Opinion

Everyone for himself or herself in electricity sector

Published

3 years ago

2023/01/12

By Eng Parakrama Jayasinghe
parajayasinghe@gmail.com

Sri Lankans have not forgotten the advice given by one of our former Presidents: “Citizens should look after their own security.”

It appears that the Electricity Consumers are now faced with this choice given the upheavals and shocks received in recent times, with the sword of Damocles of a further hefty tariff hike on the cards. The Minister of Power is expected to present his Cabinet Proposal asking for a further 86% increase on top of the 75% already imposed on the electricity consumer tariff as anew year gift to the nation.

Even with the hope that such most unwarranted price increase may not be allowed, the threat of continued increases cannot be ignored, given the total lack of any visionary approach to this issue for which there are enough and more solutions abound.

However, taking a lesson from past happenings, which led us to this quagmire, it is high time that the consumers accepted the fact that they will have to fend for themselves.

Fortunately, such options are now emerging, commencing from the very basic intervention of the consumers themselves individually, by conservation of energy and more vigilance in the use of the energy consuming equipment. This will provide immediate monetary benefits to the consumers as well as provide a modicum of relief to those less able to engage in such moves, by reducing the overall cost of generation of the CEB and hopefully averting any more ad-hoc tariff increases.

The word DSM- Demand Side Management is bandied about often by the authorities, but very little seems to be done to adopt same. It is an axiom that Nega Watts are much cheaper than Mega Watts . We the consumers can take up the challenge ourselves to help ourselves as well as the country. This is the lowest hanging fruit and will deliver dividends from the day one at practically no cost. Let us look at a few options. (See Figure 1)

The very detailed analysis done by the SLSEA in Kurunegala which I think is equally valid anywhere else in the country, is a good indicator on options available.(See Figure 2)

While opting for a more efficient inverter type refrigerator may not be feasible in these difficult times, even the existing one can be made to be less energy consuming by observing some simple rules. These are readily available in the SLSEA web site and only one illustration is given below to nudge you in the right direction.

Similar care can be taken in case of the use of the TV and Irons, etc. Even the Rice cooker, now an ubiquitous implement in most households, can be made to work energy efficiently.

When it comes to lights, there is no excuse but to convert to LEDS, even if you use CFL bulbs at present. It is reported that some years ago the promotions of CFL bulbs to be replaced with incandescent bulbs resulted in an annual saving of 450 GWh of electricity. Similar results can be expected now even by the change from CFL to LEDs. Of course one may argue that the current market price of LEDs have taken them out of reach of most people. Who can spare nearly Rs 1000.00 for a mere light bulb when you can buy few kilos of rice with that money. However, those who can spare little extra cash would find it a worthwhile investment as shown below. (See Figure 3)

But taken on a national scale the following is worth noting.

In 2018 the CEB made an award for 10,000,000 LED bulbs to a Vietnamese Company at an FOB price of $ 0.872. Nothing is known if this purchase was made and the bulbs duly distributed. If this had been followed up in a logical fashion the impact on the National grid and the CEB would have been significant. (See Figure 4)

Impact of conversion to LEDs from CFLs

The other relevant question to be asked is, if the price of LED bulbs was only $ 0.872 how come they are being sold at a price of Rs 1,000 in the market? A fair price would have been less than Rs. 500.00 even at the current devalued state of the rupee.

So while we await the state authorities to wake up , let us make our own contribution by changing over to LEDs even at the present black market prices, following the example set with the CFLs

The options available to the corporate sector are also significant as shown below, developed once more thanks to be efforts of the SLSEA. (See Figure 5)

The largest chunk of electricity consumption is by air conditioners. While there are many changes that can be done the cost of which can be recovered in a matter of months, one immediate step that can be done is by increasing the set point . It is often seen that the employees sometimes need be clad in warm clothing in the office , while stepping out to the scorching sun risking heat stroke. It has been proven that just 1 degree increase in the set point temperature of airconditioned spaces could result in a 6% reduction in energy consumption. That would mean a lot of Bucks with the current price of electricity.

While each employee is commited individually to switch off unnecessary fans and lights,etc., they must also collectively treat this as a national service, not merely a means of saving some expense to the employer.

There are many other simple good practices which can be adopted resulting in a significant saving of energy consumption. Details of these can be obtained from the SLSEA and are also published in their web www.energy.gov.lk

In this regard the assignment of the task of ensuring a pre-determined saving of consumption to an Energy Manager would be a good idea for any institution.

