Features
Electricity tariff: Rational approach needed

By Eng Parakrama Jayasinghe
parajayasinghe@gmail.com
The Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the Ministry of Power and Energy have called for a further 66% increase in the electricity tariff, citing an increased cost of generation in the year 2023. This coming on top of the 75% increase already granted in august 2022 can hardly be logical or warranted. While the previous increase may be justified due to lack of any attempts by the CEB to seek a revision of tariff for many years since the last tariff declaration in 2014, a further claim for tariff cannot be accepted unless the claim and the supporting documentation are clearly evaluated and verified.
The Electricity Act of 2009 and the subsequent amendments as well as the PUCSL Act provide clear guidelines on the procedure to be adopted for such an evaluation process. Accordingly, the PUCSL (Public Utilites Commission of Sri Lanka) has called for public comments on the proposed increase in tariff by public announcements, which is part of the set down procedure. There is no provision in either of the above Acts to bypass this procedure. As such, attempts by the Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers to bypass this procedure and declare increased tariff as well as to back date such an increase is illegal.
The comments below are provided for the PUCSL to consider carefully the data provided by the CEB in support of their claim of increased costs and the lack of justification of the assumptions made.
The following comments take precedence in addressing the sales and generation forecasts, as it is the fundamental issue which would support or debunk the claim for a tariff increase.
Basis for claim for increased
cost of generation
It is pertinent to note that the calculations offered in support of the proposed increase in tariff purportedly to dig the CEB out of the financial hole that they dug for themselves over the years, needs to be evaluated carefully. The data submitted by the CEB cannot be accepted without independent review by those with wider and in-depth insights to the national economic issues, not merely limited to the ill-conceived forecasts of the Utility.
Predictions from CEB Generation Requirements for 202
Many different numbers have been quoted by the CEB on the forecast demand for electricity in the year 2023 as noted below as per the submission by CEB.
However, the PUCSL has published the actual demand for electricity for the year 2022 as 13301.12 GWh which with the transmission and distribution loss of 9.7% requires a generation of only 14578.02 GWh. As such the forecast of an increase of 16,520 GWh even excluding the power cuts which is 13% increase over the demand in 2022 is highly questionable in view of the continually depressed state of Sri Lanka Economy.
As the CEB is fond of declaring, there is a direct correlation between the Electricity Demand and the GDP growth as shown in the graph below. (See Figure 1)
The slight gain of 3.6% seen in year 2021 has been more than offset by the 9.3 % contraction of the GDP in 2022. This is expected to reduce further by 4.2 % in the year 2023. The equivalent reduction in electricity demand in 2023 Vs 2022 already seen over the first few weeks is shown below. (See Figure 2)
The CEB has proven time and again its inability to correctly forecast the generation needs as proven in the several LTEGP plans and shown below.
Such assumptions make one wonder if these planners are living in Sri Lanka or in some mythical land. This is not surprising considering the kind of assumptions made in preparing their latest long-term generation plan. This document submitted for review to the PUCSL in July is based on the dollar parity and other financial parameters prevailing in December 2021. Obviously, the financial tsunami which submerged Sri Lanka in March 2022 has escaped their attention.
As such, the CEB projection of an electricity demand of over 16520 GWH leading to an estimated cost of Rs 722 Billion for the year 2023 is highly overrated. Hence the call for the 66% escalation of the consumer tariff is clearly not acceptable.
In contrast, the PUCSL has recommended the reality of downturn in demand seen during the year 2022, needs to be accepted as the reality for the year 2023 as well driven by both the continued downturn in the economy coupled with the reduced demand electricity caused by the already heavy tariff imposed in August 2022. These are data readily available and cannot be ignored.
The Power Cuts Cannot be avoided.
The unpalatable truth of the severe shortage of forex to pay for coal and oil imports cannot be ignored. Any amount of increase of tariff in rupees is not going to solve this problem. As such some degree of power cuts will be inevitable until the rains set in after April. This will further reduce the actual generation using the expensive coal and oil and thereby the total cost to the CEB. While each unit generated with coal at Rs 70.00 and oil at Rs 120.00 means a loss of Rs 41.00 and Rs 91.00 respectively, all the RE based power generation would result in a substantial surplus.
