In terms of Section 17 of the Removal of Officers (Procedure) Act, No. 5 of 2002, a Resolution presented for the removal of T.M.W. Deshabandu Tennakoon from the post of The Inspector-General of Police was passed by a majority vote in Parliament on August 5, 2025, understandably with the governing party NPP having a steamroller majority in it.

Altogether 177 lawmakers voted for the resolution, whereas one MP (Ramanathan Archchuna) abstained from voting. Forty-seven MPs refrained from taking a stand.

The failure on the part of 47 MPs to take a stand on such a vital issue must be a matter of grave concern and reflects the fact that their consciences did not permit them to take such a decision to go with their party’s decision. Most of them represented the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). The SJB leadership should inquire into the circumstances its elected and appointed MPs refrained from voting for the politically charged resolution. It would be pertinent to mention that the ruling National People’s Power (NPP) moved the resolution with the backing of the SJB. Therefore, the absence of so many SJB MPs at the time of voting must receive due consideration.

Three-member Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP/Pohottuwa party) refrained from voting. Having tacitly backed Deshabandu Tennakoon’s appointment, the SLPP must have felt embarrassed to vote for the resolution. Many eyebrows were raised when SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa criticised and questioned the government move. The National List MP declared that both as an MP and as an individual he wouldn’t vote for it as the issue at hand was before courts. The MP asserted that the debate in Parliament may influence judicial proceedings.

Unfortunately, the government parliamentary group failed to remind lawmaker Rajapaksa how the UPFA impeached Shirani Bandaranayake, the 43rd Chief Justice, and removed her from Office on January 13th, 2013, after the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa ratified the impeachment motion passed by Parliament.

That motion to oust IGP Tennakoon was passed by Parliament with 155 MPs voting for and 49 opposing it. Having first entered Parliament at the 2010 general election, Namal Rajapaksa was among the 155-member group of lawmakers who voted for what the then Opposition called a flawed and illegal motion.

A Committee of Inquiry that inquired into and reported on allegations of gross abuse of power and serious misuse of authority by T.M.W. Deshabandu Tennakoon in the discharge of his duties as Inspector-General of Police found him guilty. Out of the total 23 charges levelled against the Inspector-General of Police, he was found guilty of Charges No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15,16, 17, 18, 19, 22, and 23.

The Committee of Inquiry that was led by sitting Supreme Court Judge P.P. Surasena included Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawala and E.W.M. Lalith Ekanayake, the Chairman of the National Police Commission. Close on the heels of a damning report on the besieged IGP by the inquiring committee, Surasena was named the Chief Justice.

The hasty removal of the IGP, without allowing the judicial process to take its course over gross abuse of power and serious misuse of authority by the top khaki coat, also underscored the overzealous nature of politics here and the further deterioration of the once respected Police Department, despite its somewhat tarnished record of siding with the rulers from the colonial times, to such an extent the damage caused seemed irreversible. Deshabandu Tennakoon wielded immense political clout over the years and had the ears of those who controlled the legislative body. So much so, the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe defied the Supreme Court in a bid to save Deshabandu Tennakoon. Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, too, threw his weight behind Deshabandu Tennakoon. The Speaker was obviously trying to curry favour with President Wickremesinghe for obvious reasons.

Against the backdrop of the humiliating exit of an IGP, it would be of pivotal importance to examine the events leading to the August 05 vote in Parliament. President Wickremesinghe backed Deshabandu Tennakoon as he was Public Security Minister Tiran Alles’s choice as the Police Chief. Deshabandu Tennakoon had the unwavering support of Alles as he, one of those senior law enforcement officers named by the Presidential Commission that inquired into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, navigated an extremely difficult and challenging period to receive appointment as the 36th IGP on February 26, 2024. That appointment was made under controversial circumstances. Deshabandu Tennakoon has served as the Acting IGP since November 29, 2023.

Wickremesinghe, and those who backed him as the presidential candidate at the expense of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) that elected him as the President in July 2022, believed that Deshabandu Tennakoon could play a significant role at the presidential election. In other words, Wickremesinghe’s group believed Deshabandu Tennakoon’s police could create an environment conducive for Wickremesinghe to win the presidential election.

Speaker at fault

Speaker Abeywardena played politics in the appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon as alleged by the SJB repeatedly. Had Speaker Abeywardena taken a principled stand, he could have avoided a very unpleasant situation. Unfortunately, the one-time UNPer obviously felt that his political future depended on Wickremesinghe, hence the decision to ensure Deshabandu Tennakoon’s appointment.

