Features
Coping with geopolitical challenges facing Sri Lanka

“… we find that an armed conflict exists whenever there is resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between government authorities and organized groups or between such groups within a State. International humanitarian law applies from the initiation of such armed conflict and extends beyond the cessation of hostilities…. (and) in the case of internal conflicts, a peaceful settlement is achieved”.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
The most recent challenge that Sri Lanka has had to face was associated with UNHRC Resolution A/HRC/46/L.Rev.1. This Resolution was primarily based on the Report of the UN appointed Commissioner for Human Rights. Despite the objections raised the Sri Lankan government on grounds that the Report of the Commissioner violates the mandate granted by General Assembly Resolution 48/141 and that the Resolution itself violates the UN Charter and lacks “impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity”, the Resolution was adopted by the Human Rights Council on March 23, 2021.
The compulsion to go to such extremes and adopt a Resolution violating due process established by the UN, is driven by internal politics within countries that initiated the Resolution and by geopolitical interests of major powers.
Internal political compulsions are driven by the priorities of the Tamil minority concentrations resident in defined electorates in countries such as U.K., Canada, Germany and other European countries. When prospective Members of Parliament in these countries, regardless of which political party they represent, campaign for the votes of the Tamil minorities, they when elected, become the torchbearers for the priorities of the Tamil minorities, because it is their vote that decided whether they are elected or not. Consequently, since accountability for issues arising from the non-international armed conflict in Sri Lanka is the single-minded focus of the Tamil minorities, accountability has become a government policy for elected governments in these countries.
On the other hand, geopolitical compulsions are driven by a coalition of democracies forging security alliances such as the Quad, headed by the U.S. to contain China’s global expansion in the South China Sea founded on the Chinese claim of nine-dash line and its inroads into the Indian Ocean Rim countries in pursuit of their Belt and Road Initiative. These developments have energized the U.S. to adopt the policy of “Pivot to Asia” through the stated policy of forging a new Indo-Pacific Maritime Order.; a policy that is being relentlessly pursued by the U.S. in the form of forging alliances. the latest being the Maldives and the consequent isolation of Sri Lanka in this part of the Indian Ocean.
ADDRESSING INTERNAL COMPULSIONS
Internal compulsions are driven by the call to address accountability arising from issues relating to the non-international armed conflict within the time frame of signing the Ceasefire Agreement on February 22, 2002 and May 19, 2009 when the conflict ended. Having established the time frame, the next step is to establish the context in which to address accountability. In this regard, a context that would be acceptability to all concerned should be those established by the Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and by the Appeal Court of the International Tribunal of former Yugoslavia.
The UN appointed Panel of Experts in their report stated: “There is no doubt that an internal armed conflict was being waged in Sri Lanka with the requisite intensity during the period that the Panel examined. As a result, international humanitarian law is the law against which to measure the conduct of both government and the LTTE”.
The Report of Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on Sri Lanka (OISL) states: “Paragraph 182 of The OHCHR report states: “Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions relating to conflict not of an international character is applicable to the situation in Sri Lanka”.
Paragraph 183 goes on to state: “In addition, the Government and armed groups that are parties to the conflict are bound alike by relevant rules of customary international law applicable to non-international armed conflict”.
FURTHERMORE,
Defining what constitutes an armed conflict, the Appeals Court of the International Tribunal on former Yugoslavia (1995) in the case of Prosecutor v. Dusco Tadic stated: “… we find that an armed conflict exists whenever there is resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between government authorities and organized groups or between such groups within a State. International humanitarian law applies from the initiation of such armed conflict and extends beyond the cessation of hostilities…. (and) in the case of internal conflicts, a peaceful settlement is achieved”.