Even though the use of coal with whatever funds allocated cannot be avoided in the dry months of the year to limit the number of hours of power cuts, no such justification can be made for continued use of oi for power generation. It may be recalled that Sri Lanka managed to do without any oil on a number of days in the past year aided by good rain fall.
The consumers will however reluctantly accept the reality and discomfort of the extended power cuts, if they recognise that the authorities are taking reliable action to prevent such being a continued problem over the years. This is what is not happening now by the continued over dependence on imported fossil fuels, the cost of which is totally outside the control of Sri Lanka and is a severe drain on the forex reserves and the economy. There is no longer any question that any type of resources available abundantly in Sri Lanka are much cheaper and more importantly does not drain the scarce forex.
Of course, in contrast, there are attempts already underway to bridge the generation deficit using Emergency Power running on oil at an enormous cost. This option which also requires dollars to import the oil in addition to rupees to pay the generation companies is fraught with the danger of reactivating the dreaded fuel queues an experience best forgotten. The gain made by the introduction of the QR system for which the Minister should be congratulated, will fly out of the window.
Recent history has shown that we can do without oil for power generation, even if it means the continued power cuts, provided that positive action is taken to ensure the rapid expansion of renewable resource based power generation, particularly roof top solar PV to remove such power cuts at the earliest possible date.
We have demonstrated this possibility on many days during 2022, one example of which is shown below. (See Figure 3)
This is a trend that should have been accepted as the way forward by planning for alternative sources even during the dry months such as the rapidly growing Solar PV on rooftops, which are implementable in a very short time with no cost to the state or the CEB and does not require continued drain on Dollars.
The CEB and the Ministry lacked the perspicacity and the vision or the mere competence to understand this reality. They were also obdurate to reject the many proposals made by those who have the vision and the ability to accelerate this change. The consumers cannot be burdened with the unnecessary expenditure on continued use of oil, both in rupee terms and forex. The standard ruse of awarding contracts for use of emergency power is being repeated this year as well and cannot be allowed.
The installation of rooftop Solar PV is the fastest option and has shown remarkable progress over the years presently at 700 MW. There would be even more interest by consumers to increase this penetration which can and should be promoted most aggressively leading to further reduction in the demand. While the CEB has made some relaxation of the barriers for this industry in recent times and have declared various targets, there is still no concerted effort to make use of the opportunity which will make significant impacts in a short time. The Ministry, which can play an even bigger role by policy level interventions, does not seem to understand this opportunity.
Role of Demand Side Management and Energy Conservation
The importance of reducing the demand by avoiding waste of energy as well as other means of efficient use of electricity cannot be overemphasised. The Ministry and the Sustainable Energy Authority have abdicated their responsibility in this regard. The mere replacement of all incandescent bulbs and even the CFL bulbs presently in use, can result in a reduction of demand of over 782 GWh annually. The SLSEA has adequate data and experience in making much greater impact, instead of watching from the sidelines.
The market price of LEDS is about Rs 1,000 whereas the fair price should be below Rs 300, which the state has failed to establish. Other countries including India have provided consumers with LED bulbs at prices well below the cost to encourage this change. (See Figure 4)
What is the demand to be expected in year 2023?
The charts below which appeared in the media few weeks back, are most revealing. (See Figure 5)
Figure 5
The need for a cost reflective consumer tariff.
There is no argument on this requirement.
The provisions of the Electricity Act are quite clear on the procedure for processing any requests by the Utility for tariff revisions. The PUCSL is obliged to follow such procedure and award any justifiable claims, after following such procedures. No one including the Cabinet or the President has the legal right to bypass such procedures. However, the PUCSL is not obliged to accept any cost declared by the transmission licensee, unless it is proven to be the Least Economic Cost of generation using efficient use of resources and systems as provided in the Clauses 3 (1) d, 4(1)a , and 4(1)d of the Electricity Act No 20 of 2009 and subsequent amendments.
The PUCSL has already initiated this process and should be allowed to continue same. The outcome will determine if an increase in consumer tariff is justifiable, taking into account the national interests in addition to maintaining the state monopoly utility in a viable state.
The acceptability of the predicted demand forecast
The information made available in public media point to many doubtful deals on import of coal and oil. It is clear that there is no transparency in these deals, which is also leading to greater cost of generation being forced on the consumers. The Auditor Generals reports themselves provide the evidence.
