Features
DUDLEY SENANAYAKE: COLOSSUS AMONG POLITICIANS
(Excerpted from the Memoirs of Senior DIG (Rtd.) Edward Gunawardene)
His visit to my residence: About two weeks after I had shifted residence and with only a week to pass for election day, I was to experience one of the most pleasant and rewarding days of my life.
About 6 O’clock one evening the telephone rang. The caller was Alex Dedigama. He said he was with Mr. Dudley Senanayake at the resthouse and the latter would be pleased to meet me. I very politely told Alex to explain to Mr. Senanayake that it would not look nice for me to meet him at the resthouse and that he was most welcome in my humble home. I also told him that several other candidates including Kalugalle and Ratne Deshapriya Senanayake have seen me at home as this is my official residence. Alex promised to convey my wish to Mr. Senanayake.
As a precaution I telephoned Salgado’s and requested the manager to prepare two glasses of freshly squeezed orange juice. Chandradasa (my servant) brought this in a thermos flask. No sooner Chandradasa arrived, the telephone rang again. It was the great man himself. He said that he would be at my residence in five minutes. I instructed Chandradasa to be ready to open the gate. When a car arrived at the gate I prepared myself to meet the special visitor.
As the car entered the premises I recognized the 4 Sri Series Triumph Herald. It was driven by Dudley Senanayake himself. Seated beside him was Alex Dedigama, a cousin who resembled Dudley very much. After Dudley and Alex sat down Dudley, as if to put me at ease, started filling his pipe saying, “I hope you don’t mind me smoking.” “I too smoke, Sir, Peacock is my brand”, was my response.
Apparently he had heard of my Peradeniya days. I was surprised when he told me that he had skimmed The Students Council Magazine edited by me. Joe Karunaratne who was his private secretary had briefed him about me and even given him a copy of the 1956 Union Magazine.
When Chandradasa served the orange juice, Dudley looked at me and asked what the drink was. When I told him that it was fresh orange juice and he smiled saying “good”. I told him that his brother, Robert, had been a regular visitor and fresh orange juice was his preferred drink too. He then told me that Robert had briefed him about the meetings he had with me; and how my servant too had been courteous and accommodating when I was not at home.
It was only after about 15 minutes that Dudley asked me about what was happening. “Mr.Gunawardena, what is this talk that you are going to be transferred?” Without batting an eyelid I replied, ” I am ready to go anywhere Sir, be it Jaffna or Moneragala. I have to just pack my suitcase and go.” He laughed. Alex Dedigama who was silent all the while butted in, “They know it Dudley. Even Kalugalla admires this man’s guts. Edward has a good word among the lawyers too.”
He had been well briefed about the goings on in Kegalle; and he appeared to be particularly pleased about the impartial role of the police. He had even heard of the incident where two children flying a green kite had been assaulted and the manner in which I had dealt with Tissa Wijeyaratne. Apparently Alex Dedigama had related the incident to him.
This first meeting of mine with Dudley Senanayake which was to lead to a close relationship with not only him but also his brother Robert and the latter’s children. This remains remarkably fresh in my memory. As I write this 45 years later I can visualize Dudley dressed in a green casual shirt, smoking a large curved pipe seated close to me. “Don’t be discouraged by threats. Don’t be intimidated. Just do your duty,” his parting words that evening still ring in my ears.
Meeting Dudley on Election Day
The day of the elections was relatively quiet. By the time the polls began in the morning apart from police presence at every polling station in the district all the mobile police patrols were operating smoothly. Apart from visiting a few polling stations in the Dedigama, Kegalle and Rambukkana, electorates most of my time was spent in the Operations Room that I had set up in the office of the HQI Kegalle.
The reports received at the Ops. Room by noon indicated that most of the candidates had been seen visiting polling booths. Only a few minor incidents had been reported by this time. A drunk had been arrested by IP Pilapitiya, OIC Bulathkohupitiya, and locked up in a cell. Being busy with the election duties he had not been able to produce this man before a doctor. Dr. N.M. Perera had casually dropped in at the station as he had received information that one of his supporters was in custody. When he saw the true position he had been more than satisfied with the action taken by the OIC.
