Features
Christianity, Buddhism and Common Morality
Panadura Vadaya Part 11 (Contd.)
Dr D. Chandraratna
Initially the Sinhalese were not actively opposed to missionary work because as far as morality was concerned they saw a bright side in co-existence. The Christian missionaries were a bit perplexed as to the sangfroid manner in which ordinary Buddhists perceived Christianity. For them both were similar in terms of morals. Respect or allegiance to both religions was not an issue of such importance to them. Buddhism has always been a syncretic system whereby alien elements were absorbed without much acrimony.
Allegiance shown to one was not necessarily a rejection of the other. Similarities in the two belief systems were also appreciated. Even Rev Gogerly of the Wesleyan faith was not puzzled by it; he in fact saw similarities between the two religions, in sacrifices made by Jesus similar to Gautama Buddha in his various sansaric births. While Missionaries took opposite stances, the adherents saw the benevolence, reverence, virtue and goodness in both systems as beneficial to mankind.
Buddhist monks saw the missionaries as similar religious virtuosi as themselves who preached to the uninstructed. Given the colonial inferiority felt by the bhikkus some were very happy to entertain and court friendships with the Europeans preachers. Turnour, the Government Agent of Central Province wrote, ‘Nothing can exceed the good taste and tact evinced by Buddhistical church in Ceylon with Europeans, as long as they are treated with the courtesy, that is due to them’.
Two monks in particular, Karathota Dhammananda and Bovala Dhammananda, gave their assistance in translating Christian scriptures without hesitation. Missions have recorded instances of ‘banamaduwa’ given to the missionary preachers but bhikkus were perplexed when church premises were refused rather indignantly. Hardy wrote that there were many occasions that he sought night shelter in a pansala and even temporary shelter from the heat of the day sometimes. There were many occasions, Murdoch noted in his diary, when he was fed from the alms bowl and given tobacco or some other ‘luxury’ to express their satisfaction at his visit.
Signs of Strain between Christians and Buddhists
In and around the 1850’s the Buddhist reaction to Christianity changed. The long periods of State neglect, indifference, and even hurt endured by the monkhood and the laity wore them down. The attacks by the missionaries were considered distasteful and even unjust. To label Buddhist traditional practices as ‘horrifying’, ‘abominable’ ‘evil and wicked’ were pretentious in the extreme. It even provoked Governor Horton to write to the head of the Wesleyan Mission Benjamin Clough to desist from such derogatory comments and even ordered to withdraw a tract because public disaffection to the coloniser can lead to serious consequences as was happening in India at the time. In 1852 Governor Anderson also wrote to the Colombo Archdeacon to ‘not repeat language so violent and offensive as calculated to excite and exasperate the whole Buddhist population’. These showed the nervousness of the administrators, conscious of their continued indifference and neglect to the demands made by the Buddhist for over half a century of British colonialism.
Ironically the printing press, which was the weapon that the missionaries used firstly to castigate Buddhism as profane and evil began to be used by the Buddhists in their counterattack. Being skilled in Sinhalese the monks commanded a hefty advantage over the adversary. The missionaries in turn had to be acutely proficient to rebut the Buddhist scholars. Two missionaries of the Wesleyan church, Reverend Gogerly and Spence Hardy, began reading Sinhalese Buddhist literature and Pali sources unabashedly under the tutelage of Buddhist monks in order to put their knowledge into practical use.
A Sinhalese treatise by the name Kristiani Prajnapthi was re-published by Gogerly in 1853 to refute the Buddhist doctrine and establish the Christian ‘truth’. The title of Part 1 was ‘Buddhism is not a True Religion’. Gogerly’s protégé, David de Silva, followed Gogerly in writing shorter tracts with more punch in a style to excite the average reader. The anti Buddhist material coming from Baddegama mission catapulted Galle and Matara into becoming Buddhist fortresses due to the sagacity and popularity of monks in the lineage starting from Mulkirigala. While the Buddhist press questioned the existence of an eternal god, eternal soul, divine creation and original sin the Christians railed the Hindu- Buddhist cosmology, popular cults and exorcist practices existent in popular Buddhism.