However, this kind of corrupt practices are perpetuated mainly due to the continued dependence on imported fossil fuels. While Sri Lanka cannot completely avoid their use in the short term, the reality is that none of the RE sources, the feasibility of such is without question, are either devoid of use of any fuels such as Solar and Wind, or only require the use of locally available fuels such as fuel wood and agricultural waste, which also do not open the path for corrupt practices. This reality is being ignored continually placing the country in continued economic problems as well and the financial pressure on consumers.
Even in the present dire circumstances when much greater transparency and due diligence are required, they seem to be totally lacking. The PUCSL has already published some data on the unacceptability of the fuel costs submitted by the CEB. The ministry which is expected to over see these transactions has failed completely in their duty to the consumers, raising doubts of their own complicity in such corrupt practices.
CEB Proposed Tariff Structure
This may be a moot point, if the above issues on the need for a tariff adjustment based on a false prediction of demand forecast are resolved. As stated above there are many ways where by the demand can be maintained at 2022 level or even lower for the year 2023. If such is the case the PUCSL has already demonstrated that the income levels of CEB after the tariff increase in Aug 2022 are adequate to cover the reasonable costs of the CEB. It is known by data over many years and supported by many reports by the Auditor General and other agencies that there are many ways the accountability and efficiency of the CEB can be improved. These could lead to substantial surplus of income for the CEB to cover their past dues and be profitable.
While the long-delayed tariff adjustment did make some changes in the level of tariff for different strata of consumers, it has now reduced the purported, heavy subsidies on the lower end consumers and religious institutions. This will be and incentive for such consumers to engage in energy conservation and even to install roof top solar systems. These are some positive outcomes of the last tariff revision which is now in place.
The level of tariff payable by each segment is a national issue and the concept of an average paid by all segments is not acceptable, in the light of the huge difference in cost of generation. Sri Lanka as a whole paid for the installation of the large number of major hydro system using national funds. Such costs have now been recovered many time over. As such the benefits should accrue to the vast majority of the low-end consumers, up to a reasonable limit of consumption. This is already reflected in the last revision and there is no call for any further changes.
It is already stated the increased cost if any, are due to the use on now vastly increased cost of fossil fuels. The increased generation in the margin if any, are to serve the high-end consumers. As such if any such cost recovery is needed such costs should be recovered from those consumers only. The present arguments on competitiveness of industries vis a vis the neighboring countries due to cost of electricity has been debunked, with Sri Lanka even now subsidizing the industries and commercial establishments.
The declared commitment that access to clean energy at affordable prices is an SDG Goal (Goal No 7) ratified by Sri Lanka, is being ignored. Sri Lankan economy is driven by the SMEs and individuals and it is they who should receive such affordable energy to contribute more to the economy. As stated above they have already paid for such low-cost systems and have all the rights to enjoy the benefits. As such the notion that they are being subsidized cannot be accepted.
Who should decide the Electricity Tariff?
It must be accepted that the decision on final consumer tariff must necessarily be a national economic issue and thus cannot be left to the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka or even the Ministry of Power, both of which address it from a narrow financial view point pertaining to the institutions under them only. Neither of them is competent to do so and have proved to be a total failure over many years subjecting the national economy to such grave crisis in many ways.
At least now, there should be a pragmatic approach by competent individuals and agencies with the necessary back ground and insights and the ability to appreciate the wider impact on the national economy.
Features
Voting for new Pope set to begin with cardinals entering secret conclave

On Wednesday evening, under the domed ceiling of Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel, 133 cardinals will vote to elect the Catholic Church’s 267th pope.
The day will begin at 10:00 (09:00 BST) with a mass in St Peter’s Basilica. The service, which will be televised, will be presided over by Giovanni Battista Re, the 91-year-old Cardinal Dean who was also the celebrant of Pope Francis’ funeral.
In the early afternoon, mobile signal within the territory of the Vatican will be deactivated to prevent anyone taking part in the conclave from contacting the outside world.
Around 16:15 (15:15 BST), the 133 cardinal electors will gather in the Pauline Chapel and form a procession to the Sistine Chapel.
Once in the Sistine Chapel, one hand resting on a copy of the Gospel, the cardinals will pronounce the prescribed oath of secrecy which precludes them from ever sharing details about how the new Pope was elected.