This is a requirement now for institutions consuming more than 50,000 kWh/month of electricity under the SLSEA regulations to appoint an Energy Manager. Unfortunately the request to the Cabinet to make this mandatory has been turned down in their wisdom. With the recent hike in consumer tariff , even those with lower consumption may find employing an energy manager a prudent investment.

While the above are efforts that can be made by individual and institutional consumers to reduce their consumption, and thereby mitigate the already implemented and impending further tariff hikes, it is also now possible for them to embark on ventures to gain further independence and insulation against the risks of ad hoc tariff increases by the utility and the ministry, to cover up their past sins and the ongoing honeymoon with imported fossil fuels, at the consumers expense, even to the extent of trying to add one more imponderable by way of LNG.

Surya Bala Sangraamaya

The vibrant progress of the SBS until mid 2022, created a most visible impact on the RE contribution amounting to over 650 MW of Roof Top Solar power and PROSUMER base of over 45,000. The saving in oil based electricity generation thereby reached of 71,500 MWh per month and thus a direct reduction of $ 230.6 Million or Rs 85.33 Billion annually from the drain of foreign exchange expenditure on oil based generation. (See Figure 6)

The true potential was not realised, which would have even raised this contribution to over 1,000 MW by now with the comfort of 1,752 GWh per annum added to the national grid, being 12% of the demand, at a constant cost of Rs 19.09 per kWh for the next 20 years. The Utility lacked the foresight to profit from that bounty.

But as it may, the financial parameters changed drastically in 2022 making it impossible for any investor to enter the industry at the former feed in tariff. The deliberations of the Tariff Committee over many months came out with a damp squib offering only Rs 37.00 per kWh for units up to 500 kW and even less at Rs 34.50 per kWh for larger systems, which the members of the Committee was well aware are not adequate to attract the required investments. On a more positive note the Utility did remove some technical barriers and also publicly announced the feasibility of absorbing up to ,2500 MW of Solar and Wind power to the grid without the need for major investments on the transmission system. This was a welcome attitude change which failed to garner the desired result due to the external influences which resulted in the declaration of the non viable Feed in Tariff. This is particularly so for the larger systems which are urgently needed to overcome the present financial and energy supply crisis by addition of large amounts of Solar PV in a short time at no expense to the CEB or the state.

Near 50% of the 650 MW of Solar PV penetration came from Net Plus accounts which were relatively larger systems adding directly to reduce the burden on the Grid. This has now come to a stand still due to the failure to provide a commercially viable FIT offered for the larger systems. And thus dried up a possible source of foreign investments to a sector which could have offered immediate short term solution to the current crisis

However, the provisions of the SBS , even at the declared FIT of Rs 37.00 may prove acceptable to some larger individual and commercial customers, when considered in relation to the already increased tariff.

A sample calculation based on the two systems Net Metering and Net Accounting are given below. (See Figures 7 and 8)

Both systems assume debt funding up to 50% over a seven-year payback and a concessionary interest rate of 15%. While this may appear fanciful in comparison of the insane market interest rate of over 30%, some banks have come forward to commit some limited funds at such rates in the interest of the national need.

But the Net Accounting option appears attractive even if more equity funds are committed, as there is a healthy return for such commitment. Fortunately for Sri Lanka there had been such individuals who did not purely go by the possible financial returns on the funds committed when the roof top Solar PV system was initiated without any concessionary debt funding from ADB etc., and even before the launching of the SBS. It is due to their generosity that the industry was able to survive and thrive for the great benefit to the country. One could only hope that there would be even more of such people who could spare a million or two in a truly a national venture as shown by both the personal returns and the even greater contribution to the grid. This number which cannot be refuted would answer the type of objections that could come from the CEB that this would wean away their high-end customers. Obviously, their gain would far exceed such reduction in income by eliminating the need for oil-based generation. Hope they could appreciate this and would not try to pose any barriers on those who are willing to come to their assistance, instead of the proposed Ad Hoc tariff increases as the only means of survival.

The main driving force behind this widow of opportunity is of course the current average cost of electricity for the high-end consumers as seen below. (See figure 9)

If the proposed additional tariff increase is imposed it will further drive the high-end consumers away from the grid, as their seeking none dependence from the grid with the added advantage of security against extended power cuts, by the addition of some batteries. The above two systems do not give them this protection against the power cuts, which will be here to stay for a while, in spite of the rhetoric of the Minister and the CEB officials. The costs of this option is not prohibitive as the CEB engineers continue portray. This option will be examined in detail in a later article. In the meanwhile, those interested can contact the author for discussions. My colleagues at the Solar Industries Association will also be pleased to assist you to evaluate the options available.

