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Exercising sovereign rights of a coastal state

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Indian trawlers in Sri Lankan waters

By Neville Ladduwahetty

Coastal states, such as Sri Lanka, could claim up to 200 nm as its Exclusive Economic Zone, according to the General Principles of the Law of the Sea.    Consequently, Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) is nearly eight times its land area. According to Article 56 (1) of the United Nation Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS):

“1. In the exclusive economic zone, the coastal State has: (a) sovereign rights for the purpose of exploring and exploiting conserving and managing the natural resources» whether living or non-living» of the waters superjacent to the sea-bed and of the sea-bed and its subsoil» and with regard to other activities for the economic exploitation and exploration of the zone such as the production of energy from the water currents and winds”.

In fact, recognition given to the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS) was underscored by India’s External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar when, he, as the Vice Chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), at its 23rd Secession of the Council of Ministers, stated: “India’s priorities are clear.

It is our effort to develop an Indian Ocean community that is stable and prosperous, strong and resilient and which is able to cooperate within and to respond to happenings beyond the ocean.    It is thus important to maintain the Indian Ocean as a free, open and inclusive space based on the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS) as the Constitution of Seas.

 “India’s commitment to the well-being and progress of nations of the Indian Ocean is based on our Neighbourhood First policy, the SAGAR outlook, our approach to the extended neighbourhood … A multilateral rules-based international order along with SINCERE RESPECT for SOVEREIGNTY and TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY (emphasis added) remains the Foundation for reviving the Indian Ocean as a strong community”.

MARINE SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

Although UNCLOS recognises Sri Lanka as a “Coastal State” enjoying sovereign rights for the purpose of exploring, exploitation, conserving and managing the living and non-living natural resources, as well as jurisdiction over resource-related off-shore installations and structures, MARINE SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH (MSR) (emphasis added) and the protection and preservation of the marine environment”, the National Aquatic Resources Research and Development Agency (NARA) of Sri Lanka is not equipped to carry out marine scientific research in such a way as to make a meaningful contribution to Sri Lanka’s national interests.

For instance, NARA has the capability to stay only five days out at sea, whereas Shi Yan 6 has the capability to operate 80 days out at sea. Therefore, by necessity, NARA is compelled to collaborate with another country that is suitably equipped if the quality of its research is such that it furthers Sri Lanka’s interests; a policy it is reported to have resorted to in the past when Sri Lanka collaborated with countries such as the US and Norway.

Not to exercise the sovereign right to engage in “maritime scientific research” as per Article 56 (1) (ii) of UNCLOS because of spurious “concerns” of India and the US sets a precedent to deny other rights.     Furthermore, by limiting the research only to two days as reported, Sri Lanka has been denied the opportunity to gather information that could serve its national interests. This denial is a violation of a sovereign right of a sovereign State.

EXPLOITATION of RESOURCES in SRI LANKA’S EEC

The exploring, exploiting, conserving and managing living and non-living natural resources of a coastal state within its EEC is a sovereign right. Despite this, it is a well recorded and reported fact that thousands of trawlers from India enter Sri Lanka’s EEC and not only exploit its resources but also destroy marine resources by resorting to bottom trawling.

In a United Nations-Nippon Foundation of Japan Fellowship Programme of 2016, Aruna Maheepala claims: “There are over 5,000 mechanised trawlers in Tamil Nadu and nearly 2,500 of them enter Sri Lankan waters on Mondays, Wednesdays and Saturdays and often coming at 500 m of the shoreline (emphasis added) …. More than 50,000 marine fishers live in the northern fisheries districts (Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mulative), and they account for about one-fourth of the marine fishers of the country.

Before the commencement of the war (1982) around 40% of the fish production of the country came from Northern fishery districts (except Kilinochchi).  However, contribution of the fish production in the northern fishery district drastically dropped to 5% in the peak period of the war (2008) and gradually increased after 2009. Livelihoods of Sri Lankan fishers’ have been drastically affected as a result of the Indian poaching”.