When I visited the Warakapola Police Station IP Shanton Abeygoonawardena was there. He had been posted to this station by Police Headquarters because the OIC, IP Wijetilleke had been the OIC of Nittambuwa and had been very close to Prime Minister Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike.
Abeygoonawardena told me that Mr. Dudley Senanayake and his brother Robert were touring the electorate together. After visiting the Warakapola station I drove to the thalaguli shop of Jinadasa, a man with a Groucho moustache who was well known to many. I wanted to eat a thalaguli and drink a ginger tea. There was a jeep halted outside. When my car was stopped behind this jeep, Themis the driver got down from the jeep. He recognized me and told me, “Sir, Hamu athule innawa”. This man whom I addressed as Themis aiya as a child was from my village, Battaramulla. I waited outside until Dudley came out.
As he came out with his brother followed by Jinadasa I saluted and greeted him. Robert who was quite friendly with me having met me often at my residence smiled broadly and tried to introduce me to his brother saying, “Dudley you must meet Eddie”. “I met him only a few days ago”, was Dudley’s response. I chatted with them briefly. They were quite pleased with the police arrangements. Whilst parting Robert told me that they were operating from the Ambepussa Resthouse.
Cellular telephones had not come into existence at that time. After a thalaguli, vadai and a cup of ginger tea at Jinadasa’s I was able to skip lunch and leisurely tour the district. At about four in the afternoon I was able to get to my residence, change into a sarong and relax. All reports indicated that voting had virtually ended. The percentage poll was appreciably high in all the electorates. I telephoned the Kegalle Ops Room and told the duty officer to inform me when the ballot boxes started coming into the Technical College, the counting centre for the district.
After a shower and a cup of tea I went to sleep having instructed Chandradasa to put me up if there was anything urgent. When I contacted the Ops. Room I was told that all arrangements were in place at the counting centre; and the counting proper is likely to begin after 10 p.m. A call from my friend Leel Gunasekera, the Returning Officer confirmed this.
Feeling completely relaxed, I told Chandradasa to prepare a freshly laundered light uniform — shirt and slacks; and a light dinner, before leaving for the Planters Club for a game of billiards. The few of my friends who were there were surprised to see me in such a relaxed mood. Sipping a fresh lime juice I played a few frames of snooker with Dr. Clarence Muttiah. At about 9 p.m. I received a call on my Walkie Talkie that the postal vote count had begun; and I decided to leave the club. Whilst leaving I instructed the Ops Room to keep me informed of the arrival of Messrs Kalugalle, Dudley Senanayake and Dr. N.M. Perera at the counting Centre.
After I had dinner and got into uniform I received a call from the Ops. Room to say that Mr. Ratne Deshapriya Senanayake had arrived at the Dedigama counting centre with several people. I immediately telephoned the Returning Officer, Leel Gunasekera, and he told me that only the accredited counting agents and the candidate could be present. Accordingly I instructed HQI Kegalle to evict all unauthorized persons from the counting rooms. No sooner I entered the Technical College premises the HQI told me that the rule enabling only authorized persons from entering the counting rooms was being strictly enforced. He also told me that Mr. Dudley Senanayake and his brother Robert were also accompanied by two or three unauthorized persons and they had not been allowed in.
I did a brisk tour of all the rooms where the counting was taking place. With the minimum of people allowed there was plenty of breathing space in the rooms. The candidates too appeared to be happy that unwanted persons had been kept out. With even the police on duty at the counting centres debarred from moving in and out, even I felt somewhat embarrassed to be entering and exiting the counting rooms.
When I entered the Dedigama electorate counting centre Dudley and Robert were having a chat with Dharmasiri Senanayake, the brother of Deshapriya. “Good thing Eddie that you have restricted entry”, said Robert. “You can be assured Edda will always do the right thing”, added Dharmasiri who was a Peradeniya buddy of mine. He was undoubtedly one of the most efficient and honest Cabinet Ministers of the seventies. I called him Dharme and he called me Edda. That was our relationship, With his early demise the country lost a honourable politician.