Thus, it could justifiably be concluded that the context in which accountability issues should be addressed is International Humanitarian Law since the conflict in Sri Lanka was a Non-International Armed Conflict and the applicable law is International Humanitarian Law that acknowledges the derogation of Human Rights Law except for a defined few defined as the “hard core” of Human Rights during an officially declared emergency. Since these laws are codified in Additional Protocol II of 1977, issues relating to accountability should be addressed within the context of Additional Protocol II of 1077 that is acknowledged by the community of nations as a part of customary law.
Therefore, the task at hand is to evaluate any and all evidence of any violations of International Humanitarian Law as stated in the OISL Report, in the context of provisions in Additional Protocol II of 1977, subject to derogation of International Human Rights Law that is recognized by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and by Article 15 (7) and (8) of the Constitution during a declared emergency. In this regard, Paragraph 175 of the OISL Report states: “OISL notes that Sri Lanka has submitted a Declaration of a State of emergency dated 30 My 2000, derogating from articles 9 (2), 9 (3), 12 (1), 12 (2), 14 (3), 17 (1), 19 (2), 21 and 22 of the ICCPR. Measures taken pursuant to derogation are lawful to the extent they comply with the conditions set out in international human rights law…”.
In explaining the relationship between international human rights law and international humanitarian law during armed conflict, the International Court of Justice has stated: “…. the Court considers that the protection offered by human rights conventions does not cease in case of armed conflict, save through the effect of provisions for derogation of the kind to be found in article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. As regards the relationship between international humanitarian law and human rights law, there are thus three possible situations: some rights may be exclusively matters of international humanitarian law; others may be exclusively matters of human rights law; yet others may be matters of both these branches of international law” (Applicable International Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Framework – UN).
Considering the material presented above, it is recommended that a document should be prepared on the basis of principles of Distinction, Proportionality and Military Necessity on which is founded International Humanitarian Law an embodied in Additional Protocol II of 1977 that addresses any alleged violations stated in the OISL Report by a group nominated by the Ministry of Foreign Relations. Such a document should include material proposed by the international experts appointed by the Paranagama Commission together with material from Lord Naseby, as well as any other related material for distribution to all countries, in order to convey to them a perspective that thus far has not being presented at repeated sessions of the UN Human Rights Council and other International forums.
The mandate of the three Member Commission of Inquiry appointed by the President as part of the Domestic Mechanism to address accountability states: (a) “Find out whether preceding Commissions of Inquiry and Committees which have been appointed to investigate into human rights violations, have revealed any human rights violations, serious violations of the international humanitarian law and other such offences”. Since the mandate does not specify the criteria and the time frame that should be used to distinguish human rights violations from humanitarian law violations, it would be up to Commission to decide how to distinguish between the two types of violations bearing in mind that the two types of law are applicable over different time frames.
UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION
The UNHRC 46/1 Resolution calls for the Office of the High Commissioner “to collect, consolidate, analyse and preserve information and evidence…to advocate for victims and survivors, and to support relevant judicial and other proceedings, including in Member States, with competent jurisdiction” (Paragraph 6). In short the evidence is gathered at a cost of US $ 2.8 Million to facilitate Member States to exercise universal jurisdiction. Thus far, universal jurisdiction has been exercised in regard to violations that come within the framework of a “Grave Breaches” regime that have occurred during certain internal conflicts that were governed by International Human Rights Law. However, in the case of Sri Lanka the conflict is categorized as a non-international armed conflict that is governed by International Humanitarian Law. Therefore, while the international community has accepted universal jurisdiction in the case of international armed conflicts along with Protocol I, the jury is still out as to whether it applies to non-international conflicts as in Sri Lanka as expressed by the ICRC comment cited below made to the General Assembly.
A document that addresses accountability from a Sri Lankan perspective would stand in good stead in the event a country or countries attempt to exercise universal jurisdiction relating to issues arising from the armed conflict. However, since the conflict in Sri Lanka was a non-international armed conflict the application of universal jurisdiction is fraught with fundamental issues as is evidenced by the statement of the ICRC to the UN General Assembly at its 71st session Sixth Committee, when it stated: “The updated commentaries also address other fundamental issues, such as the time frame for fulfilling the obligation to investigate alleged grave breaches and either prosecute or extradite those responsible; the challenges encountered by States when implementing universal jurisdiction; the state of international law today with regard to the potential immunities from jurisdiction and prosecution for alleged perpetrators of serious violations of IHL; and the possible applicability of the grave breaches regime to serious violations of IHL in non-international armed conflict” (emphasis added).