When the last of the electors has taken the oath, a meditation will be held. Then, the Master of Pontifical Liturgical Celebrations Diego Ravelli will announce “extra omnes” (“everybody out”).
He is one of three ecclesiastical staff allowed to stay in the Sistine Chapel despite not being a cardinal elector, even though they will have to leave the premises during the counting of the votes.
The moment “extra omnes” is pronounced marks the start of the cardinals’ isolation – and the start of the conclave.
The word, which comes from the Latin for “cum clave”, or “locked with key” is slightly misleading, as the cardinals are no longer locked inside; rather, on Tuesday Vatican officials closed the entrances to the Apostolic Palace – which includes the Sistine Chapel- with lead seals which will remain until the end of the proceedings. Swiss guards will also flank all the entrances to the chapel.

Diego Ravelli will distribute ballot papers, and the cardinals will proceed to the first vote soon after.
While nothing forbids the Pope from being elected with the first vote, it has not happened in centuries. Still, that first ballot is very important, says Austen Ivereigh, a Catholic writer and commentator.
“The cardinals who have more than 20 votes will be taken into consideration. In the first ballot the votes will be very scattered and the electors know they have to concentrate on the ones that have numbers,” says Ivereigh.
He adds that every other ballot thereafter will indicate which of the cardinals have the momentum. “It’s almost like a political campaign… but it’s not really a competition; it’s an effort by the body to find consensus.”
If the vote doesn’t yield the two-third majority needed to elect the new pope, the cardinals go back to guesthouse Casa Santa Marta for dinner. It is then, on the sidelines of the voting process, that important conversations among the cardinals take place and consensus begins to coalesce around different names.
According to Italian media, the menu options consist of light dishes which are usually served to guests of the residence, and includes wine – but no spirits. The waiters and kitchen staff are also sworn to secrecy and cannot leave the grounds for the duration of the conclave.

From Thursday morning, cardinals will be taking breakfast between 06:30 (05:30 BST) and 07:30 (06:30 BST) ahead of mass at 08:15 (07:15 BST). Two votes then take place in the morning, followed by lunch and rest. In his memoirs, Pope Francis said that was when he began to receive signals from the other cardinals that serious consensus was beginning to form around him; he was elected during the first afternoon vote. The last two conclaves have all concluded by the end of the second day.
There is no way of knowing at this stage whether this will be a long or a short conclave – but cardinals are aware that dragging the proceedings on could be interpreted as a sign of gaping disagreements.
As they discuss, pray and vote, outside the boarded-up windows of the Sistine Chapel thousands of faithful will be looking up to the chimney to the right of St Peter’s Basilica, waiting for the white plume of smoke to signal that the next pope has been elected.
[BBC]
Features
Beyond Left and Right: From Populism to Pragmatism and Recalibrating Democracy

The world is going through a political shake-up. Everywhere you look—from Western democracies to South Asian nations—people are choosing leaders and parties that seem to clash in ideology. One moment, a country swings left, voting for progressive policies and climate action. The next, a neighbouring country rushes into the arms of right-wing populism, talking about nationalism and tradition.
It’s not just puzzling—it’s historic. This global tug of war between opposing political ideas is unlike anything we’ve seen in recent decades. In this piece, I explore this wave of political contradictions, from the rise of labour movements in Australia and Canada, to the continued strength of conservative politics in the US and India, and finally to the surprising emergence of a radical leftist party in Sri Lanka.
Australia and Canada: A Comeback for Progressive Politics
Australia recently voted in the Labour Party, with Anthony Albanese becoming Prime Minister after years of conservative rule under Scott Morrison. Albanese brought with him promises of fairer wages, better healthcare, real action on climate change, and closing the inequality gap. For many Australians, it was a fresh start—a turn away from business-as usual politics.
In Canada, a political shift is unfolding with the rise of The Right Honourable Mark Carney, who became Prime Minister in March 2025, after leading the Liberal Party. Meanwhile, Jagmeet Singh and the New Democratic Party (NDP) are gaining traction with their progressive agenda, advocating for enhanced social safety nets in healthcare and housing to address growing frustrations with rising living costs and a strained healthcare system..
