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Editorial

Gas Cylinder

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Cynics may well view President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s choice of a gas cylinder as his election symbol as the most titillating bit of news to emerge on Nomination Day last Thursday. With no fuel queue available as an election symbol, RW made the next best choice of a gas cylinder to remind voters of what he has achieved following the 2022 Aragalaya that dethroned the Rajapaksas and miraculously catapulted him from zero to hero. It was he, after all, who led the UNP to an unimaginable debacle of not a single elected seat, losing his own in the process. He returned to parliament after much foot dragging to occupy his party’s only National List slot. It was also he that ended the horrendous queues of that time and is no doubt anxious to remind the voters of that achievement.

Despite the extra-long ballot paper resulting from the record number of candidates, the majority of whom have been labeled dummies/proxies or just plain jokers, there are likely to be only four serious contenders. They are the incumbent president, the leader of the opposition, Anura Kumara Dissanayake leading the NPP/JVP and late entrant Namal Rajapaksa striving to keep the Rajapaksa name and the pohottuwa symbol alive in the country’s political picture.

How successful Namal will be in that endeavour remains to be seen. The president who still runs the government with the legislative backing of an SLPP majority has attracted shoals of defectors from the Rajapaksa party including several bad eggs. He will have to await the result to determine whether defectors can deliver votes to a winning or any other ticket. Sajith hasn’t done too badly attracting defectors and dissidents while AKD is on record saying there were several knocks on their door but applicants were politely rebuffed.

The reality is that incumbent parliamentarians, in deciding which horse to back, are looking at their own prospects at the general election that must be held next year at the latest. This election may be held earlier if the winner of the presidential election exercises his privilege of dissolving the legislature at any time of his choosing now that two and a half years after its first sitting in August 2022 has elapsed.

Conventional wisdom has it that a winning president would post haste dissolve parliament – as AKD has pledged to do – to take advantage of the voter tendency to back the winning side. So what the defectors and the alliances that have been/are being forged is all about the parliamentary election that will follow the presidential contest. One of the most recent defectors, Dr. Rajitha Senaratne who has hopped on to RW’s bandwagon saying “I love Sajith but I love the nation more,” made the revelation that Premadasa tried to persuade him to remain with the SJB by offering a National List seat to his son after the next parliamentary election! What RW has offered remains unsaid.

Senaratne, by his own admission, has been jumping from side to side like the proverbial frog. Although he last week mentioned the various sides he’s been on, there was no word on what the consideration was for changing sides. He’s said he was the leader of a student union during his university (dental faculty) days and then became involved with the SLFP. Realizing that socialism was not the answer for the country’s economic ills, he accepted the open economy and joined the UNP.

He left the greens with Karu Jayasuriya on the basis that Mahinda Rajapaksa was capable of winning the war. Then he left that government in 2015 persuading Maithripala Sirisena to do likewise because MR “did not live up to expectations.” In 2022 he saw how President Wickremesinghe brought stability to the nation and “I’m now here to support him.” Rajitha Senaratne is not the only such puduma satha (strange animal) in the present political spectrum. Prof. GL Peiris, despite his undoubted academic record (Rhodes scholar, law professor, vice-chancellor) and abilities would be a strong competitor to Senaratne in the crossover game. In fact, the numbers who have held office on both sides are so many that it’s difficult to count them.

Although there are anti-defection provisions in the law following the implementation of the proportional representation (PR) system, they have been difficult to enforce. MPs Harin Fernando and Manusha Nanayakkara who became ministers in the RW government crossing from the SJB, recently lost their parliamentary seats as a result but other defectors have not paid the price. Many MPs have become vulnerable on this score in recent weeks, but it is debatable whether their parties will press the issue with a parliamentary election due fairly soon. It may be convenient to ignore defections for the time being and deprive culprits of the party ticket next time round.

Last week’s arrest of the secretary and other officials of a formally recognized but unknown political party for allegedly accepting a Rs. 30 million bribe to nominate a runner at the forthcoming contest raises another question. The candidate was the whistle blower. His deposit to run, it was reported, was paid by the same worthy who was arrested! Remember that Diana Gamage entered parliament on the SJB National List? She then crossed over and became a state minister.

