you were, your experiences and finally your demands. Now, permit me to say something about who I am and how I function.

“I have entered the public service not through political patronage or any assistance from anybody. I entered the service through passing, what was commonly accepted as the most difficult competitive examination of the time, namely the open competitive examination for appointment to the Ceylon Civil Service. At this examination, in the. year I sat, only five were selected for appointment and I came second in order of merit. Over 300 sat this examination. Therefore, I am beholden to nobody either for my entry or my continuance in the public service.

“I am also not interested in any particular post, or where I serve. I go where the government of the day wants me to go. That is how I have come here. If I had a choice, I wouldn’t have come here. You will appreciate therefore, that I am not a politician. I am an administrator. The essence of administration is equity, fairness, openness, proper investigation and analysis before decisions, and decisions based on balanced judgment.

“Therefore, the demands you have made of me, no administrator can agree to. I am, however, prepared to go into each and every case, and if any injustice is revealed, correct it. But I am not prepared to work to any imposed deadline. There will not be undue delay either. Therefore, there is nothing I can do today. I need today to have discussions with the heads of divisions and others and get a grasp of things and ensure that there is no breakdown in services.

“But I see from your faces that you are unhappy with my reply. Therefore, I would now like to suggest a remedy. Go now in procession to the Prime Minister’s residence in Ward Place, and tell him that you cannot work with this devil.” The conversations being in Sinhala, this sounded much pithier in that language. This stunned them. They did not expect this kind of reply. They were struggling to cope.

Then they became more accommodating. They apologized and said that they didn’t mean to challenge my authority or hurt my feelings. Their vehemence, they said was a result of the injustices they had suffered. I reiterated that I would correct any injustice that had occurred. But to do all this I needed to get to work. I therefore told the Union members “remember you are members of a Union of a party which has over a five sixth majority in Parliament.

“As a result, you have an enormous responsibility to see that the power you have is used in such a manner as to enhance, and not to destroy the image of your party. I am therefore, now entrusting you with the responsibility of maintaining peace and good order here, as well as in all sub-stations and other facilities. I want you to show an example in how to treat your political opponents. I am entrusting you with the task of their protection.

“I want you to demonstrate that your membership consist of gentlemen and people of calibre, who would not even cast a remark at a political opponent. If you allege that the previous regime behaved badly, you now set the standard of behaviour. I will watch carefully to see what your standard is.” It was my judgment that the Union needed to be given a role and responsibility immediately. Their feelings of both elation and bitterness had to be channeled in a positive direction and their energies put to productive use.

I then asked all, other than the employees of the Corporation to go home. I told the union to ensure that any employee who was drunk or after liquor was sent home, and asked to report next day when he was sober. Things were now settling down, and the Union began to comply.

A matter of a personal secretary

I then began the meeting with the directors of the divisions. There was first a matter of my personal secretary to be settled. When the Deputy Director-General Thevis Guruge raised this issue, I said, “Any competent male would be fine.” He said that was not possible. All the personal secretaries were female. I then inquired, “How old is the oldest of them?” All began to laugh. Mr. Guruge informed me that the oldest was 54 years of age and very competent. I agreed at once. I said that since there was no one older, 54 years would be fine. There was more laughter.

The reason for this precaution was that the SLBC had a reputation fora number of romantic liaisons with secretaries, which had extended in the past to certain Chairmen and Directors-General. The organization also had the reputation outside, of some of its employees specializing in ringing up the homes of various officers and telling the wives that their husbands were carrying on with some attractive secretary. In some instances, this may have been true. But the talk outside was that this had reached pathological proportions.

In fact, my wife too was aware of this, so that in due course when she received a telephone call or two, she told the callers, that she had given me complete freedom to do as I please, and that anything I do, would not bother her in the least. Meeting this blank wall, the callers did not persist.

The organization also was talked of outside as a place where tale carrying was common. So I told the directors and the union representatives, that my door would always be open for anybody to come and tell me anything, but if anyone were to make a complaint against anyone else, or make an adverse comment about anyone, such a person would have to wait in my room until I summon the other party, and go into the matter in the presence of both.

I said that the only exception to this rule would be a security-related matter, which would be handled differently. I said finally, that I valued credibility very much and that it would be in everyone’s interest that they did not lose their credibility with me. Whilst this part of the discussion was going on, the Prime Minister, Mr. Jayewardene rang me. He inquired whether everything was all right. I said “Yes”. He then asked whether I had any problems. I said “None”.

He seemed to be somewhat surprised, and next asked, “How are the unions?” I said that they were very cooperative. I think, he hung up with a slight degree of bafflement. This call was followed almost 15 minutes later by a call from Mr. R. Premadasa, the No. 2 in the Cabinet. He asked me virtually the same questions, and received the same answers. He too seemed somewhat baffled, and wanted to know whether I required any assistance.

I replied that I needed no assistance whatsoever. He hung up and again called me about an hour later, to inquire how things were going. I replied “Smoothly,” and that was the end of any further calls from the high levels of government. When I reached home it was past midnight. By that time, peace and order had been restored, the premises cleared of excited and drunken people, the main program slots determined and early dates and times fixed for me to meet, the other trade unions in the Corporation such as the SLFP union and the Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU).

Mr. D.B. Wijetunge was appointed Minister, and Sarath Amunugama Secretary. Mr. Wijetunge was an understanding and an affable personality, and it was easy to work with him. Mr. Amunugama, was a colleague of mine in the former Civil Service and was a member of the last batch of that service before it was wound up. He was a little over a year junior to me in the service, and I was a member of the previous batch. In fact, some of my friends asked me how I was going to work with a Secretary, who was junior to me.

I told them that this was no. problem. I never thought of my public service career in terms of hierarchies, posts or seniorities. I believed that I had entered the public service of my country and that as long as I remained in service, I had decided never to actively seek or canvass for any post. I had also made up my mind that I would serve in any post a government wanted me to serve in.

I departed from these principles only once in my near 37 years of unbroken service. That was much later, when I was offered the post of Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, on which I would comence at the appropriate place. In any case, Sarath and I had known each other both at the University and in the Service, and there were no serious problems in our working relationship.

(Excerpted from In the Pursuit of Governance, the autobiography of MDD Pieris)



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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