ADDRESSING GEOPOLITICAL COMPULSIONS
The strategic position of Sri Lanka in the Indian Ocean has been increasingly coming into focus with the conclusion of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka. This, together with China’s policy to pursue its expansion founded on its Belt and Road Initiative has increased the focus on Sri Lanka. The need for the U.S. to contain China’s expansion in the South China Sea and in the Indian Ocean Rim countries has prompted the U.S. and its allies to build alliances such as the Quad that include India, Japan and Australia. India’s inclusion in the Quad was a recent development and an even more recent development was the Maldives entering into security related agreements with the U.S. and India.
This has isolated Sri Lanka. With the Quad attempting to extend its influence to countries East of the Malacca Straits, Sri Lanka’s isolation would be even greater. However, Sri Lanka would not be facing such isolation had it succumbed to U.S. pressures and signed the MCC Compact and SOFA after having signed ACSA. Although Sri Lanka managed to emerge ostensibly unscathed by not caving into U.S. pressure, its repercussions were experienced in Geneva. However, for all intents and purposes, the perceived isolation of Sri Lanka in the current context is bound to be taken advantage of by China to build even stronger bonds than those existing today. This is inevitable since China’s foot print is already well established in the Colombo Port City, the Colombo International Container Terminal and the harbour at Hambantota for the next 35 to 99 years.
It is most likely that the U.S., India and the rest of the Quad are going to extract a heavy price for the presence of China to the extent it has. This compels Sri Lanka to make hard choices similar to the ones that countries East of the Malacca Straits would have to face in the coming years. As for Sri Lanka, it cannot afford to offer planned infrastructure projects such as the West Container Terminal to India/Japan in the hope of appeasing one or more members to the Quad to balance the influence of China. This would amount dividing national projects between the Quad and China.
The way out for Sri Lanka to prepare the tender documents and call for open international bids in a transparent manner, and award the contract to the successful bidder regardless of geopolitical considerations. For instance, the solar power project in the three islands off the Jaffna peninsula should be awarded to China because China was chosen by the ADB as the successful bidder after addressing the security concerns of India, but Sri Lanka certainly need not abandon the project because of India’s concerns.
Since Sri Lanka’s stated Foreign Policy is Neutrality; and Non-Alignment, entertaining unsolicited bids for projects would amount to violating that policy. How Sri Lanka could live up to the promise of its stated policy and engage with all countries is to be open and transparent in the manner it implements its planned developments.
CONCLUSION
The challenges facing Sri Lanka, apart from the effects of COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on the economy and the livelihood of the people are primarily from two sources. One is from internal pressures from the Tamil concentrations in defined electorates in countries such as U.K., Canada, Germany and other European countries that determine who gets elected to their respective Parliaments. Consequently, to these politicians the cause of their Tamil concentrations relating to accountability has become a policy for these governments. The second challenge is from geopolitical rivalries between major powers and others aspiring to be major powers attempting to control the Indo-Pacific Oceans. It was the role of the Oceans in maintaining the super power status of the U.S. that made US Navy Admiral Mahan to recommend to President Roosevelt the importance of oceans, especially the Pacific, to the U.S. The Indian Maritime Doctrine-2004 is based on this U. S. concept (Khan, May 23, 2010). The rivalry arose when China’s claims in the South China Seas and the concept of Belt and Road Initiative announced in 2013 were superimposed on the U.S. formulations.