In spite of Wickremesinghe’s nominee failing to garner the required five votes, Speaker Abeywardena, contrary to the Constitution, threw his weight behind the controversial cop. In terms of the Constitution, the Speaker could have voted only in the case of a tie. Speaker brazenly disregarded public criticism of his shameful conduct. For Abeywardena there was no turning back. He had no option but to go along with Wickremesinghe and face whatever the consequences.

Those who backed Wickremesinghe’s candidacy at the presidential election, conducted in September 2024, suffered a debilitating setback. Wickremesinghe experienced a humiliating defeat. Wickremesinghe is unlikely to seek political office again. Three months after the presidential election, the New Democratic Front (NDF) that backed Wickremesinghe’s candidature at the presidential election included former Speaker Abeywardena on its National List. Abeywardena was the fifth on that list. The fourth place was the former Public Security Minister Alles.

The despicable political operation to appoint Deshabandu Tennakoon as the IGP caused irrevocable harm to not only Wickremesinghe but the Constitutional Council as well. However, the Speaker emerged victorious when the SLPP quite comfortably defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Speaker Abeywardena in late March 2024 in the run-up to the presidential election. The SJB moved the no-faith motion against Speaker Abeywardena’s conduct (i) failure to implement Supreme Court recommendations pertaining to Online Safety Bill (ii) allow third reading of the Online Safety Bill to be passed without a vote and (iii) appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon as the IGP. Having resolutely backed Speaker Abeywardena’s controversial actions that were supportive of Wickremesinghe’s grand design, the SLPP couldn’t have voted for the resolution to remove Deshabandu Tennakoon. The no-faith motion was defeated by 42 votes.

A jubilant wrongdoer unintentionally confirmed what many suspected that the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in July the previous year, was engineered by external powers. Speaker Abeywardena said so because he was so happy and overwhelmed by the SLPP saving his skin. Abeywardena never commented on the then lawmaker Wimal Weerawansa and renowned writer Sena Thoradeniya alleging ahead of him the direct intervention by US Ambassador Julie Chung in the operation to oust President Rajapaksa.

Wickremesinghe and Abeywardena disregarded that at the time Deshabandu Tennakoon received appointment as the IGP in February 2024 there had been nine petitions against him in the Supreme Court. The petitioners were Prof. Savithri Goonasekara, Niroshan Padukka, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuththu, Malcom Cardinal Ranjith, Tharindu Iranga Jayawardana, Hirunika Premachandra, Atham Lebbe Aazath, S.K. Priyanga and A.N.S. Soysa. They named the Attorney General representing the President, the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, the Speaker, members of the Constitutional Council, the Attorney General and several others as respondents. The Attorney General’s Department argued that Deshabandu Tennakoon should be made the IGP. Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC, whom President Wickremesinghe wanted to continue for six months, served as the AG at that time.

Why did Wickremesinghe ignore the cases against Deshabandu Tennakoon: The President also disregarded that Deshabandu Tennakoon had been found guilty by the Supreme Court in respect of a torture case.

The then Premier Dinesh Gunawardena had no option but to defend indefensible actions of Wickremesinghe and Speaker. Gunawardena took up a contentious stand that the Constitutional Council is an extension of the legislature and, therefore, not subject to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Gunawardena was right on top of the National List of the NDF that also included Tiran Alles and Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena on fourth and fifth slots.

Attack on W15 Hotel

President Wickremesinghe, Speaker Abeywardena, and the SLPP, brashly backed Deshabandu Tennkoon in spite of knowing he ordered an attack on the W15 Hotel at Pelena, in the Weligama police area, on December 31, 2023. The issues surrounding the attack on the W15 Hotel cannot be examined without taking into consideration the targeted hotel’s owning group: W15’s Managing Director is Hardy Jamaldeen, a son of politician A.J.M. Muzammil, who has been tied to both major political parties in the country at one time or another.

Although the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government initially covered up the Weligama incident, subsequently the whole lot involved in the clandestine raid were exposed. If Wickremesinghe somehow managed to win the presidential election, Deshabandu Tennakoon could have continued as he pleased. But, Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory at the presidential election paved the way for a no holds barred investigation and a resolution that sought to remove the disgraced IGP.

Investigations and court proceedings exposed how the much-touted Colombo Crime Division (CCD) functioned as a hit squad at the behest of Deshabandu Tennakoon whose legal team was led by top lawyer Romesh de Silva, PC.

The attack on W15 went awry due to the unexpected arrival of a joint police-Army mobile patrol that engaged the CCD team firing at the hotel. Of the two CCD personnel, who had sustained injuries as a result of joint police-Army team firing, 47-year-old Police Sergeant Upul Chaminda Kumara succumbed to his injuries. President Wickremesinghe granted a sum of Rs 2.5 mn, from the President’s Fund, as compensation to Sergeant Kumara, posthumously promoted to the rank of Sub Inspector, whereas Police Headquarters, too, paid Rs 1.7 mn to his family.