But let’s be clear—this isn’t a return to old-school socialism. Instead, voters seem to be leaning toward practical, social-democratic ideas—ones that offer government support without fully rejecting capitalism. People are simply fed up with policies that favour the rich while ignoring the struggles of everyday families. They’re calling for fairness, not radicalism.
America’s Rightward Drift: The Trump Effect Still Lingers
In contrast, the political story in the United States tells a very different tale. Even after Donald Trump left office in 2020, the Republican Party remains incredibly powerful—and popular.
Trump didn’t win hearts through traditional conservative ideas. Instead, he tapped into a raw frustration brewing among working-class Americans. He spoke about lost factory jobs, unfair trade deals, and an elite political class that seemed disconnected from ordinary life. His messages about “America First” and restoring national pride struck a chord—especially in regions hit hard by globalisation and automation.
Despite scandals and strong opposition, Trump’s brand of politics—nationalist, anti-immigration, and skeptical of global cooperation—continues to dominate the Republican Party. In fact, many voters still see him as someone who “tells it like it is,” even if they don’t agree with everything he says.
It’s a sign of a deeper trend: In the US, cultural identity and economic insecurity have merged, creating a political environment where conservative populism feels like the only answer to many.
India’s Strongman Politics: The Modi Era Continues
Half a world away, India is witnessing its own version of populism under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His party—the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—has ruled with a blend of Hindu nationalism, economic ambition, and strong leadership.
Modi is incredibly popular. His supporters praise his development projects, digital push, and efforts to raise India’s profile on the global stage. But critics argue that his leadership is dividing the country along religious lines and weakening its long-standing secular values.
Still, for many Indians—especially the younger generation and the rural poor—Modi represents hope, strength, and pride. They see him as someone who has delivered where previous leaders failed. Whether it’s building roads, providing gas connections to villages, or cleaning up bureaucracy, the BJP’s strong-arm tactics have resonated with large sections of the population.
India’s political direction shows how nationalism can be powerful—especially when combined with promises of economic progress and security.
A Marxist Comeback? Sri Lanka’s Political Wild Card
Then there’s Sri Lanka—a country in crisis, where politics have taken a shocking turn.
For decades, Sri Lanka was governed by familiar faces and powerful families. But after years of financial mismanagement, corruption, and a devastating economic collapse, public trust in mainstream parties has plummeted. Into this void stepped a party many thought had been sidelined for good—the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist group with a history of revolutionary roots.
Once seen as radical and even dangerous, the JVP has rebranded itself as a disciplined, modern political force. Today, it speaks directly to the country’s suffering masses: those without jobs, struggling to buy food, and fed up with elite corruption.
The party talks about fair wealth distribution, workers’ rights, and standing up to foreign economic pressures. While their ideas are left-leaning, their growing support is driven more by public frustration with current political leaders than by any shift toward Marxism by the public or any move away from it by the JVP.
Sri Lanka’s case is unique—but not isolated. Across the world, when economies collapse and inequality soars, people often turn to ideologies that offer hope and accountability—even if they once seemed extreme.
A Global Puzzle: Why Are Politics So Contradictory Now?
So what’s really going on? Why are some countries swinging left while others turn right?
The answer lies in the global crises and rapid changes of the past two decades. The 2008 financial crash, worsening inequality, mass migrations, terrorism fears, the COVID-19 pandemic, and now climate change have all shaken public trust in traditional politics.
Voters everywhere are asking the same questions: Who will protect my job? Who will fix healthcare? Who will keep us safe? The answers they choose depend not just on ideology, but on their unique national experiences and frustrations.
In countries where people feel abandoned by global capitalism, they may choose left-leaning parties that promise welfare and fairness. In others, where cultural values or national identity feel under threat, right-wing populism becomes the answer.
And then there’s the digital revolution. Social media has turbocharged political messaging. Platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube allow both left and right movements to reach people directly—bypassing traditional media. While this has given power to progressive youth movements, it’s also allowed misinformation and extremist views to flourish, deepening polarisation.