Having driven round the Kegalle town and having dropped in at home for a cup of tea I returned to the counting centre at about 1.00 a.m. With the results coming in and the indications being a defeat for Mrs. Bandaranaike’s Government the crowd outside the counting centre had thinned out. I walked straight upstairs. On the corridor outside the Dedigama counting room, seated on the balustrade and leaning against a pillar, to my utter surprise was Dudley Senanayake.
Casually dressed, with a muffler round his neck he was smoking a pipe. Apparently he had just come out of the counting room. I saluted him. “Hullo, is everything peaceful?” Just then Robert who was his counting agent walked out of the room. After greeting me, a somewhat worried looking man turned to his brother and said, “Dudley it doesn’t look too good”. By this time I was seated on the balustrade beside Dudley.
It was indeed a tense and closely contested election. The comment that Robert made was after having observed how the count was going. At that moment I was the nearest person to the two brothers. The immediate response of Dudley to Robert’s apprehensions was certainly not a studied statement for political gain. It was a soft, low voiced conversation between two brothers and I happened to be a listener. The words that came out of Dudley spontaneously were, “Robert, if that is the wish of the people, we have to accept it.”
These were great words from a great man. They are greater still because they were not made to the public but out of his heart to his only brother; and I was the only other man who heard this! They were indeed words that brought out the true democrat in Dudley.
Celebrations at Woodlands
The Dedigama result was officially announced at about 2 a.m. Dudley had won convincingly. Not only had he won his seat, the results that had come in indicated that the UNP had won the largest number of seats as a single party. Although the UNP did not have an absolute majority it was clear that only Dudley could have formed a coalition government.
As I escorted him out of the counting centre the crowd had thinned out. The supporters of the ruling party that had formed the bulk of the crowd had naturally left dejected. The lead picture in the Lake House papers on the following day was Dudley leaving the counting centre with the ASP Kegalle.
From the counting centre Dudley and Robert went to the residence of Winston Wickremasinghe, a prominent Kegalle lawyer who was a friend of the Senanayake family. I too followed in my Peugeot 203 driven by my orderly PC Dharmasena. Robert who was looking jubilant came up to me and thanked me for being with them. I told him that my responsibility was not over and that an escort would be provided. I also told him that I myself would be travelling in the lead police jeep to Woodlands.
“Eddie, you must join us at Kiribath. We will follow the police jeep”, were the softly spoken words of a tired but spirited Robert. Whilst waiting for the jeep with a Sub-Inspector and a Sergeant and constable, Winston came up to my car and insisted that I have a coffee before leaving for Woodlands. Being a local lawyer he was especially courteous when he spoke to me. At that time an Assistant Superintendent of Police commanded much respect among lawyers and Judges.
With the roads almost empty the journey to Woodlands was smooth and fast. At 5 a.m. we reached our destination. At the gate was a police jeep with several policemen inside. On seeing the signal lights of the jeep I was in, an officer got down from the jeep that was at the entrance. I recognized him as ASP Gamini Jayasinghe who was the ASP Colombo Traffic. The few people who were gathered on the road opposite Woodlands lit crackers and shouted ‘Jayawewa’.
Robert’s wife, Neela, and their children, Devinda, Ranjani, Ranjit, Lala and Rukman were in the verandah near the porch. Carolis, the faithful valet of Dudley dressed in a white shirt and white sarong, was beaming with smiles. Ranjit Wijewardene the Chairman of Lake House was also there.
After the initial greetings and hugs they all moved into the sitting room. By that time Gamini Jayasinghe also had moved towards the porch with an Inspector. I started chatting with them, enjoying a smoke. According to Gamini the victory of the UNP had not been anticipated by Police Headquarters. Before I could finish my cigarette, Carolis walked up to the two of us and said, “Gunawardena mahattayata hamu kathakaranawa”. I fetched my cap from the jeep and walked in.
The entire family was round the oval dining table laughing, chatting and eating kiribath. No chairs were to be seen near the table. They were all standing. The few pieces of furniture were untidy and in disarray. Indeed it was typical of a bachelor home.
As soon as Robert saw me he turned to Dudley and for all to hear exclaimed, “Dudley, here comes Eddie. The man who had to bear the brunt of the problems”.