She “earned” her parliamentary seat by passing on a recognized political party she claimed she “owned” to Sajith Premadasa and Co. Sajith and his followers who had quit the UNP and needed a recognized party in a hurry to run at the last parliamentary election rewarded Gamage with a parliamentary seat in consideration for the arrangement.

It is urgent that ‘Sign Board’ political parties are taken off the register of recognized political parties at the elections office and the deposit bar for running at election is raised to deter spurious candidates from contesting for reasons of their own.



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Editorial

Selective transparency

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Saturday 27th December, 2025

The NPP government has released a cordial diplomatic letter from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and gained a great deal of publicity for it as part of a propaganda campaign to boost Dissanayake’s image. Such moves are not uncommon in politics, especially in the developing world, where the heads of powerful states are deified and their visits, invitations and letters are flaunted as achievements of the leaders of smaller nations. However, the release of PM Modi’s letter to President Dissanayake is counterproductive, for it makes one wonder why the government has not made public the MoUs it has signed with India?

PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit in April 2025 saw the signing of seven MoUs (or pacts as claimed in some quarters) between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoUs/pacts on the implementation of HVDC (High-Voltage Direct Current) Interconnection for import/export of power, cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.

The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency; there has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs or pacts, especially the one on defence cooperation. They cannot be disclosed without India’s consent, the government has said. This is a very lame excuse. The JVP/NPP seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who made its meteoric rise to power.

When the JVP/NPP was in opposition, it would flay the previous governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. But it has kept even Parliament in the dark about the MoUs/pacts in question.

Ironically, the JVP, which resorted to mindless violence in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, has sought to justify the inking of an MoU/pact on defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and India and keeping it under wraps, about three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular defence MoU/pact marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. How would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India and kept them secret? It opposed the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) between Sri Lanka and India tooth and nail, didn’t it?

Whenever one sees the aforesaid letter doing the rounds in the digital space, one remembers the MoUs/pacts shrouded in secrecy, which have exposed the pusillanimity of the NPP government, whose leaders cannot so much as disclose their contents without India’s consent.

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Editorial

Desperate political sandbagging

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Friday 26th December, 2025

There is nothing more predictable than surprise in politics. After securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament last year and emerging victorious in most local councils, this year, the JVP-led NPP may have thought that it was plain sailing. But the government now has many unforeseen, seemingly intractable issues to contend with almost on all fronts. The disaster-stricken economy is expected to slow down, with relief and rebuilding costs escalating, and the deadline for the resumption of debt repayment approaching. Vehicle imports are bound to decrease, causing a sharp drop in the government’s tax revenue. The rupee is depreciating fast. As if these were not enough, the government is experiencing serious problems on the political front.

The defeat of the NPP’s budget in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which the JVP/NPP seized control of through extensive horse trading, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The same fate has befallen many other NPP-controlled local councils. Most of all, the NPP has suffered a string of defeats in the cooperative society elections countrywide during the last several months.

Desperate times are said to call for desperate measures. Cyclone Ditwah and the attendant extreme weather events that badly damaged roads, tank bunds and river banks prompted repair teams to resort to sandbag revetment. But there have been many instances where sandbag facings collapsed, unable to withstand the intensity of floods and slope failures. The government politicians who boasted of having carried out swift restoration work have been left red-faced; they have failed to assess the severity of the problems they are trying to solve.

The NPP government has resorted to a method similar to sandbag revetment in a desperate bid to consolidate its control over some local councils which cannot secure the passage of their budgets for want of majorities. Its members have gone to the extent of setting the clock forward in such institutions, meeting in advance of the regular start time and declaring their budgets passed before the arrival of the Opposition councillors. What the NPP did in the Horana Urban Council the other day is a case in point, the Opposition says.

The NPP is accused of having inflated the number of votes for its Galle MC budget amidst a howl of protests from the Opposition and declared victory. The Opposition councillors prevented the council secretary from leaving the auditorium, put the budget to a fresh vote and defeated it. The Opposition has threatened legal action against the Mayors/Chairpersons and the state officials for violating the law. The government is likely to employ a similar method to have the CMC budget passed when it is put to a vote again next week. The JVP has no sense of shame, just like all other political parties that have been in power.