The press belonging to Christian Mission in Kotte came into the hands of the ‘unknown’ Buddhists which was used in opposition to Christianity, and their numerous publications were condemned by the opponents as sheer blasphemy. Another press came up in Galle under Bulathgama Sumana in 1862 that was financed by the Siamese King Mongkut and a Kandyan Chief from Uva. Galle publications were directed by Hikkaduwe Sumangala a respected scholar, then in his 30’s who demonstrated his skills in the Adhikamasa and Sav Sath Dam controversies. Mohotivatte Gunananda, five years Hikkaduwe’s senior, a relatively unknown monk soon arrived on the scene to became the leading champion of the Christian Buddhist confrontation.
Mohottivatte
popularly known as Migettuvatte Gunananda, though born in the Southern province lived at Deepaduththaramaya in Kotahena, a temple founded by his uncle and teacher Sinigama Dhirakkandha. His experience in Colombo where monks were made unwelcome in the Colombo suburbs had a hardened attitude towards the Christian missionaries. His verbal skill, language fluency, dexterity as a preacher with zeal far exceeded that of his adversaries. His organization called Sasanabhivurdhi Dayaka Dharma Sangamaya happened to be the once unknown new owner of the Church Missionary Press.
Migettuvatte
published a reply to Gogerly’s Kristiani Prajnapthi in the new Press in Durlabha Vinodiniya which was a monthly periodical which triggered a rival periodical by Gogerly, Sudharma Prakaranaya. These periodicals sometimes did not survive for long and a spate of such magazines arrived in quick succession. The Kristiani Vada Mardanaya 1862, Samyak Dharshanaya by Migettuwatte, and Bauddha Vaksharaya and Sumathi Sangrahaya, Labdhi Tulawa by Hikkaduwe from the Galle Lamkopakara Press to which the Wesleyans replied with Bauddha Vakya Khandanaya and Satya Dvajaya as a counter publication.
As the publications proliferated the topics widened and the scholastic nature improved, Gogerly, anointed ‘as the first Pali scholar known, resplendent as a preacher shone’ (Spence Hardy) died soon after and he was replaced by Hardy himself who had returned to the island after a lapse of 15 years. Hardy’s tenure was short and eventually the Baddegama Wesleyan Mission passed over to Gogerly’s pupil, David de Silva, who became the principal adversary of Migettuvatte in the years to come. The British missionaries who were adept at public debate and dialogue were keen on public discussion of religious subjects but the response so far from the Buddhist monks remained lukewarm.
Public debates:
The end of an outwardly friendly relationship
The Buddhist monks, at first were not eager to enter into public debate with the Europeans but when the Missionaries exceeded their limits by frequenting the temples on popular festival days and addressing their dayaka community the monks were naturally irritated. Intrusions by missionaries with pamphlets prepared well in advance to discourage the Buddhist public became far too frequent.
The first encounter with the missionaries took place at Baddegama on November 21, 1864 when a few missionaries from the nearby church mission challenged the monks in the temple in their own premises, which was accepted by the irritated monks and fixed the debate for February 8, 1865. On that appointed day the missionaries were no less surprised by the enormous crowd of around 2,000 well organized by Bulathgama. Led by Hikkaduwe there were present the ablest monks from the Galle precincts.
The supporters of Christian missionaries present numbered around 60 to 70. The show of strength was hard to comprehend to the missionaries. It was not really in the debating format but an exchange of letters on questions and answers, which were published later. Another similar exchange was held at Varagoda, Kelaniya in the same format followed by a real public debate at Udanvita in 1866. A proper ‘debate’ was held at Gampola, for the first time, in January 1871.
The Famous Panadura Debate
The third of the series and by far the most famous proper debate was held at Panadura from Aug. 26th and 28, 1873, at Panadura in the presence of 5,000-7,000 people on the first day and over 10,000 the second day. The impact of the Baddegama debate had given both missionaries and the Buddhists a jolt and both parties were eager to marshal forces for a fierce contest at Panadura. The spokespersons for the Christians became a ‘painful’ affair to match Migettuvatte, a ‘consummate master of public haranguing’, which was no easy task. David de Silva the student of Rev Gogerly, though learned was a poor orator and F.S Sirimanne, a catechist at the CMS, better orator, assisted by Samuel Perera, a Sinhalese Minister were chosen. The Wesleyan Mission at Baddegama went on a spree just on the eve of the great event attacking the Buddhist monks as less intelligent, having an appearance of great vacancy, verging on imbecility and mental inertness. (Hardy, Eastern Monachism). The missionaries dared the monks to come out in open so that they could be humiliated in public.