The children also surrounded me whilst Dudley himself gave me a plate with a piece of kiribath and some katta sambol. Rukman was a small boy who was a silent observer.
Devinda spoke to me quite freely. He even told me how his father used to mention the long evenings he spent seated in the verandah of my Kegalle residence. He had not failed to mention that I had a servant who always served him an orange juice! At 6 O’clock I walked up to the Prime Minister-designate and sought his permission to leave as I had to get back to station. His reaction was a visibly emotional ‘Thank you’. As I came out to the porch I met Gamini and told him that I was getting back to Kegalle.
It was nearly nine in the morning when I reached Kegalle. After a quick bath and a cup of tea I went straight to the Ops. Room. The HQI was there with Sub-Inspector Cumaranatunga. Not a single incident or election offence had been reported. I instructed HQI to send an ‘Incident Nil’ report to Police Headquarters and disband the Ops. Room.
Locked up in a cell was a solitary elderly man. Coming out of a polling station in Hettimulla he had been arrested by a mobile patrol for the possession of a knife. I questioned the man and he said he always carried that knife to cut arecanut for his chew of betel. His betel stained mouth and teeth, showed that he was an inveterate ‘bulath hapaya’. I ordered his release and returned the knife with the advice to file the point off. I casually remarked to the HQI that the police should not act foolishly chasing after such trivialities!
The only unpleasant thing that happened after nearly 36 hours of smooth going where all the police arrangements of Kegalle district worked out without a hitch was that two days after the polls, even before a government had been formed, my explanation was called for by Police Headquarters for leaving station and accompanying Dudley Senanayake to Woodlands. I ignored this; and that was it!
Six months into the term of office of the new government, the main positive achievements continue to remain economic and political stability and the reduction of waste and corruption. The absence of these in the past contributed to a significant degree to the lack of development of the country. The fact that the government is making a serious bid to ensure them is the best prognosis for a better future for the country. There is still a distance to go. The promised improvements that would directly benefit those who are at the bottom of the economic pyramid, and the quarter of the population who live below the poverty line, have yet to materialise. Prices of essential goods have not come down and some have seen sharp increases such as rice and coconuts. There are no mega projects in the pipeline that would give people the hope that rapid development is around the corner.
There were times in the past when governments succeeded in giving the people big hopes for the future as soon as they came to power. Perhaps the biggest hope came with the government’s move towards the liberalisation of the economy that took place after the election of 1977. President J R Jayewardene and his team succeeded in raising generous international assistance, most of it coming in the form of grants, that helped to accelerate the envisaged 30 year Mahaweli Development project to just six years. In 1992 President Ranasinghe Premadasa thought on a macro scale when his government established 200 garment factories throughout the country to develop the rural economy and to help alleviate poverty. These large scale projects brought immediate hope to the lives of people.
More recently the Hambantota Port project, Mattala Airport and the Colombo Port City project promised mega development that excited the popular imagination at the time they commenced, though neither of them has lived up to their envisaged potential. These projects were driven by political interests and commission agents rather than economic viability leading to debt burden and underutilisation. The NPP government would need to be cautious about bringing in similar mega projects that could offer the people the hope of rapid economic growth. During his visits to India and China, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed a large number of agreements with the governments of those countries but the results remain unclear. The USD 1 billion Adani project to generate wind power with Indian collaboration appears to be stalled. The USD 3.7 billion Chinese proposal to build an oil refinery also appears to be stalled.
RENEWED GROWTH
The absence of high profile investments or projects to generate income and thereby take the country to a higher level of development is a lacuna in the development plans of the government. It has opened the door to invidious comparisons to be drawn between the new government’s ability to effect change and develop the economy in relation to those in the opposition political parties who have traditionally been in the seats of power. However, recently published statistics of the economic growth during the past year indicates that the economy is doing better than anticipated under the NPP government. Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in the year 2024, reversing two years of contraction with the growth rate for the year of 2023 being estimated at negative 2.3 percent. What was particularly creditable was the growth rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 (after the new government took over) being 5.4 percent. The growth figures for the present quarter are also likely to see a continuation of the present trend.
