Features
Deterioration of police and culpability of political party system
In terms of Section 17 of the Removal of Officers (Procedure) Act, No. 5 of 2002, a Resolution presented for the removal of T.M.W. Deshabandu Tennakoon from the post of The Inspector-General of Police was passed by a majority vote in Parliament on August 5, 2025, understandably with the governing party NPP having a steamroller majority in it.
Altogether 177 lawmakers voted for the resolution, whereas one MP (Ramanathan Archchuna) abstained from voting. Forty-seven MPs refrained from taking a stand.
The failure on the part of 47 MPs to take a stand on such a vital issue must be a matter of grave concern and reflects the fact that their consciences did not permit them to take such a decision to go with their party’s decision. Most of them represented the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). The SJB leadership should inquire into the circumstances its elected and appointed MPs refrained from voting for the politically charged resolution. It would be pertinent to mention that the ruling National People’s Power (NPP) moved the resolution with the backing of the SJB. Therefore, the absence of so many SJB MPs at the time of voting must receive due consideration.
Three-member Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP/Pohottuwa party) refrained from voting. Having tacitly backed Deshabandu Tennakoon’s appointment, the SLPP must have felt embarrassed to vote for the resolution. Many eyebrows were raised when SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa criticised and questioned the government move. The National List MP declared that both as an MP and as an individual he wouldn’t vote for it as the issue at hand was before courts. The MP asserted that the debate in Parliament may influence judicial proceedings.
Unfortunately, the government parliamentary group failed to remind lawmaker Rajapaksa how the UPFA impeached Shirani Bandaranayake, the 43rd Chief Justice, and removed her from Office on January 13th, 2013, after the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa ratified the impeachment motion passed by Parliament.
That motion to oust IGP Tennakoon was passed by Parliament with 155 MPs voting for and 49 opposing it. Having first entered Parliament at the 2010 general election, Namal Rajapaksa was among the 155-member group of lawmakers who voted for what the then Opposition called a flawed and illegal motion.
A Committee of Inquiry that inquired into and reported on allegations of gross abuse of power and serious misuse of authority by T.M.W. Deshabandu Tennakoon in the discharge of his duties as Inspector-General of Police found him guilty. Out of the total 23 charges levelled against the Inspector-General of Police, he was found guilty of Charges No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15,16, 17, 18, 19, 22, and 23.
The Committee of Inquiry that was led by sitting Supreme Court Judge P.P. Surasena included Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawala and E.W.M. Lalith Ekanayake, the Chairman of the National Police Commission. Close on the heels of a damning report on the besieged IGP by the inquiring committee, Surasena was named the Chief Justice.
The hasty removal of the IGP, without allowing the judicial process to take its course over gross abuse of power and serious misuse of authority by the top khaki coat, also underscored the overzealous nature of politics here and the further deterioration of the once respected Police Department, despite its somewhat tarnished record of siding with the rulers from the colonial times, to such an extent the damage caused seemed irreversible. Deshabandu Tennakoon wielded immense political clout over the years and had the ears of those who controlled the legislative body. So much so, the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe defied the Supreme Court in a bid to save Deshabandu Tennakoon. Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, too, threw his weight behind Deshabandu Tennakoon. The Speaker was obviously trying to curry favour with President Wickremesinghe for obvious reasons.
Against the backdrop of the humiliating exit of an IGP, it would be of pivotal importance to examine the events leading to the August 05 vote in Parliament. President Wickremesinghe backed Deshabandu Tennakoon as he was Public Security Minister Tiran Alles’s choice as the Police Chief. Deshabandu Tennakoon had the unwavering support of Alles as he, one of those senior law enforcement officers named by the Presidential Commission that inquired into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, navigated an extremely difficult and challenging period to receive appointment as the 36th IGP on February 26, 2024. That appointment was made under controversial circumstances. Deshabandu Tennakoon has served as the Acting IGP since November 29, 2023.
Wickremesinghe, and those who backed him as the presidential candidate at the expense of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) that elected him as the President in July 2022, believed that Deshabandu Tennakoon could play a significant role at the presidential election. In other words, Wickremesinghe’s group believed Deshabandu Tennakoon’s police could create an environment conducive for Wickremesinghe to win the presidential election.