Judging from the map of Sri Lanka’s EEC and its proximity to India’s coastline, to claim that Indian trawlers “drift” into Sri Lankan waters is unacceptable. On the contrary, the India trawlers “drift” into Sri Lankan waters because they have exhausted the resources within India’s EEC.

In the context of the ground situation cited above, for Dr. Jaishankar’s claim that ‘India is committed to the well being and progress of nations of the Indian Ocean is based on our Neighbourhood First’ is far from the truth. Instead, it sounds more like India First in the neighbourhood.  To expect India to address this issue despite Dr. Jaishankar’s commitment to “a multilateral rules-based international order along with sincere respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity” is only a pipe dream because it is alleged that the majority of Indian fishing boats entering Sri Lanka waters are connected to Indian politicians who are Members of the Legislative Assembly of Tamil Nadu.

Furthermore, since Sri Lanka’s legal provisions are limited only to violations relating to the illegal plunder of its resources by individuals and their fishing crafts, no action can be taken against those who sponsor and finance such acts. Therefore, there is an urgent need to review existing legal provisions and revise and update them in order to meet current challenges.

PRROPOSAL to SET UP an ANTI-NARCOTIC COMMAND

The need to establish an Anti-Narcotic Command was reportedly realised after detecting the 200 kg of heroin valued at Rs. 4.5 billion, which was intercepted in the high seas. While this is a long overdue measure, it must be accepted that this “interception” is one of many that went undetected; this is inevitable when about 2500 mechanised trawlers brazenly enter Sri Lankan waters three times a week with absolutely no regard to Sri Lanka’s sovereign rights.

In such a context, Dr. Jaishankar’s sincerity and respect for Sri Lanka’s sovereignty will have no significance unless and until India is held accountable for deliberately overlooking the vandalism caused not only to Sri Lanka’s marine resources but also to security related issues such as crimes relating to drugs, human trafficking, arms smuggling and money laundering.

Even if India and Sri Lanka work out an arrangement to compensate Sri Lanka materially for the lost revenue to the Sri Lankan fishing community and for the damage done to its marine resources, the very fact that Indian fishing craft continue to enter Sri Lanka’s EEC means that the threats to security from drugs and other crimes would continue unabated despite the establishment of an Anti-Narcotic Command because no Command, however effective, would be able to identify which of the 2,500 Indian trawlers that come three times a week become the means by which to support other crimes that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s security. The collective cost to the Sri Lankan State and its citizens pales in significance compared to the loans and lines of credit given by India.

The irony is that Sri Lanka is prepared to address security concerns of India but India is totally impervious to those of Sri Lanka, not to mention the loss of livelihood to its citizens and to deny their opportunity to develop its fishing sector.

DRAFT OF FISHERIES AND ACQUATIC ACT

A draft of an Act to repeal and replace the existing Act of 1996 is presented below:

“AN ACT TO REPEAL AND REPLACE THE FISHERIES AND AQUATIC RESOURCES ACT No. 2 of 1996. AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE REGULATION, LONG TERM CONSERVATION AND SUSTAINABLE USE OF MARINE FISHERIES AND AQUATIC RESOURCES, AND MARINE ECOSYSTEMS FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE PEOPLE OF SRI LANKA; TO GIVE EFFECT TO SRI LANKAS’ OBLIGATIONS UNDER REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS; AND TO REPEAL AND REPLACE THE FISHERIES AND AQUATIC RESOURCES ACT, No. 2 of 1996 AND TO PROVIDE FOR MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH WITH OR INCIDENTAL THERETO”.

“PART VII – SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND DATA COLLECTION”

“Section 92 – Scientific research by fishing vessels Section 93 – Scientific research by a foreign research organization or another State Section 94 – Fisheries Data Collection Programs Section 95 – Collection, transmission and validation of data”.