Singapore: The Legacy of Pragmatic Leadership and Technocratic Governance
Singapore stands as a unique case in the global political landscape, embodying a model of governance that blends authoritarian efficiency with capitalist pragmatism. The country’s political identity has been shaped largely by its founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, often regarded as a political legend for transforming a resource-poor island into one of the most prosperous and stable nations in the world. His brand of leadership—marked by a strong central government, zero tolerance for corruption, and a focus on meritocracy—has continued to influence Singapore’s political ideology even after his passing. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), which has been in power since independence, remains dominant, but it has had to adapt to a new generation of voters demanding more openness, transparency, and participatory governance.
Despite criticisms of limited political pluralism, Singapore’s model is often admired for its long-term planning, public sector efficiency, and ability to balance rapid economic development with social harmony. In an era of rising populism and political fragmentation elsewhere, Singapore’s consistent technocratic approach provides a compelling counter-narrative—one that prioritises stability, strategic foresight, and national cohesion over ideological extremes.
What the Future Holds
We are living in a time where political boundaries are blurring, and old labels don’t always fit. Left and right are no longer clear-cut. Populists can be socialist or ultra-conservative. Liberals may support strong borders. Conservatives may promote welfare if it wins votes.
What matters now is trust—people are voting for those who seem to understand their pain, not just those with polished manifestos.
As economic instability continues and global challenges multiply, this ideological tug-of-war is likely to intensify. Whether we see more progressive reforms or stronger nationalist movements will depend on how well political leaders can address real issues, from food security to climate disasters.
One thing is clear: the global political wave is still rising. And it’s carrying countries in very different directions.
Conclusion
The current wave of global political ideology is defined by its contradictions, complexity, and context-specific transformations. While some nations are experiencing a resurgence of progressive, left-leaning movements—such as Australia’s Labour Party, Canada’s New Democratic Party, and Sri Lanka’s Marxist-rooted JVP—others are gravitating toward right-wing populism, nationalist narratives, and conservative ideologies, as seen in the continued strength of the US Republican Party and the dominant rule of Narendra Modi’s BJP in India. Amid this ideological tug-of-war, Singapore presents a unique political model. Eschewing populist swings, it has adhered to a technocratic, pragmatic form of governance rooted in the legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, whose leadership transformed a struggling post-colonial state into a globally admired economic powerhouse. Singapore’s emphasis on strategic planning, meritocracy, and incorruptibility provides a compelling contrast to the ideological turbulence in many democracies.
What ties these divergent trends together is a common undercurrent of discontent with traditional politics, growing inequality, and the digital revolution’s impact on public discourse. Voters across the world are searching for leaders and ideologies that promise clarity, security, and opportunity amid uncertainty. In mature democracies, this search has split into dual pathways—either toward progressive reform or nostalgic nationalism. In emerging economies, political shifts are even more fluid, influenced by economic distress, youth activism, and demands for institutional change.
Ultimately, the world is witnessing not a single ideological revolution, but a series of parallel recalibrations. These shifts do not point to the triumph of one ideology over another, but rather to the growing necessity for adaptive, responsive, and inclusive governance. Whether through leftist reforms, right-wing populism, or technocratic stability like Singapore’s, political systems will increasingly be judged not by their ideological purity but by their ability to address real-world challenges, unite diverse populations, and deliver tangible outcomes for citizens. In that respect, the global political wave is not simply a matter of left vs. right—it is a test of resilience, innovation, and leadership in a rapidly evolving world.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT , Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
An opportunity to move from promises to results

The local government elections, long delayed and much anticipated, are shaping up to be a landmark political event. These elections were originally due in 2023, but were postponed by the previous government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government of the day even defied a Supreme Court ruling mandating that elections be held without delay. They may have feared a defeat would erode that government’s already weak legitimacy, with the president having assumed office through a parliamentary vote rather than a direct electoral mandate following the mass protests that forced the previous president and his government to resign. The outcome of the local government elections that are taking place at present will be especially important to the NPP government as it is being accused by its critics of non-delivery of election promises.
Examples cited are failure to bring opposition leaders accused of large scale corruption and impunity to book, failure to bring a halt to corruption in government departments where corruption is known to be deep rooted, failure to find the culprits behind the Easter bombing and failure to repeal draconian laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the former war zones of the north and east, there is also a feeling that the government is dragging its feet on resolving the problem of missing persons, those imprisoned without trial for long periods and return of land taken over by the military. But more recently, a new issue has entered the scene, with the government stating that a total of nearly 6000 acres of land in the northern province will be declared as state land if no claims regarding private ownership are received within three months.