Speaker at fault
Speaker Abeywardena played politics in the appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon as alleged by the SJB repeatedly. Had Speaker Abeywardena taken a principled stand, he could have avoided a very unpleasant situation. Unfortunately, the one-time UNPer obviously felt that his political future depended on Wickremesinghe, hence the decision to ensure Deshabandu Tennakoon’s appointment.
In spite of Wickremesinghe’s nominee failing to garner the required five votes, Speaker Abeywardena, contrary to the Constitution, threw his weight behind the controversial cop. In terms of the Constitution, the Speaker could have voted only in the case of a tie. Speaker brazenly disregarded public criticism of his shameful conduct. For Abeywardena there was no turning back. He had no option but to go along with Wickremesinghe and face whatever the consequences.
Those who backed Wickremesinghe’s candidacy at the presidential election, conducted in September 2024, suffered a debilitating setback. Wickremesinghe experienced a humiliating defeat. Wickremesinghe is unlikely to seek political office again. Three months after the presidential election, the New Democratic Front (NDF) that backed Wickremesinghe’s candidature at the presidential election included former Speaker Abeywardena on its National List. Abeywardena was the fifth on that list. The fourth place was the former Public Security Minister Alles.
The despicable political operation to appoint Deshabandu Tennakoon as the IGP caused irrevocable harm to not only Wickremesinghe but the Constitutional Council as well. However, the Speaker emerged victorious when the SLPP quite comfortably defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Speaker Abeywardena in late March 2024 in the run-up to the presidential election. The SJB moved the no-faith motion against Speaker Abeywardena’s conduct (i) failure to implement Supreme Court recommendations pertaining to Online Safety Bill (ii) allow third reading of the Online Safety Bill to be passed without a vote and (iii) appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon as the IGP. Having resolutely backed Speaker Abeywardena’s controversial actions that were supportive of Wickremesinghe’s grand design, the SLPP couldn’t have voted for the resolution to remove Deshabandu Tennakoon. The no-faith motion was defeated by 42 votes.
A jubilant wrongdoer unintentionally confirmed what many suspected that the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in July the previous year, was engineered by external powers. Speaker Abeywardena said so because he was so happy and overwhelmed by the SLPP saving his skin. Abeywardena never commented on the then lawmaker Wimal Weerawansa and renowned writer Sena Thoradeniya alleging ahead of him the direct intervention by US Ambassador Julie Chung in the operation to oust President Rajapaksa.
Wickremesinghe and Abeywardena disregarded that at the time Deshabandu Tennakoon received appointment as the IGP in February 2024 there had been nine petitions against him in the Supreme Court. The petitioners were Prof. Savithri Goonasekara, Niroshan Padukka, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuththu, Malcom Cardinal Ranjith, Tharindu Iranga Jayawardana, Hirunika Premachandra, Atham Lebbe Aazath, S.K. Priyanga and A.N.S. Soysa. They named the Attorney General representing the President, the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, the Speaker, members of the Constitutional Council, the Attorney General and several others as respondents. The Attorney General’s Department argued that Deshabandu Tennakoon should be made the IGP. Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC, whom President Wickremesinghe wanted to continue for six months, served as the AG at that time.
Why did Wickremesinghe ignore the cases against Deshabandu Tennakoon: The President also disregarded that Deshabandu Tennakoon had been found guilty by the Supreme Court in respect of a torture case.
The then Premier Dinesh Gunawardena had no option but to defend indefensible actions of Wickremesinghe and Speaker. Gunawardena took up a contentious stand that the Constitutional Council is an extension of the legislature and, therefore, not subject to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Gunawardena was right on top of the National List of the NDF that also included Tiran Alles and Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena on fourth and fifth slots.
Attack on W15 Hotel
President Wickremesinghe, Speaker Abeywardena, and the SLPP, brashly backed Deshabandu Tennkoon in spite of knowing he ordered an attack on the W15 Hotel at Pelena, in the Weligama police area, on December 31, 2023. The issues surrounding the attack on the W15 Hotel cannot be examined without taking into consideration the targeted hotel’s owning group: W15’s Managing Director is Hardy Jamaldeen, a son of politician A.J.M. Muzammil, who has been tied to both major political parties in the country at one time or another.
Although the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government initially covered up the Weligama incident, subsequently the whole lot involved in the clandestine raid were exposed. If Wickremesinghe somehow managed to win the presidential election, Deshabandu Tennakoon could have continued as he pleased. But, Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory at the presidential election paved the way for a no holds barred investigation and a resolution that sought to remove the disgraced IGP.