Sri Lanka’s failure in the past has been to sustain its economic growth rates. Even though the country started with high growth rates under different governments, it soon ran into problems of waste and corruption that eroded those gains. During the initial period of President J R Jayawardene’s government in the late 1970s, the economy registered near 8 percent growth with the support of its mega projects, but this could not be sustained. Violent conflict, waste and corruption came to the centre stage which led to the economy getting undermined. With more and more money being spent on the security forces to battle those who had become insurgents against the state, and with waste and corruption skyrocketing there was not much left over for economic development.
The government’s commitment to cut down on waste and corruption so that resources can be saved and added to enable economic growth can be seen in the strict discipline it has been following where expenditures on its members are concerned. The government has restricted the cabinet to 25 ministers, when in the past the figure was often double. The government has also made provision to reduce the perks of office, including medical insurance to parliamentarians. The value of this latter measure is that the parliamentarians will now have an incentive to upgrade the health system that serves the general public, instead of running it down as previous governments did. With their reduced levels of insurance coverage they will need to utilise the public health facilities rather than go to the private ones.
COMMITTED GOVERNMENT
The most positive feature of the present time is that the government is making a serious effort to root out corruption. This is to be seen in the invigoration of previously dormant institutions of accountability, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to pursue those who were previously regarded as being beyond the reach of the law due to their connections to those in the seats of power. The fact that the Inspector General of Police, who heads the police force, is behind bars on a judicial order is an indication that the rule of law is beginning to be taken seriously. By cost cutting, eliminating corruption and abiding by the rule of law the government is removing the obstacles to development. In the past, the mega development projects failed to deliver their full benefits because they got lost in corrupt and wasteful practices including violent conflict.
There is a need, however, for new and innovative development projects that require knowledge and expertise that is not necessarily within the government. So far it appears that the government is restricting its selection of key decision makers to those it knows, has worked with and trusts due to long association. Two of the committees that the government has recently appointed, the Clean Lanka task force and the Tourism advisory committee are composed of nearly all men from the majority community. If Sri Lanka is to leverage its full potential, the government must embrace a more inclusive approach that incorporates women and diverse perspectives from across the country’s multiethnic and multireligious population, including representation from the north and east. For development that includes all, and is accepted by all, it needs to tap into the larger resources that lie outside itself.
By ensuring that women and ethnic minorities have representation in decision making bodies of the government, the government can harness a broader range of skills, experiences, and perspectives, ultimately leading to more effective and sustainable development policies. Sustainable development is not merely about economic growth; it is about inclusivity and partnership. A government that prioritises diversity in its leadership will be better equipped to address the challenges that can arise unexpectedly. By widening its advisory base and integrating a broader array of voices, the government can create policies that are not only effective but also equitable. Through inclusive governance, responsible economic management, and innovative development strategies the government will surely lead the country towards a future that benefits all its people.
by Jehan Perera
Former Minister Ali Sabry’s recent op-ed, “Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy,” published in the Daily FT on 3 March, offers a timely reflection on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory in an increasingly multipolar world. Sabry’s articulation of a “non-aligned yet multi-aligned” approach is commendable for its attempt to reconcile Sri Lanka’s historical commitment to non-alignment with the realities of contemporary geopolitics. However, his framework raises critical questions about the principles of non-alignment, the nuances of multi-alignment, and Sri Lanka’s role in a world shaped by great power competition. This response seeks to engage with Sabry’s arguments, critique certain assumptions, and propose a more robust vision for Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.
Sabry outlines five key pillars of a non-aligned yet multi-aligned foreign policy:
- No military alignments, no foreign bases: Sri Lanka should avoid entangling itself in military alliances or hosting foreign military bases.
- Economic engagement with all, dependency on none
: Sri Lanka should diversify its economic partnerships to avoid over-reliance on any single country.
* Diplomatic balancing
: Sri Lanka should engage with multiple powers, leveraging relationships with China, India, the US, Europe, Japan, and ASEAN for specific benefits.
- Leveraging multilateralism
: Sri Lanka should participate actively in regional and global organisations, such as UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC.