You are on your own

As a popular Sinhala saying goes, ‘the only shade to be expected for your head comes from your own hand’. This certainly appears true in the case of the Electricity Sector in Sri Lanka.

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Opinion

U.S. foreign policy double standards and Iran’s Iron theocracy

Published

13 hours ago

2026/03/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

The world’s most theatrical stage

Welcome to the Grand Circus

If global geopolitics were a TV show, it would be cancelled after the first season for being too unbelievable. Consider the plot: the world’s largest arms exporter lectures others about peace; a government that executed over 500 people in a single year tells its citizens it governs by divine law; and international bodies created to enforce rules seem to apply those rules with remarkable … flexibility. Welcome to the real world of international relations, where the rules are made up and the principles don’t matter.

This analysis examines two of the most consequential actors shaping global instability today: the United States of America, a democracy that can’t quite decide whether it believes in democracy, and the Islamic Republic of Iran, a theocracy that has perfected the art of punishing its own people for simply existing.

Episode I: The United States, ‘Do as I Say, Not as I Do’

The Democracy Export Business

The United States has, for decades, positioned itself as the global guardian of democracy, freedom, and human rights. It is a noble brand. The marketing budget alone, in the form of military expenditure at $886 billion in 2023, is staggering. And yet, the product being sold and the product being delivered have often been … different things.

The CIA-backed coup of 1953, codenamed Operation Ajax, removed Iran’s democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh and reinstated the autocratic Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, primarily to protect Anglo-American oil interests.

Nuclear Exceptionalism: The World’s Worst-Kept Secret

The United States currently holds approximately 5,044–5,177 nuclear warheads (depending on the source and year), while Russia being the largest with a stockpile estimated at approximately 5,580 warheads. yet it leads international campaigns demanding that other nations not develop nuclear weapons. This is a bit like the world’s most heavily armed person standing at the door of a gun shop, telling customers they cannot purchase firearms.

Furthermore, Israel is widely believed to possess 80–90 nuclear warheads. The United States has never imposed sanctions on Israel for this. India and Pakistan, both outside the NPT, were rewarded with nuclear cooperation deals after the tested nuclear weapons.

The Saudi Arabia Paradox

Perhaps, no relationship illustrates U.S. foreign policy hypocrisy more vividly than Washington’s alliance with Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom is an absolute monarchy with no elections, no free press, where women were legally barred from driving until 2018, and where the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, carried out, according to U.S. intelligence, on orders from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, resulted in … arms sales continuing and diplomatic ties intact.

The United States sold Saudi Arabia over $37 billion in arms between 2015 and 2020, weapons used in a Yemen war that the United Nations described as one of the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophes. Yet the U.S. simultaneously held press conferences about human rights. The cognitive dissonance is not a bug. It is the feature.

Iraq: The Weapons of Mass Distraction

In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq on the basis of alleged weapons of mass destruction (WMD) that did not exist. The invasion resulted in an estimated 150,000–1,000,000 Iraqi civilian deaths depending on methodology, the displacement of millions, the destabilization of an entire region, and the rise of the Islamic State, none of which appeared in the original brochure. The officials responsible for this foreign policy catastrophe faced no international tribunal. No sanctions were imposed on the United States. Several architects of the war are today respected media commentators.

Meanwhile, the International Criminal Court (ICC), an institution the United States has never ratified, is expected to hold others to account for far lesser offenses. As of 2024, the U.S. has actively sanctioned ICC officials who attempted to investigate American personnel for potential war crimes in Afghanistan.

Episode II: Iran, The People’s Nightmare

Iran’s political system is built on the concept of Velayat-e Faqih, the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist, a political-theological doctrine holding that a senior Islamic cleric should govern society. In practice, this means that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, unelected by the general public, holds veto power over all branches of government, controls the military, the judiciary, state media, and the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

The elected president, whether ‘moderate’ or ‘hardliner’, operates within a system where real power resides with the Supreme Leader and an unelected Guardian Council that vets all candidates and can disqualify anyone it deems insufficiently Islamic. In the 2021 presidential election, the Guardian Council disqualified over 590 candidates out of 592 who applied. The word ‘election’ is being used loosely here.