Investigations and court proceedings exposed how the much-touted Colombo Crime Division (CCD) functioned as a hit squad at the behest of Deshabandu Tennakoon whose legal team was led by top lawyer Romesh de Silva, PC.
The attack on W15 went awry due to the unexpected arrival of a joint police-Army mobile patrol that engaged the CCD team firing at the hotel. Of the two CCD personnel, who had sustained injuries as a result of joint police-Army team firing, 47-year-old Police Sergeant Upul Chaminda Kumara succumbed to his injuries. President Wickremesinghe granted a sum of Rs 2.5 mn, from the President’s Fund, as compensation to Sergeant Kumara, posthumously promoted to the rank of Sub Inspector, whereas Police Headquarters, too, paid Rs 1.7 mn to his family.
The then political leadership moved swiftly and decisively to compensate the slain policeman’s family. Perhaps the government should conduct a thorough investigation to find whether CCD or any other special police unit had been used to carry out clandestine operations. Here, the issue at hand is whether such operations had been undertaken with the knowledge of politicians at any level. Although the Parliament sacked Deshabandu Tennakoon, as expected, it would be pertinent to ask whether those who used the discredited IGP are likely to be investigated.
The culpability of Wickremesinghe, Alles et al cannot be disregarded. If the NPP government is genuinely interested in dealing with the police mafia it should go the whole hog. The government cannot turn a blind eye to the fact that the Attorney General’s Department, having favoured the appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon in 2024, in less than a year, called him a ghost and someone more dangerous than the most notorious criminals. The Attorney General’s Department had to state in the Court of Appeal that Deshabandu was not even qualified to be a police constable.
What Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris said in the Matara Magistrate court in respect of Deshabandu Tennakoon is shocking:” “Your Honour, this morning I received information that the suspect, against whom an open warrant has been issued for his arrest, arrived at the Matara court in a luxury Benz car, dressed in a suit, and was seated inside the court premises. It was after receiving this information that I decided to appear before this court. This suspect seems to believe he can enter the court like a sneaky cat, break through empty cell blocks, and secure bail without notifying us. Even when I arrived at court, he was seated on a bench, dressed formally. Your Honour, I would like to ask—how is he sitting on a bench. He should be inside a cell.”
“He is a criminal. A criminal should not walk into court with an air of arrogance. He should be crawling on the ground. He switched off his phone and evaded court for about 20 days. He is no different from organised criminals like Makandure Madush and Harak Kata. Moreover, he is a skilled actor—he only appeared before court when he had no other option left. This suspect even named Your Honour as the first respondent in the petition he filed before the Court of Appeal, accusing the court of conspiracy.”
Need for immediate remedial measures
Wickremesinghe, in the run-up to the presidential election made a desperate bid to save Deshabandu Tennakoon. Wickremesinghe’s declaration at a well-attended public rally at Homagama on July 27, 2024, caused quite a stir. Wickremesinghe disclosed that he had advised Speaker Abeywardena to discuss with Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, and the issue of appointing an Acting IGP. The President also said he would speak to the CJ on the same issue.
President Wickremesinghe said that it was the responsibility of the Parliament and the Judiciary to resolve the issue. The President reiterated that he couldn’t intervene in the matter.
Wickremesinghe couldn’t deal with the Supreme Court directive that an acting appointment be made pending the hearing of the fundamental rights cases.
When the writer raised the issue with Wickremesinghe at the Cinnamon Grand, Colombo on the eve of the presidential election, an irate President Wickremesinghe said he couldn’t pressure Speaker Abeywardena and Chief Justice Jayasuriya to address the unprecedented issue caused by a Supreme Court directive in respect of several fundamental rights petitions filed against IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon.
Wickremesinghe caused himself immense harm by appointing Deshabandu Tennakoon, disregarding the SC ruling against the top cop, in addition to fundamental rights cases and the attack on W15. Only Wickremesinghe could reveal as to why he went out of his way to promote Deshabandu Tennakoon or who pushed him to do so.
Deshabandu Tennakoon’s dismissal reflected very badly not only on the Police Department but the entire political party system. The deterioration of the police service to such an extent cannot be discussed without taking into consideration political interference at every level. Deshabandu Tennakoon’s fate is a case in point. Had the government dealt with Deshabandu Tennakoon appropriately after the SC faulted him over a torture case he could have avoided the disgraceful dismissal from service.
