News
Convener fears issuance of third detention order
‘Justice for Sallay’ gathering at SLFI today
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Opposition activists, including retired military officers, have arranged a meeting at Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI), at 3 pm today (20), to highlight the prolonged detention of retired Major Gen. Suresh Sallay in connection with the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Sallay has been named as a suspect by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).
Organisers said that the primary objective of the meeting was to express concern about the possibility of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Minister of Defence, issuing a third Detention Order in respect of Sallay.
Convenor of the ‘Justice for Sallay’ programme, retired Flight Lieutenant Shantha Jayathilaka, WWV, RSP, told The Island that the gathering was meant to underscore the pivotal importance of public participation in the ongoing campaign to defend, not only Sallay, but the war-winning armed forces. According to Jayathilaka about 40 Flag Officers and retired law enforcement officers of equivalent rank, and about 100 decorated officers and men, too, would join the programme.
Since Sallay’s anticipated arrest, in late February, 2026, the Defence Minister has issued two Detention Orders. Jayathilaka said that the second Detention Order, now in operation, would expire on 28 August. “We are seriously concerned over the issuance of a third Detention Order for a period of 90 more days,” the retired officer said.
A veteran in the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), Sallay, as a Brigadier, served as its Director from 2012 to 2016. The Yahapalana government brought in Brig. Vijendra Gunathilake, of the Sinha Regiment, but at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks, career intelligence officer Brig. Chula Kodituwakku served as the Director, DMI.
The suicide blasts killed nearly 270 people and wounded over 500. In separate blasts at a Dematagoda mansion, the pregnant wife of a suicide bomber, her two little children and three policemen died.
Organisers said that the Archbishop of Colombo, Rt. Rev Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, as an intervenient petitioner in the Court of Appeal case filed by Sallay, challenging his detention under the PTA, alleged that Sallay had served as Director, DMI since 2012 till the National Thowheeth Jamaath (NTJ) struck in April 2019. Yasas Dharmadasa, of the Global Sri Lanka Forum, pointed out that high profile allegations that Sallay facilitated the Easter Sunday carnage had been based on wrong assumption that he held the top DMI post at the time of the near simultaneous suicide attacks.
Dharmadasa said that Deputy Defence Minister, Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera, too, caused controversy some time back when he alleged that a small group of DMI personnel had been involved in the Easter Sunday terror project. That declaration led to the Catholic Church demanding that President Dissanayake remove Jayasekera from the ministerial post, pending the conclusion of the investigation, Dharmadasa said, adding that today’s meeting would challenge the government’s actions.
Dharmadasa said that Sally had been out of DMI for over three years and didn’t exercise authority of the intelligence outfit, at any leve,l as reported to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI), as well as in court proceedings.
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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