The impact of these developments was the emergence of the Quad security alliance headed by the U.S. involving Japan and Australia and recently India, and even more recently the Maldives. The Quad started out as a humanitarian exercise to address the disaster following the 2004 tsunami. The transformation into a security alliance was to be expected in the wake of China’s claims. However, the impact of all these developments is to isolate Sri Lanka. What is recommended is a strategy for Sri Lanka to meet the challenges arising from the geopolitical rivalries in the Indo-Pacific.
The two recommendations presented above to overcome these challenges are: 1. To prepare a comprehensive document as suggested above that addresses the Internationally recognized Humanitarian Law violations as alleged by the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the OISL Report, in the context of Additional protocol II of 1977, and circulate and canvass through Sri Lanka’s Missions, all the Member States of the UN, in order to convey Sri Lanka’s perspective that hitherto has not been presented to the Human Rights Council or to any other international forum. 2. In keeping with Sri Lanka’s declared Foreign Policy of Neutrality and Non-Alignment, follow due process in the award of contracts relating to infrastructure projects by not entertaining unsolicited proposals from any quarter and call for international bids based on tender documents prepared in Sri Lanka independently or with external collaboration when necessary, without assigning them to designated entities based on geopolitical compulsions; an example being the West Container Terminal.
These recommendations are presented with a view to ensuring that Sri Lanka retains its independence, its sovereignty, its territorial integrity and develop as a free Nation State.
Features
Thunberg deported; various frauds; two women

Richard Gere, known to be a meditator and friend of the Dalai Lama, stunned the Hollywood audience that gathered to see him receive a lifetime achievement award recently. He began his address with the usual platitudes and then switched to the country that he said was in a mess. He blamed the US voters who brought Donald Trump in as Prez. And then he called Trump ‘bully and thug’. They are strong words, repeated to make sure his opinion got through.
Another actor, Alec Baldwin, donned an orange hair wig and acted in skits of Trump in the Oval Office and while electioneering. Hilarious and yet of import as it displays the extent to which Trump is derided and openly abused in his own country. Tweets came streaming in from Trump that the actors are old, spent forces, etc. But the public heard and saw the opinion of two very popular and respected actors.
To Cassandra, the disgraceful display of feuding between Elon Musk and Donald Trump made public on X, is the best thing that could have happened to America and the world at large. They are both acting child-like (an insult to children to class these two with them) while displaying their ignorance except about money. The latest as Cass pens this is that Musk has apologised for some of the tweets he sent maligning Trump.
Pro-Palestinian Activists pushed out of Israel
Conveying a symbolic amount of emergency supplies, pro-Palestinian activists from France, Sweden, Brazil. Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and Turkey, calling themselves the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, sailed to Israel in their barge the Madleen to protest against what Israel is doing to the few people left in Gaza – shelling them day and night and determined to chase them all out of the Strip. But the protestors’ visit was short; they were not allowed to dock or land, rather was the aid boat seized by Israeli forces in the Mediterranean on Monday. Thunberg and twelve others were deported from Tel Aviv to Ben Gurion airport to France, the following day. However, six French activists refused to sign their deportation orders and would be brought before an Israeli judicial authority and probably transferred to Ramle Prison, near Tel Aviv.
Such a brave onslaught on Israel in person should be highly acclaimed. Protests occur all over the world, but Netanyahu and the Israel Armey Commander seem not to take notice. As long as the US under Trump supports Israel, the Palestinian bid for freedom to occupy their land in Gaza
Local shark caught in the corruption net
Bureaucrats are being netted in; not only politicians. We have seen the highest in the prison’s department remanded. True, it may not be he who released a prisoner surreptitiously when on the last Vesak Poya, prisoners were pardoned and released. But he signed the papers and so is ultimately responsible.
