Opinion
G.C. Rodrigo:Friend, Colleague and Comrade
by Kumar David
The phrase “When alone think clearly and when with others speak carefully” is attributed to Gautama Sidhartha. Though that may be apocryphal it certainly does depict his grace. Secondly, you will find that I sometimes refer to GCR as Gerard and sometimes as Chris depending on whether S. Thomas College or our later political comradeship is uppermost in the context.
Gerard at St Thomas’ College
Gerard was a Thomian, two years my junior in “College” and a very interesting chap he was. He came from a Roman Catholic family and at least till his early-teens was devout, distributing ‘The Messenger’ in the Dehiwala area where he lived. He was a strange fellow and I must tell you just one anecdote which I swear is true. It is known that the oscillation of a simple pendulum (your old-style grandfather clock) is governed by a linear equation (a simple equation, if you are not a science guy) if the oscillations are small, but if large there is no straightforward solution. Our physics master the redoubtable Aana (Mr Anandanayagam) dinned this into us with due pomp and we were all much impressed.
Gerard however, refused to be cowed, laboured away diligently, and weeks later approached Aana and inquired how he may apply for the Nobel Prize. Then the conversation went as follows: “Aha Rodrigo what have you discovered?” “Sir I have solved the problem of large oscillations of a pendulum”. Intrigued, Aana inquired, “Ah let me see, let me see Rodrigo”. “Oh no sir, then you will apply for the prize yourself” replied Gerard to an astounded Aana! There are many more hilarious stories I can tell you about Gerard’s eccentric College days.
Well time went by and GCR entered the Faculty of Engineering, Peradeniya, still two years my junior. At some point in the next three years, he came under the influence of Vickremabahu (Bahu) and like me, Vasu, Siritunga Jayasuriya, Sumanasiri Liyanage and Shanta de Alwis affiliated with Vama Samasamajaya, later renamed Nava Samasamajaya. Again, I have to digress to put you in the picture. While working for his Ph.D. in London GCR came under the influence of Ted Grant, the redoubtable old Trotskyite who advanced the thesis of “Entryism” which said that the working class would not desert its traditional organisations and that it was necessary to work inside the Labour Party and capture it, internally, by setting up in secret, a parallel party inside Labour.
Thus, came the famous, or infamous, Militant Organisation for which Ted was eventually expelled from Labour. This was the same thesis as that which Bahu had arrived, entirely independently of Ted and Militant. Okay, okay I know it’s getting a bit theoretical and political, but that’s unavoidable since GCR was essentially and intellectually a political animal.In the late 1970s Gerard, now Chris (Comrade Chris) invited Ted to Lanka where he conducted well attended public lectures and even presented some of his idiosyncratic views which I will touch on anon. Fat and flatulent, Ted also ran intensive small group discussions for “the comrades”. That was all well and good, but he would frequently emit discharges of gut-vapour which had the comrades diving for the exits from the small crowded room in search of fresh air to avoid asphyxiation.
Bahu, and his acolyte on this matter, Sumanasiri, voiced a most odd thesis which held that the essence of things depended on their origin, whatever their actual properties. True revolutionary states and movements were defined by their origin, not by what they had evolved into. Hence Cuba, Che and Fidel were not of the “essence” because these leaders had started off as petty-bourgeois idealists. Bahu held somewhat similar views of Mao’s China, Vietnam etc. but their Stalinist origins granted them a degree latitude in his eyes. Obscure Trotskyite groups in North America and Canada (World Socialist Website for example) had the right pedigree! This was far removed from Marx’s materialist reading of history. People like Siritunga, Vasu and I, more grounded in reality, laughed off this nonsense. Chris rejected it too but was more concerned about the organisational integrity of the movement and tried hard to broker a compromise and achieved some success. “Think calmly, speak carefully”, the maxim goes.
