Midweek Review
Economic-political-social crisis takes a turn for the worse
A solution to Sri Lanka’s deepening economic, political and social problems is not in sight. Political parties, represented in Parliament, are still struggling to cope up with the situation, with all pursuing agendas for their benefit. They seemed to be blind to the growing economic difficulties caused by four decades of waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement of the national economy.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Lawmaker Dullas Alahapperuma’s call for the resignation of the entire Cabinet of Ministers, including Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, quite surprised the electorate. The Matara District lawmaker made the declaration in a letter, dated April 21, addressed to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
This was in response to President Rajapaksa’s ill-advised decision to accommodate nearly 10 new faces in a Cabinet that included Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. Lawmaker Alahapperuma warned that the worst ever political and economic crisis couldn’t be addressed through such measures. The former minister urged President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to take whatever tangible measures required to restore economic and political stability while safeguarding the public and the democratic form of government.
Perhaps Alahapperuma should have taken a clear stand much earlier. Had the amicable lawmaker taken such a stand soon after the inner-Cabinet Ministers perpetrated the fraudulent Yugadanavi power station deal on the night of September 17, 2021, the crisis could have been averted. While he was literally a victim of that despicable deal, as he was conveniently removed from the Power portfolio, in the run up to it, but, Alahapperuma took a middle-of- the-road stand while his Cabinet colleagues, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila declared war and openly challenged the hasty seal, concluded at midnight.
To facilitate the Yugadanavi deal, Alahapperuma was unceremoniously stripped of his energy portfolio and replaced with Gamini Lokuge, on August 16, 2021. Alahapperuma, one-time journalist, received the media portfolio instead.
In line with the overall strategy, pertaining to the Yugadanavi deal with the US-based New Fortress Energy, Basil Rajapaksa re-entered Parliament in the second week of July 2021, whereas M.C. Ferdinando, who was once the Power and Energy Ministry Secretary was brought back from his retirement in Australia as Chairman of the CEB. Ferdinando replaced Engineer Vijitha Herath. Alahapperuma couldn’t have been unaware of the way the path was cleared for an utterly corrupt deal. As the Media Minister and the Chief Cabinet spokesperson Alahapperuma had no option but to defend the transaction, dutifully towing the collective responsibility line.
M.C. Ferdinando defended the Yugadanavi betrayal, at a media briefing arranged by the President’s Media Division. On hand was Kingsley Ratnayake, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s spokesperson. But, finally, Alahapperuma, in his capacity as the Media Minister, in mid-January, this year strongly criticized the government’s much-touted Rs 229 bn relief package. However, both the print and electronic media largely ignored lawmaker Alapapperuma’s criticism. In other words, his statement didn’t receive the coverage it deserved.
Matara District lawmaker Alahapperuma is the first SLPP Cabinet Minister to do so. The then Media Minister didn’t mince his words when he declared that Basil Rajapaksa’s package failed to address the grievances of the population at large, though it provided relief to the public sector, pensioners and Samurdhi beneficiaries. Alapapperuma delivered the blunt attack while addressing a gathering at the Thihagoda Divisional Secretariat.
The lawmaker emphasised the failure on the part of the government to take the public into confidence and the responsibility of the Cabinet members and the officials to speak the truth. Emphasising the pathetic response of politicians, ministers and members of Parliament in the face of unprecedented and daunting challenges, lawmaker Alahapperuma issued a dire warning. Unless those who had been elected by the people made a genuine effort by making much needed sacrifices, the public would simply dismiss politicians as a set of crazy individuals, the MP declared.
Pointing out that public servants were a fraction of the population, lawmaker Alahapperuma questioned the suitability of the financial package announced by Basil Rajapaksa, in his capacity as the Finance Minister. MP Alahapperuma reminded that the vast majority of people, struggling to make ends meet, wouldn’t receive any relief. Therefore, the whole purpose of the financial package, announced at a time when the country was experiencing severe economic pressure, didn’t address overall public concerns.
The Media Minister also referred to Power Minister Gamini Lokuge’s declaration that there wouldn’t be power cuts, whereas the General Manager, CEB, quite clearly indicated the real situation. Referring to social media, Alahapperuma, who had held important portfolios in the Cabinets of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa, underscored the responsibility on their part to tell the truth as the media couldn’t be suppressed.
Alahappeuma’s criticism of the Rs 229 bn relief package indicated that it hadn’t been properly discussed at the Cabinet level. Had it been deliberated at Cabinet level, perhaps MP Alahapperuma and some other ministers would have expressed their concerns. However, since the Thihagoda speech, Alahapperuma has been cautious in his public statements until the dispatching of quite a devastating letter to the beleaguered President.