The Christian missionaries badly miscalculated the situation. Spence Hardy who led the Christian side did not gauge the Buddhist enthusiasm correctly. The attacks of monks that he had earlier directed galvanized the so-called ‘indifferent laymen to get closer to the monks’. The monks themselves took the challenge seriously devoting time for research and preparation. The monks nuanced in matters such as karma, nirvana, Buddhahood, rebirth, resurrection etc., in their day- to- day preaching were more than prepared to ridicule the essentials of Christianity; Divine Providence, eternal God, creation versus natural evolution.
The missionaries were concentrating on the Hindu- Buddhist cosmology, the weakest link, incompatible with general knowledge of science at the time. But the Christians were equally vulnerable to the same charge in their belief system. When David de Silva sarcastically asked Migettuvatte why the Western explorers failed to find Maha Meru in their exploits, Migettuvatte returned the brickbat asking David de Silva whether any of the explorers found the Garden of Eden. On many other counts the same tactics were used by both parties about the omniscience of God, historicity of recorded events in both doctrines. Being two belief systems it is natural that logic, science and reason cannot assist both on many counts but debates and ridicule have immense emotive appeal to the ordinary person. It is to be expected therefore that when Migettuvatte concluded his words cries of Sadhu Sadhu emanated from the thousands of highly affected followers. It was apparently up to Hikkaduwe and Migettuvatte to beckon the agitated crowd to keep the peace.
Help from Free thinkers
and Theosophists
Around this time there were Europeans, who raised issue with theistic doctrines and free thinkers who cast a fascinating eye at Eastern mysticism in addition to their interest in dead languages such as Pali and Sanskrit. These developments in the West came to the attention of the Sinhala literati. The Sinhala periodical Vibhajjavadaya edited by D.P Wijesinghe published some of their accounts in Sinhala, which caught the eye of the monks. Correspondence and exchange of printed material gave an impetus to the efforts of Buddhist monks to lift their own morale and also the possibility of using the Westerner to demand their due
from the colonizing Europeans. Sinhala Buddhists were yearning for white European assistance to confront the colonizers. The Bishop of Colombo, Reginald Copleston, obviously irritated by the impetus Buddhist monks were receiving from some quarters made his disquiet public. He said to call Sri Lankan monks as ‘brothers of intellect’, by some Europeans animated by an ill judged but insignificant controversy in a sleepy town by the name of Panadura, was damaging Christianity. This doubtless was a reference to Henry Olcott, Founder of the Theosophical Society and Madame Blavatsky whose booklets had been sent to Migettuvatte prior to the Panadura event.
Spence Hardy before leaving Ceylon wrote that, ‘The cross must triumph. The time will come when the vihara will be deserted, the dagoba unhonoured, and the bana unread’. His optimism was short lived and the new Bishop of Colombo conceded upon assuming his duties in 1874, that, ‘there is little doubt that Buddhism is far more vigorous in Ceylon than it was a 150 years ago’.
= This article is written in appreciation of two of my academic friends who have rendered their due to foster scholarship in Sri Lanka.
=Late Kitsiri Malagoda, my contemperory at Peradeniya, and later in our academic circle on Sri Lanka Down Under sadly passed away a few years ago. His seminal work was Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750-1900, Cambridge University Press.
= P.V.J Jayasekera’s (Retired Professor of History) Confrontations with Colonialism Vol 1, Vijitha Yapa Publication, which is also used by me in writing this article, is an outstanding contribution to Sri Lankan History and is of immense theoretical depth.
By Udari Abeyasinghe
One of the principles of free education is to provide opportunities in higher education. In 2020, then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa issued directives to the University Grants Commission (UGC) to increase university admissions by an additional 12,000 students, in line with his election manifesto. Subsequently, student enrollments were increased with inadequate resources allocated for the enhancement of university facilities to accommodate the surge in student enrollments.