Ted took the absurd position that if the economy of a country was state owned then it was a “deformed worker’s state”. A worker’s state, because the economy was state owned, and deformed because it was a far cry from socialist democracy. Somewhat like Trotsky’s much critiqued analysis of the Soviet Union. Ted’s absurdity even made Burma, Ethiopia and Mongolia deformed “worker’s states”! Fortunately, Bahu, Sumanasiri and that lot did not follow Ted all the way into that miasma.
Comrade Chris
Sometime in the early middle period (that is 1970s) Chris met and married Milan Lin, an ethnic Chinese based in the Peradeniya Campus. Subsequently, after the two of them migrated to the US, Milan earned a Cornell PhD in her own right. She supported Chris in his most difficult days and remained his loyal companion to the end.
I have focussed on the political dimension up to now because that’s what my readers will be interested in, but GCR was much involved in development economics as well. Let me adapt (that is modify) and use a few quotes from personal reminiscences written by Prof. Shanta de Alwis of Colorado University who, intellectually, was the closest of us all to Chris’ way of thinking.
“Chris recognized earlier (sic!) than the rest of us, the deep-seated tribalism of the people of Sri Lanka and decided that he could best serve the cause by studying the underlying economic and social factors that affect the dynamics of a society. Consequently, he moved into management and economic studies, left his faculty job in electrical engineering and focussed on these studies. I venture to speculate that there are very few individuals who have done this successfully. He returned to SL and got involved in the struggle for human rights and social democracy. He became an independent consultant economist with association for a while with the IMF. In the last 15 years or so of his life, he was working on a major work on development economics which would have been his magnum opus. I learnt a lot from him – particularly on economic issues and more broadly on the evolution of human society and the need to go beyond Marx in understanding modern capitalist society. We were broadly in agreement on US, Sri Lankan and British politics”.
We have all known that GCR no longer referred to himself as a Marxist, politically was perhaps a, and had evolved into a scholar of development economics and a consultant with international exposure but this is the first inkling that I have had that Shanta de Alwis too may have begun to distance himself from Marx’s philosophy and historical outlook.
Chris’ formal academic record is indeed impressive. a) Ph.D. in Economics (Trade, Growth & Development), Cornell University, Ithaca NY,1994; b) MBA; School of Management, Yale University, New Haven; c) Ph.D. in Electrical Engineering, Queen Mary College, University of London, UK, 1970 – his first Ph.D.; d) B.Sc. Electrical Engineering, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya, 1965.
Dr Rodrigo: Economist and International Consultant
Chris worked as an international consultant on projects in Rwanda, Egypt and Saudi Arabia and engaged in policy-oriented work at the IMF and the World Bank. Regarding Sri Lanka he was interested in housing market trends, poverty and inequality. He was interested in post-conflict reconstruction, upgrading industry competitiveness and support of SMEs. It is clear that GCR had through work involvements changed from a sharp left political activist into someone who believed that adapting and working with and within capitalism was appropriate. This ideological change occurred in many scholars after the Great Recession of the early 21st Century. I sure many would today reconsider this mistaken view.
Chris loved to sing. A lady named Mangalika, I think, would thump on the piano in Aniwatte, Kandy, as Chris belted out in his trained tenor voice accompanied by his cousin. He liked Wagner’s Das Rheingold and Gotterdammerung but I don’t think he tried such difficult compositions.
G.C. Rodrigo lived a full life and achieved much in the political, intellectual and personal domains. God-speed to him in the hereafter.
Opinion
War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II
Broader Strategic Consequences
One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.
Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.
The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.
A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system
The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.
The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.
The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.
Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.
Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.
However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.
Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon
History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.
European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.
by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)
Opinion
University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way
130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key
Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.
Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility
Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.
Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses
The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.
Partnerships That Protect Quality
Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.
Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy
Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.
Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom
Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.
Making the Most of What We Have
Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.
A Call to Action
Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.
“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”
Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna
by Dr. Arosh Bandula
Opinion
Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security
As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.
Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.
In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.
Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.
When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?
The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.
Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.
Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.
In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.
At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.
A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:
· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·
· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·
· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.
The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.
There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.
As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.
Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.
The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.
In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.
Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.
by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)
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