Issues raised by Dullas
Dullus Alahapperuma lost his media ministry portfolio, along with his Cabinet colleagues, just a couple of days after the massive and violent eruption of public anger at President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pengiriwatte Road, Mirihana, on the night of March 31. Incidents continued into the early hours of April 1. Of the seniors, only Prof. G.L. Peiris, Dinesh Gunawardena and Johnston Fernando received ministerial portfolios, whereas Mahinda Rajapaksa remained in his previous capacity as the Prime Minister. Subsequently, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa appointed 28 State Ministers on two separate occasions in addition to 17 Cabinet ministers. However, Johnston was later dropped from the list of Cabunet Ministers. Later, the President’s Media Division (PMD) announced two others, Lohan Ratwatte and Piyal Nishantha, would continue in portfolios they held at the time of the political upheaval.
Against the backdrop of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s efforts to restore political control, it would be pertinent to briefly discuss MP Alahapperuma’s letter. Declaring that the country is faced with its worst ever economic and political crises, Alahapperuma, in his capacity as a responsible citizen, stressed that he was not among those who abused the historic 6.9 mn vote received by Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the Nov 2019 presidential election.
In the second paragraph, the MP emphasized the need to recognize the erosion of public confidence in the incumbent dispensation at a time the country is in turmoil due to the utterly irresponsible management of the national economy over the past four decades. In addition, the Covid-19 pandemic has contributed to the ruination of the national economy, thereby driving the vast majority of the public to despair.
In the next paragraph, MP Alahapperuma paid tribute to newly appointed Finance Minister Ali Sabry, PC, and Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe and those who engaged in the recovery efforts, while reminding President Gotabaya Rajapaksa how a small clique of persons caused the economic devastation.
The fourth paragraph emphasized the acceptance of bankruptcy. Also in the same section, in the well- structured two-page letter, Alahapperuma stressed the responsibility on the part of the President as well as members of the government parliamentary group, and the Opposition, not to take foolish decisions.
In the fifth paragraph, Alapapperuma declared his unconditional support for the ongoing wave of protests, spearheaded by the youth. The MP asserted that the new generation was not prepared to stomach injustices caused by the political party system.
MP Alahapperuma devoted the sixth paragraph to remind President Rajapaksa how those who had really worked hard for victory at the presidential and parliamentary polls, in Nov 2019 and August 2020, respectively, were victims of what he called tribal (read family bandyism) politics.
The seventh paragraph dealt with current efforts to thwart the growing challenge to the executive, the Cabinet-of-Ministers and the majority in Parliament. The MP warned the regular and despicable political strategies, such as auctioning of lawmakers, would only make matters worse, therefore the President should desist from practicing the same.
In the next paragraph, MP Alahapperuma appreciated President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s decision to accommodate many young lawmakers in the Cabinet, but pointed out the futility in his move due to the delay in taking action. Therefore, a smaller Cabinet, representing all political parties in Parliament should be set up for a period of one year. Safeguarding Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and laying the foundation for national unity should be a priority for the proposed administration, the MP stressed, while underscoring the need for achieving those objectives, within a specified period.
In the ninth paragraph, lawmaker Alahapperuma demanded the resignation of the entire Cabinet of Ministers, including the Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, to allow the formation of an all-party government to address the issues at hand.
The MP, in the tenth paragraph, dealt with the irresponsible conduct of both the government and the Opposition in the face of the daunting challenges. Alahapperuma expressed confidence that the vast majority of government and Opposition members are responsible and therefore prepared to act according to their conscience. At the end, Alapapperuma urged President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to take meaningful measures, immediately.
An opportunity for Pilleyan
Regardless of lawmaker Alahapperuma’s advice, the President and his team resorted to the same old tactics to consolidate their position. They engineered Shantha Bandara’s defection from the SLFP to accept a State Ministry. The move backfired when the SLFP declared it wouldn’t cooperate with President Rajapaksa. The SLPP also made an abortive bid to secure the support of rebel MP Asanka Navaratne in return for a State Ministry. SLPP MPs Sanjiva Edirimanne and SLPP National List MP Jayantha Ketagoda along with Chairman of Milco Renuka Perera made the unsuccessful attempt after having visited MP Navaratne at his Kurunegala residence. The move went awry. The position taken by lawmaker Alahapperuma has quite evidently challenged the silly efforts to sustain the government.
The unprecedented crisis also gave an opportunity for one-time LTTE terrorist Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan to receive a State Ministry. Pilleyan, the leader of the TMVP (Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal) received his letter of appointment as the State Minister for Rural Road Development.
