Features
Filling in the vacuum caused by global-level political changes
by Jehan Perera
The government has given emphasis to finding new ways of boosting Sri Lanka’s economic growth. Among these would be the need to improve the country’s utilisation of digital technologies. The government has taken pride in the number of Sri Lankan experts it has mobilised to this cause. Dr. Hans Wijayasuriya, who made Dialog a household name in Sri Lanka as a mobile connectivity provider, has been appointed as the Chief Advisor to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Digital Economy. He gave an outline of Sri Lanka’s plans in this regard at the conference on “Building Digital Public Infrastructure for Shared Prosperity” at the BIMSTEC Digital Conclave 2025 held in Colombo.
BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) is a regional organisation comprising seven South and Southeast Asian countries, led by India and aimed at fostering economic and technical collaboration in the Bay of Bengal region. The countries in this grouping are Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand. India has promoted BIMSTEC as a key platform for regional cooperation mindful of other regional efforts aimed at mobilising international backing such as China’s Belt and Road Initiative. It aligns with India’s “Neighbourhood First” and “Act East” policies, enhancing connectivity with both South and Southeast Asia. India leads efforts in counterterrorism, disaster management, and cybersecurity under BIMSTEC’s cooperation framework.
The significance of this conference was that it took place in Sri Lanka at a time when Sri Lanka cannot afford to host such international conferences due to its downgraded economic situation. The fact that experts and policy makers from a range of neighbouring countries were able to visit Sri Lanka was due to Indian goodwill and funding. The topics discussed at the conference included Digital Public Infrastructure, Digital Identity, Digital Payments, Digital Transformation of Businesses and Digital Governance. Among the key features of digitalisation is that it can both enhance economic efficiency and reduce corruption. This aspect of digitalisation was brought out by Deputy Minister Chathuranga Abeysinghe, Deputy Minister who emphasised the government’s commitment to eliminate corruption in his presentation.
INDIAN WITHDRAWAL
India’s role in supporting the expansion and strengthening of Sri Lanka’s digital economy presents a significant opportunity to enhance the country’s development prospects through the more efficient use of available resources and the increasing of intellectual resources. As a regional powerhouse with a rapidly growing digital infrastructure, India can serve as both a model and a key partner in Sri Lanka’s digital transformation. Dr. Saj Mendis, the current Director of the BIMSTEC Secretariat, has emphasised that India is at the forefront of global digitalisation, positioning itself among the world’s leading economies through rapid technological advancements and digital financial inclusion.
In an era where the global landscape is increasingly divided into regional blocs and dominated by major powers prioritising their own strategic interests, it is both pragmatic and beneficial for Sri Lanka to deepen its collaboration with neighbouring India. This was most vividly demonstrated during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis in 2022, when India emerged as the single most important country to provide massive and immediate financial assistance, facilitating critical imports of fuel, food, and medicine through direct foreign currency transfers. Such support is invaluable in a geopolitical context in which small countries get pushed aside or ignored. India’s role as Sri Lanka’s regional partner, reinforces the need for closer economic and technological cooperation with it in the future.
There have been recent indications that India has changed its policies in relation to Sri Lanka from ethnic and cultural linkages to more tangible economic ones, most likely in view of the past controversies over India’s role in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. This was evident during President Dissanayake’s visit last month to India where the joint statement gave primary focus to trade and economic agreements that the two countries entered into or pledged to enter into soon. It also made mention of security aspects in relation to Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the India Ocean. But there was no mention of peacebuilding and an internal political solution to the ethnic conflict of the neighbouring island. India’s concerns focus on the recurrent efforts of China to ensure its presence in Sri Lanka which it sees as part of China’s broader strategy to extend its influence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, an area India considers vital to its national security.
ENTER CHINA
One of the notable features of the joint statement at the end of President Dissanayake’s visit to India was the absence of any mention of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution or to the holding of Provincial Council elections that would ensure a modicum of power sharing between the ethnic communities in Sri Lanka. The 13th Amendment was an outcome of the Indo Lanka Peace Accord of 1987 through which India sought to influence Sri Lanka’s internal governance to find a solution to its protracted ethnic conflict. The roots of the ethnic conflict lie in the inability of the Tamil minority, which is small in relation to the majority community, to be partners in the national or even sub-national decision-making processes. There is concern among the Tamil political parties that failure on the part of India to put pressure on the Sri Lankan government would lead to the negation of their hope for devolved self-government in the areas in which the Tamil people are a majority.
The external pressures on the Sri Lankan government with regard to a political solution to the country’s long unresolved ethnic conflict is likely to further recede following the election of President Donald Trump in the United States and radical shift in US policies that are taking place at the present time. The US government has chosen to withdraw from the UN Human Rights Council, where it gave leadership since 2011 to repeated resolutions on Sri Lanka, urging post-war accountability and reconciliation through political reform. This is likely to reduce pressure on the Sri Lankan government to take action in both those areas, which are controversial within the country. The new US government has also suspended its foreign assistance through its own international donor agency, USAID, which impacts on Sri Lankan civil society organisations which create awareness fostering an understanding of the political structures necessary for a pluralistic society, drawing inspiration from the experience of different countries for sustainable peace. With the new government signaling a shift toward political reform, civil society can play a role in ensuring these commitments translate into meaningful action.
The vacuum in peacebuilding and national reconciliation left by India and the U.S. may now be filled by a new entrant to the field. The Sri Lankan media reported that a top-level Chinese delegation led by China’s minister in charge of the National Ethnic Affairs Commission will visit Sri Lanka from February 19 to 23. This will be an eye opener to the Sri Lankan people, who did not know that China has such a ministry dedicated to ethnic affairs. The delegation head, Minister Pan Yue, will hold talks with Sri Lankan counterparts on topics related to ethnic harmony and reconciliation efforts. The news report also noted that “China continues to make inroads in Sri Lanka’s North with more livelihood assistance programmes.” The new US government has been open in stating that its foreign assistance needs to be in alignment with its own national interests. Sri Lanka is unlikely to figure high on the US government’s list of priorities, being a distant island. But to neighbouring India, Sri Lanka is high priority, which may precipitate Indian interest in securing a political solution to the ethnic conflict once again.
Features
Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda
It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.
The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.
These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.
This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.
The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.
Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.
Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.
India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.
Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)
By Milinda Moragoda
Features
Father and daughter … and now Section 8
The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.
Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.
He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.
Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.
Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.
The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.
In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.
Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.
The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.
Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.
What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.
With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.
Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.
The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:
Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.
Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.
Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.
Features
Celebrations … in a unique way
Rajiv Sebastian could be classified as an innovative performer.
Yes, he certainly has plenty of surprises up his sleeves and that’s what makes him extremely popular with his fans.
Rajiv & The Clan are now 35 years in the showbiz scene and Rajiv says he has plans to celebrate this special occasion … in a unique way!
According to Rajiv, the memories of Clarence, Neville, Baig, Rukmani, Wally and many more, in its original flavour, will be relived on 14th July.
“We will be celebrating our anniversary at the Grand Maitland (in front of the SSC playground) on 14th July, at 7.00pm, and you will feel the inspiration of an amazing night you’ve never seen before,” says Rajiv, adding that all the performers will be dressed up in the beautiful sixties attire, and use musical instruments never seen before.
In fact, Rajiv left for London, last week, and is scheduled to perform at four different venues, and at each venue his outfit is going to be different, he says, with the sarong being very much a part of the scene.
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