A member of a former ruling family has been questioned on how come he claimed damages for the destruction of a house of his by the Aragalaya thugs. The question is how a non est house, maybe one dreamed up, came to be claimed as one gutted. The money, of course in millions, seems to have been paid to this elder Rajapaksa brother. Now, he is being questioned and one firmly hopes the money received by the foulest means will be paid back to the country’s till. Cass for one is shocked beyond words and belief at the lies and dastardly subterfuges thought up by these self-seeking minds, and the greed for more and more lucre. The immunity they conferred on themselves being a family that could not be touched by the arm of law and thus the carte blanche they enjoyed to do as they pleased AND with the nation’s money, seems to be ended. It looks to be.
Two local women: one celebrated, the other mourned
Iranganie Meedeniya Serasinghe
, well beloved by all Sri Lankans, celebrated her 98 birthday recently. We wish her very well and hope she can go through the rest of her life with minimum pain and illness. One fact that can be said about her is that she gained in facial beauty as she aged.
She is considered an iconic artiste who was a pioneering figure in theatre, the local silver screen and small screen. She did not just take to acting, she imbibed the art and craft of it at the well-known (probably the world’s best) Royal Academy of Dramatic Art (RADA) in London. She also studied at the Bristol Old Vic Theatre School under the mentorship of Prof EFC Ludowyk, a founder of Sri Lankan theatre.
My brother hired her ex-Ayah to look after his son, so this dame was ever fond of regaling us with stories of her beloved Chandi Appo (the child Iranganie). She was born in the Meedeniya Walauwa very close to Yatiyantota and schooled at Bishop’s College, Colombo, and for her ALs at Girls’ High School, Kandy. This exam was known as the Higher School Certificate Exam (HSC) – entrance exam to the University of Colombo or Peradeniya. It was actually at KHS that she went into theatre acting. Well remembered by Cass as a younger student is Mrs de Mel producing Bernard Shaw’s Pygmalion, forerunner to My Fair Lady. Producing and staging Pygmalion was certainly a hazardous task, but probably intrepid Mrs de Mel thought she had a star player to tackle the role of Professor Higgins. Iranganie was him and Rani Perera was Eliza Doolittle, fluently speaking Cockney and then metamorphosing to a near princess.
Iranganie was first in theatre but then, as good fortune would have it, Lester James Peries scripted and directed Rekawa (Line of Destiny) in 1956. It was the first Sinhala film fully shot in Ceylon and outdoors, eliminating any Indian influence. Iranganie played a major role while Winston Serasinghe too was in it. Willie Blake was cinematographer. Entered in 1957 to the Cannes Film Festival, it was included in the main competition and was nominated for the Palme d’Or; honour enough and is still the only Sinhala film honoured thus far.
Iranganie outsmarted traditional conventions, especially Kandyan radala conservatism, by going into films. Remembered best by Cass is her role in Yashorawaya where she played self-sacrificing mother to Richard de Zoysa.
She also founded Ruk Rekaganno, and went about trying to prevent the wanton cutting down of trees. Cass’ second brother was in the movement. Once on a journey out of Colombo. Iranganie had wanted a cup of tea. Only wayside tea kiosks were available. All four were willing to patronise one of them. The boutique keeper was nonchalant and even wary of these city types until his wife recognised Iranganie. “Aney appé,” she shouted and out came levariya and tea in cups and saucers!
Malini Pethiyagoda Kulatunge
passed away in Australia a couple of days ago. Mention is made here since she was the first woman to pass the newly instituted CAS examination for recruitment of Ceylon Administrative Services officers which replaced the Ceylon Civil Service, started by the British under their colonial rule. This first exam was in 1971. Malini, too, had her education at Girls’ High School from where she entered the University of Peradeniya. Malini, sister of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda, migrated soon after to Australia with her young family.
What have we to look forward to next week? A Colombo Municipal Council formed, with hopefully Vraie Cally Balthazaar, graduate, researcher, entrepreneur and media professional of the bright sparkling face, as Mayor?
At least we hear fumigation going on. We also hope mosquito breeding places are being eliminated. Fast spreading dread diseases have to be stalled. It’s the duty of the local councils of the country, and if extra care is taken, we could live safe and healthy.