In September 2020, Pilleyan received the appointment as the Co-Chairman of the Batticaloa District Coordinating Committee in keeping with an understanding between his party and the SLPP. At that time, Pilleyan received his letter of appointment from Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa in Parliament. Eastern Province Governor Anuradha Yahampath serves as the Co-Chairperson of the Batticaloa District Coordinating Committee.
One-time deputy to LTTE field commander Karuna Amman, following the 2003 split in the organisation, Pilleyan had been remanded at the Batticaloa prison since 2015 over his alleged involvement in the Dec 2005 assassination of TNA lawmaker Joseph Pararajasingham. In January 2021, Batticaloa High Court judge S. Susaidasan acquitted and released the five suspects, including Batticaloa District lawmaker Pillayan, who were charged with the murder of former Batticaloa District MP Joseph Pararajasingham.
Batticaloa High Court Judge S. Susaidasan ordered the dismissal of the case filed against Pillayan who had earlier been released on bail after languishing in remand for about five years. This was after the Senior State Counsel appearing for the Attorney General informed the court that there was no need to file evidence in the case and proceed further.
The CID arrested Pillayan on October 11, 2015 when he arrived at the CID office in Colombo to give a statement over the killing of Joseph Pararajasingham. He had been in remand custody until the Batticaloa High Court Judge T. Wigneswaran released the suspects on bail on 24 November 2020. Susaidasan has succeeded Wigneswaran subsequently.
TNA lawmaker Pararajasingham was killed by unidentified gunmen when he was attending Christmas midnight mass at St Mary’s Church in Batticaloa on December 25, 2005.
Karuna, who formed the TMVP later, quit the party he founded to receive a National List slot, courtesy the UPFA. Later Karuna received appointment as a Deputy Minister. The former LTTE Eastern Commander contested Digamadulla district from the SLPP at the last general election. He was unsuccessful.
The TMVP backed the SLPP at the 2019 presidential and 2020 general elections after the two parties reached an agreement in the run up to the presidential poll. Pilleyan voted for the 20th Amendment to the Constitution enacted in Oct 2020. The TMVP is among nine political parties which won one seat each at the recently concluded general election.
Prof Nalin on Alahapperuma’s move
Prof. Nalin de Silva, who had served as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Myanmar (Sept 2020-Sept 2021) under the current dispensation recently strongly criticized Alahapperuma’s move, warning President Gotabaya Rajapaksa he may lose the presidency as a result of the former minister receiving the premiership at the expense of Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The outspoken academic intensely argued against the move to bring in Alahapperuma as the Premier in response to the current political challenges. Acknowledging the need for the incumbent Premier to be replaced, the former Ambassador justified his position on the basis of his desire to see the back of Basil Rajapaksa and Mahinda Rajapaksa’s sons, Namal, Yoshitha and Rohitha. Declaring Alahapperuma is being mentioned as the leading candidate for the position of Premier, Prof. de Silva emphasized Mahinda as being thousand times better than Dullas.
Prof. de Silva propagated the view that Mahinda Rajapaksa should make way for only a genuine Buddhist in case those seeking his ouster come up with a suitable replacement. According to Prof. de Silva, that replacement should never be Dullas Alahapperuma for obvious reasons. The controversial academic asked whether the move to replace Mahinda Rajapaksa with Dullas Alahapperuma was part of the ‘Go Gota Home’ project.
The academic also questioned the conduct of Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, in relation to the ongoing efforts to secure the required backing for an interim/caretaker administration. According to him, there is no provision in the Constitution for the setting up of an interim/caretaker administration. Prof. de Silva’s assertion can’t be ignored. The primary basis for his argument is that the Parliament is unable to perform responsibilities and duties beyond what were assigned to the Parliament. Prof. de Silva asked whether lawmaker Wijeyadasa Rajapakse is pursuing an anti-constitutional agenda. The academic alleged all interested parties were exploiting the current political crisis to achieve their agendas.
Midweek Review
How Prof. Dewasiri’s FB post brought about Speaker Ranwala’s exit
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Prof. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri was the first to question the National People’s Power government over Speaker ‘Dr.’ Asoka Sapumal Ranwala regarding his academic qualifications.
Dewasiri’s shock query caught the NPP by surprise. The academic questioned the government on his social media account on 05 Dec. The Parliament unanimously appointed Ranwala as Speaker of the Tenth Parliament on 21 Nov.
Dewasiri demanded that the government compel Speaker Ranwala to resign in case the parliamentarian deliberately provided false information. If the Speaker declined to do so, appropriate measures should be taken to remove him, Prof. Dewasiri declared, while finding fault with the new entrant for (i) falsely claiming to have a degree and (ii) believe he could hold such an important position regardless of the deceit perpetrated by him.