During Deshabandu Tennakoon’s tenure as the IGP, the police conducted ‘Yukthiya’, an operation that was meant to deceive the gullible public. That operation was portrayed as the panacea for the law and order crisis. It was nothing but a ‘boru’ show that didn’t achieve much anticipated decline of the underworld. Since the introduction of the executive presidential system in 1978, the deterioration of the police has accelerated. There is no point in denying that. All political parties used the police as a tool to advance their agenda. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government pursued the same strategy but in a way that transformed and politicised law enforcement as never before.
The government accepted Deshabandu’s failure to thwart an attack on the Aragalaya protesters at Galle Face that changed Sri Lanka’s history. Had Deshabandu, as the senior law enforcement officer on the spot acted swiftly and decisively, the murderous onslaught, ordered by Temple Trees, could have been averted, thereby preventing the well-organised counter attack launched by Aragalaya. But, the powers that be kept Deshabandu and ensured his journey and the post of the IGP in February 2024. That cost Wickremesinghe dearly. The rest is history.
By Shamindra Ferdinando ✍️
Features
Beyond traditional jobs: Why Sri Lanka needs to facilitate the gig economy
by Kapila Chinthaka Premarathne
Head of the Department of Agricultural Systems and a Senior Lecturer in Agricultural Economics at the Faculty of Agriculture,
Rajarata University of Sri Lanka
Beyond the Graduate Unemployment Number
Sri Lanka’s economic recovery has improved macroeconomic stability, but youth unemployment remains a significant labour-market concern. Around 43% of Sri Lankan youth aged 15–24 with postsecondary education are unemployed, the highest among the Asian economies compared in the IMF analysis, compared with about 36% in Bangladesh and 13.2% in Thailand. This reflects a problem of skills mismatches and the difficulty of connecting higher education with changing labour-market demand. The concern goes beyond unemployment itself. Sri Lanka has invested heavily in educating its younger population, yet the conventional labour market is not creating enough opportunities to convert these qualifications into income. Many young people possess degrees, technical knowledge and growing digital familiarity, but remain outside formal employment because suitable jobs may not exist in the right place, at the right time or under conditions compatible with their circumstances. This makes it necessary to think beyond traditional employment models and explore new ways of connecting Sri Lanka’s educated youth with economic opportunities.
This is where Sri Lanka needs to reconsider how it understands employment
Employment has traditionally been viewed through the employer–employee relationship, with qualifications leading to a formal job and regular salary. While this model remains important, digital platforms are creating new ways to generate income, allowing individuals to work for multiple clients across geographical boundaries without permanent employment. Sri Lanka therefore needs to look beyond simply creating conventional jobs and consider whether it is building the conditions for its educated population to participate in the growing global market for digital services.
The Opportunity of the Gig Economy
The gig economy extends far beyond ride-hailing and delivery services. Digital platforms increasingly connect skilled individuals with opportunities in software development, design, accounting, data analysis, digital marketing, translation, online education, research and consultancy. This is particularly relevant to Sri Lanka, where a highly educated population faces a relatively limited domestic market for specialised skills. Digital platforms can overcome geographical constraints by connecting Sri Lankan workers directly with international clients.
As highlighted in my previous LSE South Asia article on women and the gig economy, such work should not replace formal employment but can create additional income opportunities when supported by appropriate skills, digital infrastructure, training and institutional support. A skilled person in Anuradhapura, Jaffna, Batticaloa or Monaragala could potentially serve clients in London, Melbourne or Dubai without first relocating to Colombo. This makes the gig economy relevant not only to employment but also to Sri Lanka’s emerging digital services-export strategy.
A Digitally Familiar Generation
Sri Lanka’s younger generation is growing up with smartphones, social media, online learning, digital applications and digital financial services, giving them a level of digital familiarity that previous generations did not have. However, digital familiarity does not automatically translate into digital employability. The challenge is to transform everyday digital use into productive skills such as data analysis, artificial intelligence, software development, digital marketing, financial analysis and online professional services.
Sri Lanka therefore needs to move young people from being consumers of digital services to producers of digital value. Universities, vocational institutions and training providers can play an important role in converting existing digital familiarity into marketable skills that connect young people with both domestic and international opportunities. This is increasingly important as technological change and AI reshape labour markets and intensify the need for skills that match emerging forms of work.