Currently, state universities are grappling with managing the increasing number of students in the face of budgetary constraints. Unfortunately, neither physical nor human resources have been expanded in proportion to the increased student enrollment, leading to severe strain on the higher education system. Being an academic in the one and only dental faculty producing dental graduates at present for the entire country, I take this opportunity to shed light on the hardships experienced in dental education owing to financial constraints amplified by the economic crisis in Sri Lanka.
A glimpse into history
The history of dentistry in Sri Lanka is a fascinating journey. On 15 May, 1915, dentistry was recognized as an independent profession in the country. The first qualified dentists were officially registered by the Ceylon Medical Council under the Dentists Registration Ordinance, all of whom were British-trained professionals. These early dentists primarily served the British troops, professionals, and those among the Ceylonese population who could afford their professional services, predominantly in the private sector. It was only in 1925 that the Colonial government recognized the dental health needs of the general public. By the 1930s, several medical graduates from the Ceylon Medical College had embarked on a new educational journey by enrolling in a Licentiate in Dental Surgery programme, a two-year post-graduate course.
By 1943, another pivotal moment in the history of dental education occurred with the launch of the Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS) course at the Ceylon Medical College, University of Ceylon, located in Colombo. The inaugural batch consisted of only four students, followed by six students in the subsequent batch. This marked the official commencement of comprehensive dental education within Ceylon. Recognising the necessity of practical knowledge and skills to complement theoretical dental education, a small Dental Unit (now the site of the nine-storey Dental Hospital in Colombo) was established at the Colombo General Hospital, now known as the National Hospital of Sri Lanka.
In 1953, the Dental School was relocated from Colombo to Peradeniya. Subsequently, with the establishment of the second Medical College at Peradeniya, in 1961, the Dental School became affiliated with it, functioning as a department. Over the years, the dental school gradually expanded, becoming a Faculty of Dental Sciences in 1986. In 1998, under the Japan International Corporation Agency (JICA) project, the Peradeniya Faculty of Dental Sciences and Hospital complex was established. Notably, in 2017, the BDS programme transitioned from a four-year to a five-year curriculum on par with international standards. Eighty years after the commencement of dental education in the country, at present about 80 dentists graduate annually, all trained under the Free Education policy. In December 2021, a second Faculty of Dental Sciences was established at the University of Jayewardenepura set to produce its first graduates in three years.
Dental education in crisis
Sri Lanka’s financial crisis has taken a toll on the education sector, resulting in significant cuts in financial allocations. UNICEF reports that Sri Lanka allocates less than 2% of its GDP to education, falling well below the international benchmark of 4%-6% of GDP and ranking among the lowest in South Asia. In 2020, recurrent costs per student per year for the dental degree stood at Rs 1.72 million. The total recurrent cost for the five-year degree was 8.62 million while the total recurrent cost for the medical degree was 4.18 million. The cost of the dental degree programme would have surely increased since then due to the increased prices of imported dental materials. Given that dental education is the most expensive degree programme in Sri Lanka, the impact of these budget cuts has been particularly harsh. Moreover, the government’s decision to increase student intake in recent years, from 80 to 123 students at Peradeniya, has exacerbated the situation, representing nearly a 50% increase.
Dental education requires close one-on-one supervision during clinical sessions, and maintaining high standards necessitates adequate human resources. According to Sri Lankan standards, the student-to-academic staff ratio should be maintained at 7:1. Due to the increased number of students in the absence of a proportionate increase in the number of academics, this ratio no longer exists. This has placed a heavy burden on academic staff, who struggle to balance their responsibilities, including teaching, supervising postgraduate students, conducting research, and contributing to faculty and university administration. The shortage of human resources is taking a toll on the well-being of these academics and affecting the quality of education they can provide.
Navigating
As outlined in my last Kuppi article (09/05/2023), attracting and retaining young staff in the field of dentistry has emerged as a significant challenge. For any institution’s effective operation, the collective contributions of academics across all levels, from temporary lecturers to junior lecturers, senior lecturers, and professors, are crucial. Presently, the dental faculty faces a unique situation, functioning without a single dental graduate as a temporary lecturer. This situation has arisen primarily because dental graduates are reluctant to take up temporary academic positions due to the relatively low salaries offered in comparison to the potential earnings from private dental practice, not to mention a series of challenges faced in the university setting.