Prof. Dewasiri emphasized that the second fault was far worse than the first. One-time spokesperson for the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and advocate of the Yahapalana administration warned the government of far reaching consequences as it was badly exposed.
The government obviously didn’t take Prof. Dewasiri’s social media post seriously. Perhaps the top leadership felt that the issue at hand wouldn’t attract much public attention. However, the Opposition, both in Parliament and outside, launched an all-out attack.
The SJB declared its intention to move a no-confidence motion against the Speaker. In spite of the NPP having an unprecedented 2/3 majority in Parliament, the ruling party feared to face the Opposition move. The NPP could have easily routed the combined Opposition in Parliament, but to defend an obvious wrongdoer would have ruined President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) parliamentary group as they came to power, less than three months ago, promising to correct all the shenanigans that had been going on in the country, under the guise of democracy, since independence.
Beleaguered AKD had no option but to ask Speaker Ranwala to step down. The NPP could have avoided a lot of flak if the party acted immediately after Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure. If not for the intervention made by the academic and a vociferous critic of wrongs done by the previous regimes, particularly to academics, Ranwala would still have been the Speaker.
The utterly dispirited SJB wouldn’t have inquired into Ranwala’s credentials under any circumstances. Thanks to Prof. Dewasiri, the Opposition received a mega opportunity to question the very basis of the NPP’s presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.
The SJB and new Democratic Front (NDF) had been rejected by the electorate to such an extent, even if they challenged Ranwala over his educational qualifications, the people may have ignored the issue as the rantings of a frustrated Opposition still licking the wounds of their routing at the polls. Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure obviously delivered a knockout blow to the government.
Ranwala resigned on 13 Dec., just over a week after Prof. Dewasiri’s bombshell revelation. It would be pertinent to mention that just before the announcemnt of the Speaker’s resignation, President AKD told government media bosses that he wouldn’t protect any wrongdoer.
Having asked the electorate to reject unscrupulous political parties that had ruined the country, the NPP couldn’t have risked its political project to save Ranwala, one-time President of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union, until he was sent on compulsory retirement in March 2023 by the then Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government accused Ranwala of obstructing fuel distribution services.
The NPP couldn’t have been unaware of Ranwala’s bogus claim. If Ranwala deliberately deceived the NPP, he should be dealt with harshly. Perhaps Ranwala should be asked to resign his parliamentary seat forthwith for deceiving the whole country, to pave the way for the NPP to fill that Gampaha District vacancy thereafter. Having vowed to clean up Parliament, the NPP cannot, under any circumstances, protect any wrongdoer.
But, corrupt political parties shouldn’t think for a moment that they can capitalize on the Speaker’s issue. The people rejected the SJB, NDF and SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) twice this year as they earned the wrath of the people. It would be a grave fault on their part if they believed Ranwala’s ouster could strengthen their campaign against the government.
The NPP should, without delay, set the record straight. The issue is whether Ranwala deceived the NPP with regard to his doctorate, or the party knew all along that their CPC trade unionist didn’t have the academic qualification which he proudly flaunted.
House tricked
Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, together, accompanied Ranwela to the Speaker’s chair. The Opposition accepted the appointment. The Premier proposed Ranwala, while Minister Herath seconded that proposal.
Premier Amarasuriya, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauff Hakeem congratulated National Executive Committee member Ranwala on that occasion.
One-time member of the Biyagama Local government body, Ranwala twice represented the JVP in the Western Provincial Council. According to Parliament website, Ranwala holds a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Moratuwa and a doctorate in Biochemistry from Waseda University, Japan.
To make matters worse for the NPP, the Opposition challenged Deputy Speaker Dr. Rizvie Salih’s specialist tag. Salih answered his critics. His FB post explained his nearly 40-year career, with 12 years with the public sector, though he is not a specialist.
The Deputy Speaker told Parliament, on Tuesday, that he is not a specialist and never used the title in his official letterheads, visiting cards and prescriptions. ” I have categorically told that I should not be called a specialist in propaganda material during elections,” he said. In other words, he had found fault with those who handled the propaganda campaign for the NPP
Interested parties also challenged the doctorate of Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another first time entrant to Parliament.
The controversy over Nanayakkara’s doctorate took an unexpected turn when the Parliament claimed that the doctorate had been inadvertently mentioned by Parliament. Let me reproduce the clarification issued by M. Jayalath Perera, Director Legislative Services / Director Communication (Acting), Parliament: Clarification Regarding the Title of “Dr.” mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, on the Parliament website.