The Gender Dimension
The gig economy may be particularly relevant to women, who often face barriers to conventional employment arising from childcare, eldercare, mobility, social expectations and rigid working arrangements. For mothers and women living outside major urban centres, fixed working hours and daily commuting can make formal employment difficult even when suitable jobs exist.
Digital gig work can provide greater flexibility, allowing women to undertake professional assignments from home or their communities and potentially serve international clients without relocating. As discussed in my earlier LSE South Asia article, this opportunity is most meaningful when supported by digital infrastructure, skills training, virtual work hubs, mentorship and appropriate institutional support. However, flexibility should expand women’s economic choices rather than simply add paid work to existing unpaid household responsibilities.
Pressure on Labour-Market Opportunity
The value of a job cannot be judged by salary alone, as commuting, working hours and household responsibilities can significantly affect its real economic value. Flexible digital work can potentially reduce some of these costs by allowing people to work from home or nearby digital hubs and participate in employment on a part-time or project basis. While gig work cannot solve all household pressures, a more flexible organisation of work can create additional employment opportunities while helping households manage their limited time and resources more effectively.
A Possible Third Option Between Unemployment and Migration
Sri Lanka’s migration and brain-drain concerns highlight the need to explore employment opportunities beyond the domestic labour market. While overseas migration will remain an important individual and economic choice, digital work can provide another pathway by allowing skilled Sri Lankans to serve international clients without physically leaving the country. Software developers, designers, analysts, researchers, translators and consultants can potentially earn from global markets while remaining in Sri Lanka. Digital gig work cannot eliminate migration or reverse brain drain, but it can create an additional option between domestic unemployment and physical migration—working for the world while remaining in Sri Lanka.
Recognising and Making Digital Work Reputable
A major institutional gap is that conventional systems are designed around salaried employment, while a freelancer may earn from multiple clients without a single employer or salary certificate. This can make legitimate digital workers difficult to recognise when they seek loans, leasing, insurance or business finance. Sri Lanka could address this through a voluntary digital-worker or independent-professional registration mechanism, providing a recognised economic identity based on qualifications, verified skills, platform activity and documented income, without creating unnecessary bureaucracy.
Such recognition should also make digital income bankable. Banks could assess verified platform earnings, bank transactions, contracts, invoices, tax records, savings and repayment history alongside conventional employment documents. A standardised digital income statement could further help workers demonstrate their financial capacity. The key shift is from asking “Who is your employer?” to asking “Can your income be verified and is it sufficiently stable?”. This would allow successful digital workers to build financial credibility and use their earnings to access credit, acquire assets and develop their own businesses.
Digital Payments Are Part of the Labour Market
Access to reliable international payment systems is essential if Sri Lankans are to participate effectively in the global digital economy. Recent developments in PayPal’s local banking arrangements, including its partnerships with Sampath Bank and Commercial Bank, indicate progress in this direction. However, the broader priority should be a regulated and efficient digital-payment ecosystem that allows workers to receive international earnings, transfer them to Sri Lankan bank accounts, document their income and meet relevant financial and tax requirements with minimal friction. International payment infrastructure is therefore not simply a technology issue; it is an essential component of Sri Lanka’s emerging services-export economy.
Building Infrastructure Outside Colombo
Digital familiarity alone is insufficient without reliable internet, electricity, computers, software and suitable working environments, particularly in rural and underserved areas. To ensure that the gig economy supports regional development rather than becoming another Colombo-centred opportunity, Sri Lanka could establish regional digital-work hubs through universities, vocational institutions, libraries and public-private partnerships. These hubs could provide connectivity, equipment, training, mentoring and assistance with platform registration and international payments. If graduates must migrate to Colombo simply to access such infrastructure, the geographical advantage of digital work is significantly reduced.
From Freelancer to Entrepreneur
Gig work should not be viewed as an end in itself. A person may begin with small online assignments, develop regular clients and professional credibility, and eventually establish a small digital enterprise. This creates a potential pathway from graduate to freelancer, professional service provider and entrepreneur, allowing individuals to create markets around their own skills rather than waiting for conventional vacancies. Universities can support this transition by teaching students not only subject knowledge but also portfolio development, market identification, client communication, digital platforms and contract management. A degree demonstrates educational attainment, while a professional portfolio demonstrates what a graduate can offer to the market.