Women’s Rights: A Systematic Dismantling

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iranian women have endured one of the most comprehensive rollbacks of rights in modern history. Within weeks of the revolution, mandatory hijab laws were imposed, women were barred from serving as judges, and the minimum marriage age for girls was reduced to 9 years (later revised to 13 in 1982). This was not incidental policy; it was ideological architecture.

Today, Iranian women face legal discrimination across virtually every domain. Under the Iranian Civil Code, a woman’s testimony in court counts as half that of a man’s. Women cannot travel abroad without the written permission of their husband or male guardian. Married women cannot work without spousal consent in many circumstances. The diyeh (blood money) for a woman’s life is legally valued at half that of a man.

In September 2022, 22-year-old Mahsa (Zhina) Amini died in the custody of Iran’s Morality Police, after being arrested for allegedly wearing her hijab improperly. Her death triggered the Woman, Life, Freedom uprising, one of the largest protest movements in Iranian history. The government’s response was to kill over 500 protesters, arrest more than 19,000, and execute at least four people in connection with the protests by early 2023.

The IRGC and State-Sponsored Repression

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is a military-economic-political entity unlike any other in the region. It controls an estimated 20–40% of Iran’s economy through businesses, construction contracts, and import monopolies. It commands proxy militias across Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. And it suppresses domestic dissent with a ruthlessness that has drawn consistent condemnation from United Nations human rights bodies.

Amnesty International’s 2022-2023 annual report documented the IRGC and security forces using live ammunition, birdshot, and metal pellets against protesters, deliberately targeting eyes, resulting in hundreds being blinded. The UN Special Rapporteur on Iran documented ‘serious, widespread and systematic human rights violations’ constituting potential crimes against humanity.

Episode III: Where the Two Hypocrisies Meet

The relationship between the United States and Iran is, in many ways, a story of two entities who deserve each other in the sense that the behavUior of each government has fed the domestic narrative of the other for decades.

Washington uses Iran as justification for its military presence in the Gulf, its arms sales to autocratic Gulf states, and its general posture as indispensable regional hegemon. Tehran uses American hostility and sanctions as justification for economic failure, political repression, and nuclear advancement. Both governments’ hard-liners need each other to remain in power.

The Iranian people, 85 million of them, majority under 35, highly educated, and overwhelmingly wanting engagement with the world, are trapped between a government that treats them as subjects and an international sanctions regime that punishes them for their government’s choices. The American people, meanwhile, continue paying for a foreign policy architecture that serves arms manufacturers, defense contractors, and geopolitical abstractions more than it serves democratic values or human security.

Some Uncomfortable Truths

The United States is not the villain of every story, nor is Iran irredeemably authoritarian in the hearts of its people. What is consistent, and what this analysis has documented, is that both governments operate by standards they refuse to apply to themselves.

Tehran’s theocratic governance has failed its population economically, politically, and most visibly in its treatment of women and dissidents. The Woman, Life, Freedom movement showed the world what Iranian society wants. The government’s violent response showed the world what the Islamic Republic fears.

The lesson, uncomfortable as it is, is that powerful states, whether wielding aircraft carriers or theology, tend to exempt themselves from the rules they want others to follow. The only antidote is an informed public that refuses to accept these double standards as the natural order of things. Read critically. Follow the money. And remember: when a government tells you it acts in the name of God or democracy.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

Opinion

SLC Grants to clubs and associations under scrutiny

Published

13 hours ago

2026/03/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

The scale and manner of grant distributions underscore the urgent need to rectify the weaknesses identified by the Auditor General. Remarkably, the accounts for the years 2024 and 2025 are still not published and only the 2023 accounts are available for public scrutiny.

Grants to clubs and associations increased from LKR 1.30 billion in the prior year to LKR 2.46 billion in 2023, representing an escalation of over LKR 1.15 billion year-on-year. These grants were distributed among 36 recipient clubs and associations, with individual allocations ranging from approximately LKR 1.5 million to almost LKR 300 million. Such wide variation and substantial growth warrant clear public disclosure of the allocation framework, the approval processes, and the beneficiary criteria.

While it is understandable that higher profitability enables greater financial support to clubs, the absence of a transparent, rule-based grant policy gives rise to governance concerns, and unless properly explained, leaves room for malicious or unfounded allegations that grant allocations may be used to influence voting behaviour or entrench existing officials. Robust disclosure and effective oversight are therefore essential to safeguard institutional credibility. The precise immediate need for high funding and their monitoring processes need to be divulged.