“I would like to emphasize the following points in relation to reports published in the media regarding the title of ‘’Dr.’’ mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Harshana Nanayakkara, in the directory of Members of Parliament on the Parliament website.
“It is important to note that Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara has not indicated holding a doctoral degree in the information provided to Parliament. The appearance of the title “Dr.” before the Minister’s name was a result of an error in entering the relevant data. Accordingly, steps have been taken to rectify this mistake.
“I express my deepest regret for the inconvenience caused to the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, in this regard.
“Also, the process of re-checking and updating the information of all Members of Parliament on the Parliament website is currently underway.”
But those who cannot stomach the NPP’s victory ask why didn’t Nanayakkara get that corrected himself if he was not entitled to be called “Dr.”? However, the Justice Minister lodged a complaint with the CID on Monday (16). The investigation can help ascertain whether some interested party conspired to discredit the NPP.
That clarification issued by Parliament meant that Ranwala provided false information to Parliament. According to Jayalath Perera, the parliamentary staff entered the relevant data provided by lawmakers, hence the only mistake on their part pertained to the Justice Minister’s data.
Power Minister Kumara Jayakody, too, lodged a complaint with police seeking an investigation into what he called an organized attempt to discredit him by challenging his academic qualifications. Both Nanayakkara and Jayakody speculated about the possibility of those who had been rejected by the people and their associates and supporters being involved in the high profile campaign.
The NPP cannot afford to disappoint 5.7 mn people who voted for AKD at the presidential election and 6.8 mn at the general election. The NPP increased its voter tally from 5.7 mn to 6.8 mn within a couple of weeks whereas the SJB was reduced to 1.9 mn votes from 4.3 mn at the presidential poll. The NDF was reduced to just 500,000 votes from 2.2mn at the presidential election while the SLPP increased its tally from 340,000 to 350,000. The Opposition is in disarray and in a pathetic situation.
Ranwala’s fiasco has sort of given the Opposition false hopes of a quick comeback. The forthcoming local government polls will show the ground situation. The NPP must keep in mind that in addition to the Ranwala affair, the failure on its part to provide sufficient relief to fuel and electricity consumers as promised has caused much public anger. Having repeatedly alleged that the previous government couldn’t substantially reduce fuel prices as the then Minister Kanchana Wijesekera pocketed the money, and having made those claims against the previous Minister in charge of the subject, the NPP brought down the price of a litre of Octane 92 by just 2 rupees much to the public’s resentment.
The pathetic handling of the rice mafia, too, didn’t do the NPP any good. Throughout the polls campaigns, the NPP repeatedly assured that the rice mafia would be appropriately dealt with and prices brought down and stabilized. The NPP also promised that rice wouldn’t be imported at all though imports would meet the tourist sector requirement. That much touted promise, too, was broken. However, the electorate, the writer is certain, doesn’t see any point in once again pinning their hopes on the utterly corrupt and dishonest lot rejected at the presidential and parliamentary polls.
Why Parliament shouldn’t defend wrongdoers
During the general election campaign, AKD explained why Parliament shouldn’t protect wrongdoers. The President said that the Yahapalana Parliament (2015-2019), during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Speaker, defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Ravi Karunanayake over the Treasury bond scams, especially after he told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed it, he could not remember the person who gave him a luxury penthouse at Kollupitiya. Then in 2023 the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government defended Keheliya Rambukwella when a no-faith motion was moved against him over corruption in the health sector procurement, the President said.
Having said so, AKD couldn’t have defended Ranwala in case the SJB handed over a no-confidence motion against him. In fact, the NPP has created an environment that may prevent those exercising political power from coming to the rescue of wrongdoers under any circumstances.
During Ranwala’s very short stint as the Speaker, he had the opportunity to receive several foreign dignitaries. Press releases issued by Parliament following those meetings referred to Ranwala as Dr. Ranwala.
South Korean Ambassador Miyon Lee paid a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec. at the Parliament complex. Secretary General of the Parliament Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, was also present on the occasion. This happened the day before Prof. Dewasiri exposed the NPP parliamentarian.
Ranwala, not aware of what was coming, addressed the newly elected members on 25 Nov., in Parliament, where he emphasized the responsibility on the part of newcomers (he, too, was a newcomer struggling to handle responsibilities for want of parliamentary experience) to familiarize with parliamentary procedures. Speaker Ranwala said that public expectations couldn’t be met unless they learnt about parliamentary procedures. Ranwala was addressing the inaugural session of the orientation programme for lawmakers.
The Parliament website quoted Speaker Ranwala as having emphasized the importance of organizing such workshops, noting that a thorough understanding of parliamentary traditions, constitutional frameworks, standing orders, and related parliamentary procedures is crucial for serving the people through the diverse debates conducted within Parliament.
Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Ambassador Qi Zhenhong was the first envoy to pay a courtesy call on Ranwala at the Parliament. The Chinese Ambassador conveyed the greetings of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China (Speaker of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of China) Zhao Leji, to the newly elected Speaker of the Tenth Parliament during the meeting.
The Chinese envoy was followed by Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Jha paid a courtesy call on the Speaker on 28 Nov. at the Parliament.
The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Marc-André Franche, met Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec.
In the wake of Prof. Dewasiri’s shocking disclosure, Speaker Ranwala received a high-level US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu. The meeting took place on 06 Dec.
The delegation included Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID, and Mr. Robert Kaproth, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia at the US Department of the Treasury.
According to a press release issued by Parliament the meeting focused on Sri Lanka’s reform priorities and the critical role of the House in advancing the people’s mandate for accountability, transparency, and inclusive governance.
Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Sri Lanka Khaled Nasser AlAmeri was the next to pay a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala. That meeting took place on 09 Dec. amidst a stepped-up campaign against Speaker Ranwala. The NPP seems to have operated on the premise that the controversy over the Speaker’s credentials would gradually fade away. But, the media pressed the Cabinet spokesperson Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa over the simmering serious issue. That controversy sort of overwhelmed the NPP that worked so hard to portray all other political parties, other than them, as corrupt to the core.
In fact, the NPP had nothing else but to depend on what it called a new clean political culture. Having impressed the electorate with nothing but promises and assurances that it would do the right thing, it couldn’t have a blatant liar as the Speaker.
If not for the political culture that had been introduced by the NPP, in the wake of Aragalaya in 2022, the false declaration made by Ranwala wouldn’t have been an issue at all. The people would have simply accepted it as just another lie. Our inefficient and useless Parliament had been so disgraceful in its conduct and encouraged public resentment that a Speaker’s false claim wouldn’t have caused a public furore.
The NPP’s failed bid to storm Parliament during the final push against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration the pathetic state of our Parliament. Some of those unscrupulous men who represented Parliament over the past two to three decades brought about the Parliament’s collapse. Instead of taking remedial measures, political parties allowed the deterioration to continue, unabated. Nothing can be as ridiculous as conducting student parliaments all over the provinces. What the Parliament really expected to achieve by promoting student parliaments at a time the very basis of the parliamentary system is under threat due to overall failure of the political party system.
Parliament must take appropriate measures to restore public confidence in the highest institution in the country. Ranwala’s affair proved beyond doubt that the Speaker, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, could manipulate the system. No one and no political party should be above the law. War-winning Sri Lanka had suffered unbearable losses for want of proper parliamentary control over public finance over the years.
Let us hope the NPP has learnt a hard lesson at the onset of AKD’s five-year term that would help the party to navigate choppy waters. The daunting challenges faced by a bankrupt country should prompt all political parties, represented in Parliament, to reach consensus on Sri Lanka’s response to the deal with the IMF, signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe. The issue the Parliament must grapple with is how to transform the sick national economy to make it possible for us to start repaying foreign debt in 2028 without making most of us absolute paupers, but many Lankans are already in dire straits economically.
The Parliament can begin by making the Supreme Court judgment on the economic crisis that led to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal available to new members of Parliament. Of the 225 MPs, 162 are new entrants. The Supreme Court in Nov. 2023 issued a symbolic ruling that Rajapaksa brothers – including two ex-Presidents – were guilty of triggering the worst financial crisis by mishandling the economy.
In a majority verdict on multiple petitions filed by academics and civil rights activists, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the respondents, who all later resigned or were sacked, had violated public trust. But that verdict should be examined along with massive foreign loans taken by the Yahapalana government during the 2015-2019 period at high interests that contributed massively to the crisis.
Let there be no holds barred examination of the economic crisis and exposure of all responsible, regardless of their status. However, that wouldn’t be a reality unless the legislature fulfils its basic obligations in terms of the Constitution.
Let us also not lose sight of hidden hands, especially from the West who make matters worse through their cloak and dagger operations worldwide as also was put into operation here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, like even cutting off worker remittances from our banking system thereby we couldn’t even scrape together a few million dollars to clear even a shipment of cooking gas. They have done similar jugglery to so many other countries, even in our neighbourhood, as has been the case already in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Modi should not feel all that smug as we do not know what plots are being hatched against him.
Remember the uncompromising Aragalaya activists who were threatening to die for a system change in the country, but disappeared into thin air no sooner Ranil Wickremesimnghe was installed in the seat of power with the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by extra parliamentary means.