Facilitation Must Be Matched by Protection
Promoting the gig economy without appropriate safeguards could simply transfer employment risks from institutions to individuals. Digital workers may face uncertain incomes, weak bargaining power and limited social protection. Sri Lanka should therefore facilitate digital work while also ensuring opportunities for independent workers to build savings, access insurance and participate in portable social-protection mechanisms. Flexibility should create greater economic choice without compromising long-term financial security, particularly for women.
A regional Example from India: Think Globally and act Locally
India provides a useful regional example of how the gig economy can be approached as a policy issue rather than simply as informal or temporary work. NITI Aayog has estimated the size and future employment potential of India’s gig and platform economy and has developed recommendations covering employment generation, skills, financial inclusion and social protection. More importantly, India has begun creating institutional mechanisms around these workers. Its e-Shram portal provides a national database of unorganised workers, including gig and platform workers, creating a recognised identity through which workers can potentially access employment, skills development and social-security services. India has also explored platform-led skills development through skill certificates, skill passports and on-the-job training, while NITI Aayog has proposed cash-flow-based lending models that could allow platform workers to demonstrate creditworthiness through their earnings rather than conventional employment or collateral.
Social protection has also entered the policy framework. India’s Code on Social Security, 2020 formally recognises gig and platform workers and provides a basis for schemes covering areas such as accident insurance, health, maternity, disability and old-age protection. India is still developing and refining these arrangements, and Sri Lanka need not replicate the Indian model.
However, the experience demonstrates an important policy lesson: the gig economy can be supported through a system that identifies workers, develops their skills, makes their income more visible to financial institutions and extends appropriate social protection. Sri Lanka could develop its own simpler framework suited to its smaller economy, beginning with recognising digital workers and building the institutional conditions that allow their skills and earnings to become part of the formal economy.
Rethinking Employment and the Next Opportunity
The 43 percent figure for educated young Sri Lankans should encourage a wider discussion about the changing nature of work. Sri Lanka will continue to need conventional employment through firms, industries, farms, professional organisations and public institutions, but the changing labour market also requires new opportunities to connect educated Sri Lankans with global digital markets. The gig economy can provide an additional pathway to increase female labour-force participation, reduce the pressure for migration and brain drain, and connect Sri Lankan skills with markets beyond geographical boundaries.
This does not require a complicated bureaucracy. It requires recognising legitimate digital workers, facilitating access to international platforms and payment systems, allowing verified digital income to support credit assessment, developing portable social protection, and strengthening digital infrastructure and skills beyond major urban centres. Better data on digital workers would also help policymakers develop evidence-based interventions.
The future of work is therefore not only about creating more jobs, but about creating more ways for Sri Lankans to work, earn and build livelihoods while continuing to live and contribute in Sri Lanka. The gig economy should be recognised as part of an emerging digital labour market and services-export economy, where workers can build professional identities, earn internationally, access finance and eventually develop their own enterprises.
Features
Are religions getting redundant in the modern world?
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
We are living in an era of astonishingly rapid scientific advancement. From the time Apple launched the ‘iPhone’ in January 2007, the first targeting the mass market, smartphones have taken over the world, making them indispensable. According to the latest statistics, there are around 8.1 billion mobile phones with 7.4 billion active smartphones, for the world population of 8.25 billion. Except for a tiny minority of the very poor, most people have at least one smartphone.
We are now entering the era of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and smart robots. Recently, a ‘Chinese’ robot ran 100 metres faster than Usain Bolt! Though Alan Turing proposed the idea of ‘Thinking Machines’ way back in 1950, the real AI boom commenced with the release of the generative AI chatbot, ChatGPT, by OpenAI in November 2020. Number of technology firms in the US as well as in China have joined the race, China catching up very fast, quite unexpectedly. There is a frenzy at the moment, raising expectations, as the imminent floating of these companies is likely to value the two leaders, OpenAI and Anthropic, trillion dollars each!
However, trouble is brewing in the AI field. On top of the concerns raised by environmentalists regarding the huge power drain by AI centres, there are recent reports of some AI models hacking independently into other systems, without human input. Worse still, a senior researcher at Anthropic, who has previously worked for OpenAI as well, resigned in early September on ethical grounds stating that the way the two companies are fast-tracking AI poses an existential threat to humanity. Surprisingly, instead of a rebuttal the head of Anthropic supported his view, soon joined by three more heads of leading AI developers. Whilst they agreed on slowing progress, President Trump has claimed that slowing is totally unnecessary as long as a super intelligent President like himself is at the helm! There does not seem to be an end to Trump’s grandiosity! He was joined by Tony Blair. In contrast, King Charles held a summit with representatives of all AI developers to find a way AI could be developed without a threat to humanity. That is how wise leaders act!