A case in point is Colombo Cricket Club (CCC), which received LKR 279,531,827 in 2023, making it the highest individual club recipient. As disclosed under the related-party notes to the financial statements, the President of Sri Lanka Cricket is also the President of Colombo Cricket Club, resulting in this transaction being classified as a related-party transaction.

In contrast to several grant recipient entities reporting profits, Sri Lanka Cricket recorded a deficit of approximately Rs. 2 billion in its Statement of Financial Performance for 2023.

It is also noteworthy from the cash flow statement that cash and fund balances declined sharply, from approximately LKR 10.8 billion in the previous year to around LKR 5.6 billion in 2023, representing a significant depletion of liquid resources within a single financial year.

A more meaningful and complete evaluation of these developments—particularly the position of funds available as at 31 December 2024 and 31 December 2025—will only be possible once the financial statements for 2024 and 2025 are released and subjected to public scrutiny.

A cricket enthusiast – Moratuwa

Opinion

Microfinance and Credit Regulatory Authority Act 2026 fails all affacted communities

Published

2 days ago

2026/03/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

A protest against exploitation by microfinance companies

The Microfinance and Credit Regulatory Authority Bill was passed into law by the Parliament of Sri Lanka on 4 March. According to Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning Dr. Anil Jayantha, the main object of the Act is to establish an Authority to “license and supervise the under-regulated microfinance and moneylending sector, aiming to protect borrowers from exploitation and ensure financial stability”.

However, the Yukthi Collective is saddened and disappointed that a government which pledged to take “measures to alleviate the burden of predatory microfinance loans with high interest rates on women” (NPP Manifesto, 2024: Page no. 44), will now add to their unbearable weight.

The new Act, as virtually all legislation enacted by Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s government, is a legacy of the anti-working class Ranil Wickremesinghe regime. It evades the root causes of the microfinance trap, and ignores debt justice for women borrowers.

It fails in understanding the connections between household debt and public debt. The vicious cycle of national debt is sustained by lack of growth in economic activity because of poor access to affordable credit.

It fails to make equal representation of women mandatory in the new Authority. If representatives of women borrowers and their self-run organisations are not present in the regulatory body, how will its members know of their lived experiences and make decisions that value women’s unpaid and paid contributions to sustaining life?

System Change

Millions of indebted households voted for the NPP with hope and expectation of ‘system change’. But instead of honouring its manifesto promise to them, the government has let them down in the law-making process; as well as the focus and substance of the new Act.

It is appalling that NPP parliamentarians, including some of its women members, appear not to have read and understood the bill they enacted into law, nor spoke to the rural credit community providers in their electorates for their views.

Predatory lending exists in the formal and informal sectors. Within this ecosystem, the Act fails to understand, identify, and prohibit predatory lending and recovery practices. It is a cover for the Central Bank’s failure to properly regulate ‘Licensed Finance Companies’ in the interests of citizens.

The biggest offenders are the big finance companies, in which some parliamentarians are deposit-holders. Therefore, some lawmakers benefit from excess profitmaking through exploitative practices, at the expense of poor mostly rural women.

Where law reform should discipline the bullies and thugs in credit delivery, it will instead wipe out, through over-regulation, community-based and managed lenders such as death donation societies, farmer associations, and urban and rural women’s collectives, which have been a lifeline for vulnerable working-class women and a defence from harmful recovery practices.

Structural Adjustment Programmes

The motivation for this new law are the market- and capital- friendly structural reforms insisted by International Financial Institutions; not the concerns and needs of those at the mercy of predatory lenders.

From the Microfinance Act 2016, to the 2023 version of the Ranil Wickremesinghe regime, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) through its loans has been a promoter of these regressive reforms.

The 2026 Act, with some changes suggested by the Supreme Court in 2024 and hardly any of the changes demanded by affected communities, has been moved forward by the NPP government in line with ADB loan conditionalities.

The path of de-regulation for banking, finance, trade, and investment; and over-regulation of poor people’s savings and credit institutions, smacks of the bias to big capital, which the NPP in opposition once criticised.

Reforms needed

The financial and banking reforms we want to see are to make credit from state banks and public funds accessible and affordable to women producers in agriculture and micro and small business operators; with decent wages and social protection for workers; that improve household opportunity for a dignified livelihood and decent lives.

Yukthi is a forum supporting working people’s movements and people’s struggles for democracy and justice in Sri Lanka.

by Yukthi Collective