- Resisting coercion and protecting sovereignty
: Sri Lanka must resist external pressures and assert its sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.
While pillars 1, 2, and 5 align with the traditional principles of non-alignment, pillars 3 and 4 warrant closer scrutiny. Sabry’s emphasis on “diplomatic balancing” and “leveraging multilateralism” raises questions about the consistency of his approach with the spirit of non-alignment and whether it adequately addresses the challenges of a multipolar world.
Dangers of over-compartmentalisation
Sabry’s suggestion that Sri Lanka should engage with China for infrastructure, India for regional security and trade, the US and Europe for technology and education, and Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities reflects a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. However, this compartmentalisation of partnerships risks reducing Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a transactional exercise, undermining the principles of non-alignment.
Sabry’s framework, curiously, excludes China from areas like technology, education, and regional security, despite China’s growing capabilities in these domains. For instance, China is a global leader in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and 5G technology, making it a natural partner for Sri Lanka’s technological advancement. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers significant opportunities for economic development and regional connectivity. By limiting China’s role to infrastructure, Sabry’s approach risks underutilising a key strategic partner.
Moreover, Sabry’s emphasis on India for regional security overlooks the broader geopolitical context. While India is undoubtedly a critical partner for Sri Lanka, regional security cannot be addressed in isolation from China’s role in South Asia. The Chinese autonomous region of Xizang (Tibet) is indeed part of South Asia, and China’s presence in the region is a reality that Sri Lanka must navigate. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would seek to balance relationships with both India and China, rather than assigning fixed roles to each.
Sabry’s compartmentalisation of partnerships risks creating silos in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, limiting its flexibility and strategic depth. For instance, by relying solely on the US and Europe for technology and education, Sri Lanka may miss out on opportunities for South-South cooperation with members of BRICS.
Similarly, by excluding China from regional security discussions, Sri Lanka may inadvertently align itself with India’s strategic interests, undermining its commitment to non-alignment.
Limited multilateralism?
Sabry’s call for Sri Lanka to remain active in organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC is laudable. However, his omission of the BRI, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is striking. These platforms represent emerging alternatives to the Western-dominated global order and offer Sri Lanka opportunities to diversify its partnerships and enhance its strategic autonomy.
The BRI is one of the most ambitious infrastructure and economic development projects in history, involving over 140 countries. For Sri Lanka, the BRI offers opportunities for infrastructure development, trade connectivity, and economic growth. By participating in the BRI, Sri Lanka can induce Chinese investment to address its infrastructure deficit and integrate into global supply chains. Excluding the BRI from Sri Lanka’s foreign policy framework would be a missed opportunity.
BRICS and the SCO represent platforms for South-South cooperation and multipolarity. BRICS, in particular, has emerged as a counterweight to such Western-dominated institutions as the IMF and World Bank, advocating for a more equitable global economic order. The SCO, on the other hand, focuses on regional security and counterterrorism, offering Sri Lanka a platform to address its security concerns in collaboration with major powers like China, Russia, and India. By engaging with these organisations, Sri Lanka can strengthen its commitment to multipolarity and enhance its strategic autonomy.
Non-alignment is not neutrality
Sabry’s assertion that Sri Lanka must avoid taking sides in major power conflicts reflects a misunderstanding of non-alignment. Non-alignment is not about neutrality; it is about taking a principled stand on issues of global importance. During the Cold War, non-aligned countries, like Sri Lanka, opposed colonialism, apartheid, and imperialism, even as they avoided alignment with either the US or the Soviet Union.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, under leaders like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was characterised by a commitment to anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, opposing racial segregation and discrimination in both its Apartheid and Zionist forms. Sri Lanka, the first Asian country to recognise revolutionary Cuba, recognised the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, supported liberation struggles in Africa, and opposed the US military base in Diego Garcia. These actions were not neutral; they were rooted in a principled commitment to justice and equality.