Less sophisticated AI tools are already in widespread use and installed in computers, laptops and smartphones. Some of us are using these automatically. However, the more advanced AI tools like ChatGPT can change even reality. For instance, AI can generate videos hardly distinguishable from real ones. What you enjoy watching on YouTube may be just the creations of AI! Some people use AI to write articles; only a few of them admit that they do so. Very soon we may be reading stories AI creates and listening to music, courtesy of AI. Technology seems to be fast becoming the new religion? Or, will the existential threat move us more towards religion?
Religion, perhaps, is as old as humanity itself; various belief systems evolving and disappearing coupled with the fortunes of the associated civilizations. Just like AI, religion is also a creation of the human mind which our ancestors did to explain many phenomena which appeared, at that time, to be supernatural. Starting with Animism, perceiving the divine in the natural world around, humans went on to Polytheism, believing in many gods like in Hinduism, culminating in the concept of Monotheism.
World’s oldest religion, Hinduism, still in wide practice, is devoid of a founder or a single text. The earliest scriptures, Rigveda, is considered to be around 3,500 years old but archaeologists have discovered symbols of importance to Hinduism as far back as 7,000 BCE. Though it is considered to be Polytheistic, it can be argued that it was the precursor of Monotheism, the concept of a creator God, as Brahma was the creator in the triad, Trimurti, Vishnu being the preserver and Shiva being the destroyer. It seems to be a sensible balancing act; create, destroy and repair with improvements.
It is pretty obvious that as science expands, the importance of religion contracts but it is hardly likely religions would be totally redundant. We have no choice as to which family we are born to and that invariably determines what your religion would be, if any. Religion is the first brainwashing a child encounters and most remain in the same faith, often trying to defend even the indefensible, but some change through conviction or conversion due to one of many reasons. Further, religious rituals have social values and religious practices often come to one’s solace at times of distress. Therefore, many will continue with the religion they were born to but with declining enthusiasm, at times. However, some religions seem to be facing problems like falling attendances in places of worship. With education and tech savviness expanding, one would expect the youth to be less enthusiastic about religion but the converse is true in some religions, some youth becoming very militant unfortunately.
While most religions make you subservient to a supernatural power, the Buddha was wise and bold enough to remove those shackles. He proclaimed that one’s destiny is in one’s own hands. However, many Buddhists appear to attach greater significance to rituals than to practising the Dhamma.
Buddhism as a religion may become less relevant as the frontiers of science expands but the Buddha Dhamma, especially Abhidhamma and Vipassana, would receive increasing recognition, the Buddha remaining an authority on consciousness and the mind.
Scientific progress should be for the betterment of society but AI developers are taking huge risks, taking massive loans threatening the world economy, for one aim: profit! Some do not seem to care even if their actions pose an existential threat to humanity.
Perhaps, if the Four Sublime Attitudes (Sathara Brahma Vihara) expounded by the Buddha; loving kindness (Metta), compassion (Karuna), empathetic joy (Muditha) and equanimity (Upekkha) are adopted as universal values, the world would become a safer place to live in, with or without AI.
Features
‘The Bullet that Missed’
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 21
by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
Another book that is part of a series, today—one that is fun without the brooding concentration on criminality in different forms that marks the Rebus novels. This one about the Thursday Murder Club, is a romp as its two predecessors were interspersed with deaths and what might be deaths.
The Bullet that Missed
begins with a meeting with the presenter of ‘South East Tonight’, a programme about the area, in which Coopers Chase is situated. The meeting is held because the club has decided to look into the murder of the producer’s assistant, Bethany Waites, whose car was found at the bottom of a cliff ten years ago. There was blood in it, but the body was never found.
Or, rather, the book begins with an account of Bethany Waites deciding, on the night she vanished, to meet someone in connection with a case of massive fraud that she had been investigating, after sending the producer, Mike Waghorn, a message that she had found new evidence though he had no idea what it was. The night she died, she sent him another message: “I don’t say this often enough, but thank you.”