All self-righteous politicians, given to moral grandstanding, lay bare their true faces when their interests are threatened, and they face the prospect of losing their hold on power. The JVP/NPP is now without any right to be critical of its rivals who did not scruple to undermine democratic principles and traditions to retain power.

Gaining control of hung local councils is one thing, but running them to the satisfaction of their members and the public is quite another. The non-majority councils that the Opposition parties have gained control of could face the same fate as the CMC. This situation has come about because the country is without patriotic leaders. Ideally, the political parties that obtained pluralities in the hung councils should have been allowed to control those institutions, and they should have adopted a conciliatory approach and sought their political rivals’ cooperation to serve the public.

The shameful manner in which the NPP acted during the Galle MC budget vote is not unprecedented. One may recall that in January 2024, the SLPP-UNP government did something similar to secure the passage of its despicable Online Safety Bill. The then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena stooped so low as to make use of a brawl in the House and declare the Bill passed. Interestingly, the SLPP and the UNP are among those who are raking the NPP over the coals for undermining democratic principles and traditions. So much for the self-proclaimed messiahs and their critics.

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Editorial

Christmas spirit, relief and pledges

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Thursday 25th December, 2025

Christmas has dawned while Sri Lanka is reeling from the cumulative impact of multiple disasters which snuffed out hundreds of lives and destroyed many homes and livelihoods. It is a time of hope. Its ethos, which emphasises hope, compassion and giving, could not be more relevant in these difficult times when the task of looking after a large number of disaster victims and helping rebuild their shattered lives has become a top national priority.

Santa came here the other day, as it were. There was no magical flight of a sleigh pulled by reindeer across the night sky. Instead, a jet landed at the BIA, and out stepped Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. He unveiled a generous disaster relief and reconstruction package from India and flew back. This noble act of giving exemplifies the spirit of Christmas as much as good neighbourliness.

The best way the Sri Lankan rulers can show appreciation for generous assistance from India and other nations is to uphold accountability, rationalise disaster relief and ensure that it is distributed in a transparent manner. There are disturbing reports about political interference with the disbursement of funds among disaster victims. A high-level probe must be conducted into these allegations.

Christmas is also the season of giving and forgiving. The irony of Minister Jaishankar meeting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, may not have been lost on keen political observers. If the JVP had acted wisely, heeding religious tenets, and pursued its political goals without resorting to violence, in the late 1980s, tens of thousands of precious lives and state assets worth billions of rupees could have been spared. India has forgiven the JVP, which it even helped gain international legitimacy and shore up its electoral chances in the run-up to last year’s presidential election. India has also helped Sri Lanka manage its worst-ever economic crisis and the impact of natural disasters. The people of Sri Lanka have also forgiven the JVP, despite its past violence, as evident from its impressive electoral victories last year. Sadly, the JVP is not willing to forgive its political enemies. Its General Secretary Tilvin Silva himself has said so. It ought to soften its stand.

All political leaders in this country usually issue well-written Christmas messages, extolling the core Christian virtues, such as giving, forgiving, compassion and peace-making. If only they lived up to the ideals they claim to cherish, at least while the country is struggling to recover from a series of natural disasters. Unfortunately, their post-disaster political battles are intensifying apace, and one wonders whether their focus is actually on helping disaster victims or furthering their political interests. They are not willing to sink their political differences for the sake of the disaster victims crying out for relief.

Meanwhile, the government leaders ought to go beyond issuing Christmas messages if they are to prove that they actually care about the believers in Jesus Christ. They ought to fulfil their pledge to serve justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), which claimed more than 275 lives.

About seven years have elapsed since that tragedy which could have been prevented if the then government had heeded intelligence warnings, and the country has had four Presidents and three governments. But the promises made by the political leaders to bring the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday carnage to justice have gone unfulfilled. Those who are desperately seeking justice pinned their hopes on the current leaders who vowed to trace and prosecute the terror masterminds expeditiously.

The present-day leaders, too, have chosen to remain silent on their promise at issue; they are impervious to calls for justice, just like their predecessors. Let fulfilling their pledge to serve justice for the Easter Sunday terror victims be one of their Christmas resolutions.

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