Midweek Review
Seeking cultural transmission between bodies
From Chitrasena to Akram Khan:
by Saumya Liyanage
Akram Khan is a world-renowned dancer, choreographer and the founder of Akram Khan Company (AKC) in the UK. He has been an impactful dancer and choreographer who was initially trained as a Kathak dancer during his apprenticeship under various Kathak Gurus in Asia and elsewhere. He and his dance company have created numerous dance productions that surpass the traditional boundaries. Akram Khan is a recipient of top awards including two Laurence Olivier Awards, the Bessie Award (New York Dance and Performance Award), the prestigious ISPA (International Society for the Performing Arts) Distinguished Artist Award, the Fred and Adele Astaire Award, the Herald Archangel Award at the Edinburgh International Festival, the South Bank Sky Arts Award, and ten Critics’ Circle National Dance Awards for his company.
With the initiative of the British Council in Colombo, the Akram Khan Dance Company contacted me a few months ago. The Legacy International Project Manager of the AKC, Varsha Kumar sent me an email informing me of an exciting project the dance company wanted to initiate in Jaffna. It was an upcoming collaboration between Akram Khan Company supported by the British Council Colombo to conduct an intense dance exchange workshop. This initiative facilitated a five-day intensive cultural transmission of Bharatanatyam dance conducted by Mavin Khoo, the artistic associate of the Akram Khan Company with a selected group of youth from Jaffna.
The idea was to continue and sustain the traditional dance forms and explore how they could be sustained and continued further through innovative practices. Mavin Khoo visited Jaffna for the first time to initiate this cultural transmission project with the hope of conducting this intense workshop on Bharatanatyam. Mavin Khoo, trained as a traditional dancer in Bharatanatyam in Malaysia, is a choreographer and the creative collaborator of Akram Khan. Mavin holds an MA in Choreography from Middlesex University and was a faculty member of the Dance Studies Department, School of Performing Arts at the University of Malta in 2014. He has been working as the rehearsal director of the Akram Khan Company and is exploring traditional dance and its contemporary relevance as a mode of human agency and provocation.
It is an ongoing work that the AKC initiated and this collaboration will continue further in future. Here is something interesting about what happened when Khoo, Varsha and their team came to Colombo after finishing the Jaffna Classical Intensive project. The British council director Edward Orlando invited me to a networking lunch in Colombo, where Khoo and Varsha were present. At lunch, I met some of the Sri Lankan dance community representatives. They included versatile dancers such as Upeka Chitrasena, Heshma Wignaraja, and Kapila Palihawadana. We shared our thoughts and ideas about dance and future collaborations during lunch. After this session, Upeka Chitrasena invited us to visit Chitrasena Dance Company. Akram Khan Company focused on helping peripheral dance groups to sustain and continue their traditional dance heritage and encouraged them to expand their possibilities of innovations, and the Chitrasena Dance Company in Colombo is also dedicated to preserving and continuing Sri Lankan traditional dance practices for posterity.
Dance as Ekstasis
I am not a dancer, but I have been interested in dance and dance theatre throughout my academic career. Dance and theatre share many elements and it is the body that is central to the dancer and actor’s work. A few days ago, at the Faculty of Medicine, a session was conducted by the Centre for Meditation Research on how movement facilitates happiness and wellbeing. With my research collaborators, Kanchana Malshani and Chamanee Darshika, I demonstrated how movement is central to our understanding of the self and the world. The key question that I posed at the seminar is that movement allows us to understand our body, time and space and allows us to understand how we could connect with other bodies. Movement is the primal element of the body of the animated being.
What fascinates me here is that actor/dancer experiences time and space and the Other, in a different way than we experience the same phenomena on the daily basis. Dance scholar and Philosopher Sheets Maxine-Johnston argues that Man comprises temporality within himself, for he is such an ekstatic being. He is always at a distance of himself, always in flight” (Sheets-Johnston, 2015, pp. 16-17). This statement clearly indicates how the dance and dance experience override the objective time and space. Greek etymology of the word ekstatic means how one emancipates from her/his own self and transcends for the daily reality. In this sense, the moving body of the dancer, as I witnessed at the Chitrasena Dance Company, shows that dancers’ “being” is not in the daily reality when they intensely move their bodies in the space and time with the complex drum ensemble. Hence, I argue that our understanding about time and space is constructed through the physiological and mathematical understanding of time and space. The other is understood in a way that we as selves are constructed and defined through various lingual and cultural discourses. In this sense, the dancer/actor surpasses these constructed boundaries when the body becomes animated through dance and acting.