CCTV cameras showed her leaving her place, but then the vehicle vanished, before being sighted near the cliff, with two people in it. Investigation of the fraud had led to the imprisonment of a woman, Heather Garbutt, though it proved impossible to pin anything on Jack Mason, the mastermind for whom she had worked.
The Club conducts investigations on several fronts, including through Connie Johnson, the drug dealer they had helped imprison in the earlier book. The psychiatrist Ibrahim, the most respectable member of the Club, interviews her in an attempt to get her to find out more from Heather, who is in the same prison as she. They also investigate the CCTV record of the night Bethany vanished, and deduce that she went to an apartment block and exited from its other side, and that is why she was not seen leaving the town. But some time had elapsed between her being seen in the town and then on the cliff.
Meanwhile, Elizabeth has been kidnapped, along with her husband, and taken to a house in Staffordshire, where she is told by a man called the Viking that she must kill a former KGB agent now in London, who has a profitable career in money laundering. The Viking tells her he will inform Viktor that she was responsible for stealing the diamonds, the story of which is told in the previous Murder Club Mystery, and Viktor will then kill her.
Elizabeth, who has an affair with Viktor, knows he will not kill her, but when the Viking says he will also send Viktor a picture of Joyce, she decides she must act, and goes to see Viktor, and fires when she gets him in the bathroom. But, of course, she fired into the ceiling, and Viktor is then taken to Coopers Chase, to stay with Joyce until they have dealt with the Viking. And Viktor then enjoys the camaraderie of the retirement home so much that he wonders whether he too should settle there.
Elizabeth does trace the Viking, or rather her husband does, for he has noticed rare books on the shelves in his library, and an antiquarian book dealer friend managed to find out who bought them. But before they could confront him, he comes to Coopers Chase, for he has seen the bullet hole in the bathroom of Viktor’s flat and realized he was fooled.
But he cannot bring himself to kill Joyce straight away, and she knocks him out with a drug in a cup of tea. When he meets Viktor, they both decide to fall in with the plans of the Club.
Before this, Heather has been found dead in her cell, with a note saying that ‘they’ were going to kill her, and only Connie could help. Before that she had admitted that she was frightened to name the man behind the fraud. Jack Mason said the same, after Ron had won his confidence. The Club had deduced by then that the body was buried in the garden of Heather’s house which Jack had bought, after she had been jailed, and digging reveals a gun and money, but no body. Jack tells them that the mastermind had said that Bethany was buried with a bullet with his DNA on it.
The Club is now working with the Chief Constable of Kent, Andrew Everton, who writes thrillers himself, but in the form of e-books. He is in search of a publisher, and delighted when Mike Waghorn puts him on his programme, as is Donna, who is substituted at the last minute for Chris.
The Club finds out whom Bethany visited in the apartment block—Mike’s assistant Pauline, who tells them later what she and Bethany had been doing. But this is after the man behind the fraud has been unmasked up in the house in Staffordshire, where he was trying to hire the Viking and Viktor to find the money that he had stashed away, using accounts that he could no longer trace. He has also confessed to murdering Bethany, hoping this will persuade the two money launderers to help him, but it turns out that he did not do this. Nor did he kill Heather, the incriminating note having been placed in her room by Connie, who decided that Heather’s suicide should be treated as murder so that the person who had been blackmailing her should be found out.
It was Jack Mason’s murder that was brought home to the crook. It turns out that Bethany, her appearance altered by Pauline, has vanished, to a new life in Dubai, where she has taken control of the missing millions. She has gone there because the threat, she received through the bullet she was looking at in the preamble, was to Mike and she wanted him out of danger.
Yet another whimsical conclusion to a whimsical book with enough loose ends left hanging for another sequel.
-
News6 days agoShanakiyan urges urgent action over reported death sentence for Lankan in Saudi Arabia
-
News5 days agoNamal Rajapaksa Buddhist gambit fails, bail denied
-
Features5 days agoWhy the spelling Sri Lankan names in English vary
-
Features5 days agoThree bands, a new identity: Sri Lankan wolf snake recognised as distinct species
-
Business5 days agoSLIIT holds largest-ever convocation
-
News5 days agoVehicle prices drop by up to Rs. 1 mn, says importers’ body
-
News5 days agoGovt monitors reported Saudi death sentence – Foreign Ministry
-
Business5 days agoAll-new Bolero MaXX Pik-Up unveiled in Lanka