Today, Sri Lanka faces new challenges, including great power competition, economic coercion, and climate change. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would require Sri Lanka to take a stand on issues like the genocide in Gaza, the colonisation of the West Bank, the continued denial of the right to return of ethnically-cleansed Palestinians and Chagossians, the militarisation of the Indo-Pacific, the use of economic sanctions as a tool of coercion, and the need for climate justice. By avoiding these issues, Sri Lanka risks becoming the imperialist powers’ cringing, whingeing client state.
The path forward
Sabry’s use of the term “multi-alignment” reflects a growing trend in Indian foreign policy, particularly under the BJP Government. However, multi-alignment is not the same as multipolarity. Multi-alignment implies a transactional approach to foreign policy, where a country seeks to extract maximum benefits from multiple partners without a coherent strategic vision. Multipolarity, on the other hand, envisions a world order where power is distributed among multiple centres, reducing the dominance of any single power.
Sri Lanka should advocate for a multipolar world order that reflects the diversity of the global South. This would involve strengthening platforms like BRICS, the SCO, and the NAM, while also engaging with Western institutions like the UN and the WTO. By promoting multipolarity, Sri Lanka can contribute to a more equitable and just global order, in line with the principles of non-alignment.
Ali Sabry’s call for a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy falls short of articulating a coherent vision for Sri Lanka’s role in a multipolar world. To truly uphold the principles of non-alignment, Sri Lanka must:
* Reject compartmentalisation
: Engage with all partners across all domains, including technology, education, and regional security.
* Embrace emerging platforms
: Participate in the BRI, BRICS, and SCO to diversify partnerships and enhance strategic autonomy.
* Take principled stands
: Advocate for justice, equality, and multipolarity in global affairs.
* Promote South-South cooperation
: Strengthen ties with other Global South countries to address shared challenges, like climate change and economic inequality.
By adopting this approach, Sri Lanka can reclaim its historical legacy as a leader of the non-aligned movement and chart a course toward a sovereign, secure, and successful future.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Cancellation of shows has turned out to be a regular happening where former Backstreet Boys Nick Carter is concerned. In the past, it has happened several times.
If Nick Carter is not 100 percent fit, he should not undertake these strenuous world tours, ultimately disappointing his fans.
It’s not a healthy scene to be cancelling shows on a regular basis.
In May 2024, a few days before his scheduled visit to the Philippines, Carter cancelled his two shows due to “unforeseen circumstances.”
The promoter concerned announced the development and apologised to fans who bought tickets to Carter’s shows in Cebu, on May 23, and in Manila, on May 24.
The dates were supposed to be part of the Asian leg of his ‘Who I Am’ 2024 tour.
Carter previously cancelled a series of solo concerts in Asia, including Jakarta, Mumbai, Singapore, and Taipei. And this is what the organisers had to say:
“Due to unexpected matters related to Nick Carter’s schedule, we regret to announce that Nick’s show in Asia, including Jakarta on May 26 (2024), has been cancelled.
His ‘Who I Am’ Japan tour 2024 was also cancelled, with the following announcement:
Explaining, on video, about the
cancelled ‘Who I Am’ shows
“We regret to announce that the NICK CARTER Japan Tour, planned for June 4th at Toyosu PIT (Tokyo) and June 6th at Namba Hatch (Osaka), will no longer be proceeding due to ‘unforeseen circumstances.’ We apologise for any disappointment.
Believe me, I had a strange feeling that his Colombo show would not materialise and I did mention, in a subtle way, in my article about Nick Carter’s Colombo concert, in ‘StarTrack’ of 14th January, 2025 … my only worry (at that point in time) is the HMPV virus which is reported to be spreading in China and has cropped up in Malaysia, and India, as well.
Although no HMPV virus has cropped up, Carter has cancelled his scheduled performance in Sri Lanka, and in a number of other countries, as well, to return home, quoting, once again, “unforeseen circumstances.”
“Unforeseen circumstances” seems to be his tagline!
There is talk that low ticket sales is the reason for some of his concerts to be cancelled.
Yes, elaborate arrangements were put in place for Nick Carter’s trip to Sri Lanka – Meet & Greet, Q&A, selfies, etc., but all at a price!
Wonder if there will be the same excitement and enthusiasm if Nick Carter decides to come up with new dates for what has been cancelled?
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