We sat at the Chitrasena Dance Company in the afternoon of Dec., 14 2024, and Khoo and Varsha were scheduled to leave Colombo a few hours later. An intense and galvanising performance was unveiled at the bare stage of Chitrasena Dance Company with Thaji Dias and the dance ensemble with seven master drum players. One after the other, a series of traditional dance repertoires unfolded before our eyes. Particularly Thaji Dias’ mesmerising and electrifying bodily motility of Kandyan, Low Country and Sabaragamuwa styles blended with intense rigor and precision. It was evident that some of the dance repertoires that Thaji and the lead male dancer performed were somewhat improvisational, bringing key elements of Kandyan dance into an ecstasy of performance. Both dancers seemed to be connected with each other through somatic means, communicating with facial and bodily gestures to trigger certain dance repertoire to perform together. I witnessed that both dancers were kinesthetically and sensorially joined through learned repertoires to perform a new interpretation of Kandyan dance form.
Cultural Transmission
These traditional dance performances triggered several important questions related to the dance body and cultural transmission of somatic knowledge. First, when Heshma, the artistic director and choreographer of Chitrasena Dance Company introduced a particular dance repertoire developed and choreographed by Vajira Chitrasena, she articulated this as a cultural transmission of choreographic knowledge which came through two generations of dancers. This statement triggered several important questions related to dance historiography. When Chitrasena and Vajira choreographed their works, it may have been done through the embodied knowledge that they possessed through what they learnt and mastered from the traditional Gurus. However, Chitrasena and Vijira may have understood that replicating traditional dance and its repertoire would not add any innovation to their dance interventions. My interest was drawn to this phenomenon and the question emerged on how these individual dance artists have distilled the traditional Kandyan dance to modernist choreographic works through adding innovative elements to their newly founded body notations.
Researchers who are working on the intangible cultural heritage mainly focus on how traditional dance and heritage can be transmitted. They are mainly concerned about how these traditions are continued and sustained through contemporary dance ensembles. However, the intangible heritage discourse has least focused on how these dance traditions have been changing through time and how these new elemental changes have been transformed and transmitted to the next generation of dancers. During our encounters with dance choreographer and artistic director of Chitrasena Dance Company, Heshma discussed how they “do” dance. Her articulation of “doing” dance rather than talking about dance explains how they transmit knowledge of somatic elements of dance through bodies. She said, “We rarely talk … we do not use language but we do dance”. One of the challenges posed by these issues is that the corporeal learning and embodied knowledge cannot be objectified in the researcher’s eyes. They are somatically embedded in the dancers’ bodies and are sedimented within their dance repertoires. A meticulous observation, analysis and categorisation will be required for someone to understand and identify how these dance elements have been changed and embedded in the dancer’s body. As I believe, new dance ethnographic research would be useful for researchers to extricate those elemental dance repertoires to understand how contemporary dancers’ bodies embody dance heritage in their somatic memories.
Conclusion
Akram Khan and his creative associate Mavin Khoo explore the possibilities of preserving traditional dance forms while seeking opportunities to revive them through innovative practices. The Chitrasena Dance Company working in the field of traditional Sri Lankan dance ambitiously is in search of a new era of Sri Lankan dance while passing the Chitrasena -Vajira dance heritage to the next generation of dancers and choreographers. Both companies share similar objectives in dance preservation and innovations within the highly contested Global cultural domains. Khan, Khoo, Chitrasena, Vajira, Thaji and other dancers embody a vast knowledge of somatic practices akin to their own dance traditions. Yet, these ekstatic bodies transcend the daily constructed selves, which carry the somatic knowledge of dance that are waiting to be disseminated in the bodies of the next generation of dancers. These areas of dance-ethnography should be further developed to understand the embodied knowledge and the somatic practices infiltrated through the generations of dancers and drummers. New dance-ethnography, dance historiography and new methodologies should be developed and applied to deepen our understanding of dance as an explicit knowledge of human expressions, emotions and ecstasy.
References
Sheets-Johnston, M. (2015). The phenomenology of dance. Philadelphia (Pensilvania, Estados Unidos) Temple University Press.
Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.
Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.
Nürnberger, Marianne. 2014. “Vajira – the First Professional Female Dancer of the Sinhalese Style.” Sri Lanka Journal of Humanities 40 (0): 99. https://doi.org/10.4038/sljh.v40i0.7232.
Raheem, Mirak. 2022. “Vajira: The Pioneering Female Dancer.” South Asian Dance Intersections 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.55370/sadi.v1i1.1475.
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Saumya Liyanage is an actor and professor in Drama and Theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo, Sri Lanka. saumya.l@vpa.ac.lk
The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for her assistance in preparing this article.
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