The declaration on land to be taken over in three months is seen as an unsympathetic action by the government with an unrealistic time frame when the land in question has been held for over 30 years under military occupation and to which people had no access. Further the unclaimed land to be designated as “state land” raises questions about the motive of the circular. It has undermined the government’s election campaign in the North and East. High-level visits by the President, Prime Minister, and cabinet ministers to these regions during a local government campaign were unprecedented. This outreach has signalled both political intent and strategic calculation as a win here would confirm the government’s cross-ethnic appeal by offering a credible vision of inclusive development and reconciliation. It also aims to show the international community that Sri Lanka’s unity is not merely imposed from above but affirmed democratically from below.
Economic Incentives
In the North and East, the government faces resistance from Tamil nationalist parties. Many of these parties have taken a hardline position, urging voters not to support the ruling coalition under any circumstances. In some cases, they have gone so far as to encourage tactical voting for rival Tamil parties to block any ruling party gains. These parties argue that the government has failed to deliver on key issues, such as justice for missing persons, return of military-occupied land, release of long-term Tamil prisoners, and protection against Buddhist encroachment on historically Tamil and Muslim lands. They make the point that, while economic development is important, it cannot substitute for genuine political autonomy and self-determination. The failure of the government to resolve a land issue in the north, where a Buddhist temple has been put up on private land has been highlighted as reflecting the government’s deference to majority ethnic sentiment.
The problem for the Tamil political parties is that these same parties are themselves fractured, divided by personal rivalries and an inability to form a united front. They continue to base their appeal on Tamil nationalism, without offering concrete proposals for governance or development. This lack of unity and positive agenda may open the door for the ruling party to present itself as a credible alternative, particularly to younger and economically disenfranchised voters. Generational shifts are also at play. A younger electorate, less interested in the narratives of the past, may be more open to evaluating candidates based on performance, transparency, and opportunity—criteria that favour the ruling party’s approach. Its mayoral candidate for Jaffna is a highly regarded and young university academic with a planning background who has presented a five year plan for the development of Jaffna.
There is also a pragmatic calculation that voters may make, that electing ruling party candidates to local councils could result in greater access to state funds and faster infrastructure development. President Dissanayake has already stated that government support for local bodies will depend on their transparency and efficiency, an implicit suggestion that opposition-led councils may face greater scrutiny and funding delays. The president’s remarks that the government will find it more difficult to pass funds to local government authorities that are under opposition control has been heavily criticized by opposition parties as an unfair election ploy. But it would also cause voters to think twice before voting for the opposition.
Broader Vision
The government’s Marxist-oriented political ideology would tend to see reconciliation in terms of structural equity and economic justice. It will also not be focused on ethno-religious identity which is to be seen in its advocacy for a unified state where all citizens are treated equally. If the government wins in the North and East, it will strengthen its case that its approach to reconciliation grounded in equity rather than ethnicity has received a democratic endorsement. But this will not negate the need to address issues like land restitution and transitional justice issues of dealing with the past violations of human rights and truth-seeking, accountability, and reparations in regard to them. A victory would allow the government to act with greater confidence on these fronts, including possibly holding the long-postponed provincial council elections.
As the government is facing international pressure especially from India but also from the Western countries to hold the long postponed provincial council elections, a government victory at the local government elections may speed up the provincial council elections. The provincial councils were once seen as the pathway to greater autonomy; their restoration could help assuage Tamil concerns, especially if paired with initiating a broader dialogue on power-sharing mechanisms that do not rely solely on the 13th Amendment framework. The government will wish to capitalize on the winning momentum of the present. Past governments have either lacked the will, the legitimacy, or the coordination across government tiers to push through meaningful change.
Obtaining the good will of the international community, especially those countries with which Sri Lanka does a lot of economic trade and obtains aid, India and the EU being prominent amongst these, could make holding the provincial council elections without further delay a political imperative. If the government is successful at those elections as well, it will have control of all three tiers of government which would give it an unprecedented opportunity to use its 2/3 majority in parliament to change the laws and constitution to remake the country and deliver the system change that the people elected it to bring about. A strong performance will reaffirm the government’s mandate and enable it to move from promises to results, which it will need to do soon as mandates need to be worked at to be long lasting.
by Jehan Perera
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