Features
As Prof. Arjuna De Silva turns 60 …

I first met Professor Arjuna de Silva as his patient. I was immediately impressed by this consultant physician, especially by his considerable knowledge, remarkable efficiency and commitment. I also remember thinking that he was a bit arrogant, even bordering on the rude. He was just being matter-of-fact, strictly focused on diagnosis, prognosis and prescription. In the 25 years that have passed since then, I have had ample reason to conclude that behind the confident and sometimes stern exterior that I first encountered, there was a sensitive, intelligent, and scrupulously honest friend just waiting to be discovered.
Over the years this no-nonsense physician, affectionately known as Prof. Arjuna, became one of my closest and dearest friends. His selfless service to our circle, especially his steadfast care for our parents, is nothing short of heroic. The dedication with which he looked after my own parents, particularly my late father, speaks volumes about his loyalty and kindness. In fact, if there was an Olympic medal for “Friendship and Care,” Arjuna would be standing proudly on the podium, gold medal and a bouquet of roses, probably delivering an acceptance speech explaining why he deserves it more than anyone else!
We became firm friends and eventually our brotherhood would include a third, Johann Wijesinghe. The three of us shared a bond tested in the toughest of times. When Johann fell seriously ill, Arjuna stepped up not just as a friend but as a guiding light. Emotionally shaken though he was, Arjuna managed to steer Johann and his wife Kalpana through complex medical treatments while keeping the rest of us, who were understandably anxious, calm and hopeful. Watching him juggle this immense responsibility without panicking was nothing short of inspiring. It was only when Johann passed away that I was able to see him with his guard down; I had never seen Arjuna so deeply shaken before.
His sobriety in his professional life was quite in contrast to how he was when he put aside his ‘doctoring.’ It is no exaggeration to say that I have never met any medical professional who parties like Arjuna does. Arjuna and his wife Thulani are the ultimate hosts; they are supreme when it comes to hospitality and entertainment. Arjuna loves company and celebrations so much that I often joke that if there is a lot of light and music Arjuna would be there or should be. He wouldn’t miss these things if he could help it.
An Oxford-qualified professor, Arjuna’s achievements are nothing short of extraordinary. His contributions to sports, both specific disciplines and the broader sporting community, cannot be matched by any doctor I know. A proud Thomian, he embodies grit, determination, and just the right touch of flair that has earned him the affectionate nickname “Dr. Shahrukh Khan.” And yes, he encourages it with that charming smile and a mischievous wink.
Arjuna isn’t one to wear his emotions on his sleeve, but as a very close friend, I can vouch for his sensitivity and sometimes even a need for attention. Those close to him know he has his weaknesses, for example his legendary reluctance to forgive easily. Arjuna remembers both the good and the bad. For all this, he is the first person many would call in a medical emergency, knowing he will be there without hesitation. I will never forget how he visited my father almost every single day when he became critically ill.
Above all, Arjuna is a proud and loyal Sri Lankan, a true patriot in every sense.
My dear friend Arjuna knows how sorry I am that I cannot be with him tonight as he celebrates the milestone of reaching 60. However, as we have joked and agreed, his party would be better without me for I share his weakness to be unforgiving at times. He will have a blast, nevertheless, for Arjuna is irrepressible. He will take note and smile when I wish him a wonderful time. It will be a blast, as always and Arjuna will enjoy every moment and raise a cheer with those present with a nod to those who, like me, are not there, to many more years of friendship, laughter, and unforgettable memories!
Happy 60th, Prof. Arjuna!
by Krishantha Prasad Cooray ✍️
Features
They came, they won, they returned to Jaffna isles

This is about the children of Kytes Island J/Thambaddy Government Tamil Mixed Vidyalayam and J/Delft Maha Vidyalayam in the northernmost inhabited island of Sri Lanka. They travelled to Colombo and won in the China-Sri Lanka Friendship Cup Dragon Boat Regatta Junior (Under 18) section held in the Diyawannawa lake last week.