The then political leadership moved swiftly and decisively to compensate the slain policeman’s family. Perhaps the government should conduct a thorough investigation to find whether CCD or any other special police unit had been used to carry out clandestine operations. Here, the issue at hand is whether such operations had been undertaken with the knowledge of politicians at any level. Although the Parliament sacked Deshabandu Tennakoon, as expected, it would be pertinent to ask whether those who used the discredited IGP are likely to be investigated.

The culpability of Wickremesinghe, Alles et al cannot be disregarded. If the NPP government is genuinely interested in dealing with the police mafia it should go the whole hog. The government cannot turn a blind eye to the fact that the Attorney General’s Department, having favoured the appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon in 2024, in less than a year, called him a ghost and someone more dangerous than the most notorious criminals. The Attorney General’s Department had to state in the Court of Appeal that Deshabandu was not even qualified to be a police constable.

What Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris said in the Matara Magistrate court in respect of Deshabandu Tennakoon is shocking:” “Your Honour, this morning I received information that the suspect, against whom an open warrant has been issued for his arrest, arrived at the Matara court in a luxury Benz car, dressed in a suit, and was seated inside the court premises. It was after receiving this information that I decided to appear before this court. This suspect seems to believe he can enter the court like a sneaky cat, break through empty cell blocks, and secure bail without notifying us. Even when I arrived at court, he was seated on a bench, dressed formally. Your Honour, I would like to ask—how is he sitting on a bench. He should be inside a cell.”

“He is a criminal. A criminal should not walk into court with an air of arrogance. He should be crawling on the ground. He switched off his phone and evaded court for about 20 days. He is no different from organised criminals like Makandure Madush and Harak Kata. Moreover, he is a skilled actor—he only appeared before court when he had no other option left. This suspect even named Your Honour as the first respondent in the petition he filed before the Court of Appeal, accusing the court of conspiracy.”

Need for immediate remedial measures

Wickremesinghe, in the run-up to the presidential election made a desperate bid to save Deshabandu Tennakoon. Wickremesinghe’s declaration at a well-attended public rally at Homagama on July 27, 2024, caused quite a stir. Wickremesinghe disclosed that he had advised Speaker Abeywardena to discuss with Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, and the issue of appointing an Acting IGP. The President also said he would speak to the CJ on the same issue.

President Wickremesinghe said that it was the responsibility of the Parliament and the Judiciary to resolve the issue. The President reiterated that he couldn’t intervene in the matter.

Wickremesinghe couldn’t deal with the Supreme Court directive that an acting appointment be made pending the hearing of the fundamental rights cases.

When the writer raised the issue with Wickremesinghe at the Cinnamon Grand, Colombo on the eve of the presidential election, an irate President Wickremesinghe said he couldn’t pressure Speaker Abeywardena and Chief Justice Jayasuriya to address the unprecedented issue caused by a Supreme Court directive in respect of several fundamental rights petitions filed against IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon.

Wickremesinghe caused himself immense harm by appointing Deshabandu Tennakoon, disregarding the SC ruling against the top cop, in addition to fundamental rights cases and the attack on W15. Only Wickremesinghe could reveal as to why he went out of his way to promote Deshabandu Tennakoon or who pushed him to do so.

Deshabandu Tennakoon’s dismissal reflected very badly not only on the Police Department but the entire political party system. The deterioration of the police service to such an extent cannot be discussed without taking into consideration political interference at every level. Deshabandu Tennakoon’s fate is a case in point. Had the government dealt with Deshabandu Tennakoon appropriately after the SC faulted him over a torture case he could have avoided the disgraceful dismissal from service.

During Deshabandu Tennakoon’s tenure as the IGP, the police conducted ‘Yukthiya’, an operation that was meant to deceive the gullible public. That operation was portrayed as the panacea for the law and order crisis. It was nothing but a ‘boru’ show that didn’t achieve much anticipated decline of the underworld. Since the introduction of the executive presidential system in 1978, the deterioration of the police has accelerated. There is no point in denying that. All political parties used the police as a tool to advance their agenda. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government pursued the same strategy but in a way that transformed and politicised law enforcement as never before.

The government accepted Deshabandu’s failure to thwart an attack on the Aragalaya protesters at Galle Face that changed Sri Lanka’s history. Had Deshabandu, as the senior law enforcement officer on the spot acted swiftly and decisively, the murderous onslaught, ordered by Temple Trees, could have been averted, thereby preventing the well-organised counter attack launched by Aragalaya. But, the powers that be kept Deshabandu and ensured his journey and the post of the IGP in February 2024. That cost Wickremesinghe dearly. The rest is history.

By Shamindra Ferdinando ✍️