“PART XI – MEDIATION, ADMINISTRATIVE AND JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS”

“Section 147; Cost Incurred by the State

The owner or charterer of a foreign fishing vessel, upon conviction, shall bear any cost or expenditure incurred by the State, as determined by Court where an application is made on that behalf by the State in all or any of the following instances: a) the seizure of the foreign vessel for an offence under this Act, including any relevant costs of pursuit of a vessel; b) the prosecution for an offence in accordance with this Act; and c) the repatriation of the master or crew of any vessel seized under this Act. 2. The amount of any cost and/or expenditure awarded by Court under subsection (1) may be recovered as a fine and shall be imposed in addition to any other fine or penalty that has already been determined by Court. 3. Nothing in subsection (1) shall be deemed to permit the recovery of any cost and/or expenditure that has already been recovered pursuant to any other Order made under this Act. 4. If it intends to apply for pursuit costs in accordance with subsection (1) (a), the State shall, fourteen (14) days prior to a trial of the offence, serve the accused with written details of such costs”.

While Part VII addresses issues relating to scientific research and data collection by foreign organization or a State, Part XI that deals with costs incurred by Sri Lanka is totally inadequate because it is based on individual penal responsibility of violators, when the violations to Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and resources are committed collectively by 2500 plus trawlers that invade Sri Lanka’s EEC.    Therefore, this aspect requires serious revisions to the Draft Act.    Another serious omission in the draft is the non-inclusion of any relevant provisions of UNCLOS and the need to specifically refer to UNCLOS in the preamble to the draft Act instead of the vague reference to “OBLIGATIONS UNDER REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS”.

HARD REALITIES   

Prior to exploring strategies to deal with the challenges cited above, Sri Lanka has to recognise certain hard and irrefutable realities.

The first hard reality is that threats to Sri Lanka’s security, the economic wellbeing of its citizens, in particular those in the North and East of Sri Lanka and the plunder and damage of its natural resources are committed by Indian citizens against the interests of Sri Lanka and its citizens. Therefore, all issues relating to the illegal entry of fishing trawlers from the territory of India should be addressed at the bilateral level, between the governments of India and Sri Lanka and not with the state of Tamil Nadu; a serious mistake that has failed Sri Lanka for decades.

The second hard reality is that threats in whatever form come from the unlawful encroachment of thousands of fishing trawlers into Sri Lanka’s EEC in total violation of its sovereignty; a fact recognized as a right by all Coastal States.

The third hard reality is that no Acts of Parliament or security related arrangements such as Anti-Narcotic Commands, however effective, would be able to make a dent in the aggression because of the scale of the ongoing operations; a fact evident from the report that Sri Lanka’s Navy has arrested nearly 180 fishers and taken 27 trawlers into the custody this year. (The island, October 30, 2023).

The fourth hard reality is that if the livelihoods of those in the North and East of Sri Lanka associated with the fishing sector are to be restored and Sri Lanka wishes to develop its fishing sector as part of its economic development, the illegal entry of thousands of mechanised trawlers from India has to stop. If nothing is done it amounts to an international crime of annexing part of Sri Lanka’s EEC by India.

CONCLUSION

The facts presented above show the gross violations committed by the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The Central Government of India is fully aware of these violations but does nothing for reasons of internal political compulsions, although this kind of aggression amounts to a complete disregard of the sovereign rights of a Coastal State embodied in the provisions of the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas. India has made a mockery of the much-touted policy of Neighbourhood First.

Therefore, if India is not to lose its credibility and make disingenuous statements about its “sincere respect for sovereignty and its commitment to the well-being and progress of nations”, it should finance the development of the fishing sector of Tamil Nadu to engage in deep sea fishing as an alternative to violating the sovereign rights of its neighbour’s EEC.

In the meantime, Sri Lanka should call for Expressions of Interest to invest in a Joint Venture in order to develop its fishing sector in the North and East of Sri Lanka which was 40% of the total production (Maheepala cited above) as a significant component towards Sri Lanka’s food security.  Until then, the potential loss in revenue incurred by Sri Lanka due to the violations committed by a state of India should be factored in the settlement of financial commitments to India.



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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