Delft Maha Vidyalam commenced on 17 January 1946, as one of the first Maha Vidyalayam established by the Father of Free Education, Dr C. W. W. Kannagara, then Education Minister. Declared open by Sir John Kotelawala with five teachers and 23 students; the school has classes from Grade 1 to Grade 13 today. There are 179 students (117 boys and 62 girls), 20 teachers (10 males and 10 females). This is the northernmost Maha Vidyalayam in Sri Lanka. A ferry voyage from the Jaffna mainland to Delft takes about one and a half hours.
Thambaddy Government Tamil Mixed Vidyalayam is on Kytes island. It has 179 students in classes from Grade 1 to Grade 11, and 19 teachers. It has produced excellent swimmers who won 18 medals in the last Provincial Swimming meet, even though they do not have a swimming pool. They practise in a village pond!
- J/ Thambaddy Government Tamil Mixed Vidyalayam
- Girls category competition
Boys Junior Dragon boat event was won by J/Thambaddy GTMV team consisting of twelve paddlers who pulled their boat in unison with much vigour and morale. They were followed closely by another team from Jaffna Islands (Delft) J/Delft Maha Vidyalayam. During the last stages of the race, there was a close competition between these two teams. The results were as follows:
1. Gold medal – Thambaddy GTMV, Kytes Island, Jaffna
2. Silver medal- Delft Maha Vidyalayam, Delft Island, Jaffna
3. Bronze medal- D S Senanayake College, Colombo
4. St Patrick’s College, Jaffna
5. Wesley College, Colombo
6. Gateway International College, Colombo
7. Wesley College, Colombo, (team 2)
This great achievement by Jaffna Island schools was due to unstinted support and guidance they receive from the Sri Lanka Navy, especially Secretary of the Canoeing and Kayaking Association of Sri Lanka, Captain (SBS) Chaminda Wijesiri, an injured war veteran. This potential international level talent was spotted by him when the Canoeing and Kayaking Association held the National Canoeing and Kayaking Regatta six months ago in the Jaffna lagoon adjacent to the picturesque Jaffna Dutch Fort.
The Chinese Embassy of Sri Lanka and Sports and the Youth Affairs Ministry jointly organised the Regatta at Diyawannawa lake, which was to be held near the Port City. It had to be shifted to the Diyawanna Lake due to rough seas. The Army and Navy Commanders and Director General Sports (Retired senior Naval officer Rear Admiral Shermal Fernando) helped transport the Jaffna teams to Colombo.
The teams were provided with accommodation at the Sports Hostel, Colombo, and the Youth Council Hostel, Maharagama free of charge, and Rear Admiral Shermal Fernando took care of their meals.
Girls from these two Jaffna islands also performed extremely well. They lost to Vishaka College Colombo team, but secured Silver and Bronze medals. The final results of Girls category were as follows:
Gold medal- Vishaka College Colombo.
Silver medal- J/ Thambaddy GTMV, Kytes Island, Jaffna .
Bronze medal- J/ Delft Maha Vidyalayam, Delft Island, Jaffna.
WP/ Jaya/ Janadipathi Balika Vidyalaya, Nawala.
Five fully equipped Dragon Boats donated by China were handed over by Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Qi Zhenhong to the Canoeing and Kayaking Association. Chairman of Canoeing and Kayaking Association, Rear Admiral (SSD) HNS Perera has already decided to keep two boats in Jaffna for the use of the northern children.

Winners with Rear Admiral Damien Fernando (Chief of Staff of Navy) and Captain (SBS) Chaminda Wijesiri
Our next step is to train combined Jaffna schools teams (both girls and boys) to take part in the world famous Snake Boat Race in Backwaters of Kerala, India scheduled to be held in September this year. Bravo to these children! Mother Theresa once said, “We can’t do great things – but we can do small things with great love”. Keep paddling children!
(The writer is Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff, Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd., Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and Former High Commissioner to Pakistan.)
by Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne ✍️
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
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