The government’s recent decision to suspend stipends for probationary lecturers in clinical departments to complete MD foreign training is one such challenge. As paid foreign training positions for dental graduates are hard to come by, completing foreign training without a stipend is unfeasible. Even though lecturers can be confirmed in their position before completion of foreign training and board certification, they are not eligible to become senior lecturers. The inability for junior lecturers to advance their careers has directly affected not only retaining but also attracting young dental graduates into the clinical departments. The situation has been further worsened by the government’s discriminatory decision to provide a stipend for postgraduate MD trainees in the Ministry of Health to pursue foreign training, which has compelled dental graduates to opt for employment with the Ministry of Health instead of universities.
The faculty has not been able to increase physical resources in parallel with the surge in student intake. Inflation has tripled the cost of dental materials needed for patient treatment, making it nearly impossible to procure the necessary supplies for both patient care and educational purposes. At present, the faculty relies upon donations from patients and alumni to bridge the gap. Other resources for clinical training, such as manikins in the skills laboratory, dental chairs, clinic equipment, and other basic facilities, including computers in IT labs, Wi-Fi, space in the cafeteria and student accommodation are inadequate to cater to the increased student intake. The responsibility to secure additional resources has fallen on the shoulders of academics with little support from the UGC.
The bigger picture
Dentistry is undoubtedly a costly degree, and access to free education in Sri Lanka has been a crucial lifeline, especially for students from disadvantaged backgrounds. As committed academics, our dedication lies in safeguarding free education and ensuring that students, regardless of their social backgrounds, have access to dental education while maintaining the high standards of teaching and learning. It is essential to keep in mind the BDS programme has gradually expanded from 4 to 80 students over a period of 80 years. The programme’s sustainability has been maintained by gradual and timely planned expansion with adequate public funding.
Indiscriminate increases in student intake during times of financial crisis will surely compromise the quality of dental education. Discriminatory decision to provide a stipend for postgraduate MD trainees in the Ministry of Health but not the postgraduate MD trainees in dental faculties will further compromise dental education. It is essential for decision-makers and policymakers to consider the long-term sustainability and quality of dental education, while strengthening Free Education in the country, even as they explore options for expansion.
(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Department of Oral Pathology, Faculty of Dental Sciences, University of Peradeniya)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
It appears that President Ranil Wickremasinghe, all along his political career, has acted in the belief that he can bring about national unity, true national reconciliation among different communities and find a lasting solution to the ethnic problem only by granting more and more concessions to the racist political parties with separatist agendas in the North and the East and complying with their demands.
In 2002, as the Prime Minister, Wickremesinghe signed, without the approval of President Chandrika Kumaratunga, an Oslo-brokered ceasefire agreement with the LTTE, allowing the LTTE to have internal self-administration in the areas under their control in the North-East. In 2005, he supported the move of the Kumaratunga government to sign a Memorandum of Understanding with the LTTE for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS Agreement) under LTTE leadership for carrying out reconstruction work in the six Tsunami affected Districts in the North-East. In 2006, he assured the TNA of support for the re-merger of Northern and Eastern Provinces if a motion was brought for that purpose in Parliament. During the war for the liberation of the North-East from terrorism, instead of supporting the war effort, his party tried to derail the war effort by abstaining from voting for the extension of the Emergency and making derogatory remarks about the victories of the armed forces.
Common Dream of Wickremasinghe and Sampanthan
In his Address to Parliament on February 8, 2023 delivering the Policy Statement of the Government, President Wickremasinghe disclosed a common dream Mr. Sampanthan and he had been trying to realise over the years thus:
‘‘Both Hon. R. Sampanthan and I were elected to Parliament in 1977. We both have a common dream, which is to provide a sustainable solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka while we are both in Parliament. Ever since, we have been discussing that dream and have been making efforts towards its achievement. All previous attempts have failed, but we wish to succeed this time. We expect your support to this end.’’
Before proceeding to examine the dream of the President, let us examine the dream of Sampanthan and the political organisations led by him: the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). This dream remained continuously unchanged since the founding of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (Federal Party) in 1949. The name of the Party – Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) or (Tamil State Party of Ceylon) itself reflects this dream. This dream was reiterated in various resolutions passed at their conferences and public declarations at different times.
Dream of Sampanthan and other Tamil leaders
Trincomalee Resolution of ITAK – April 1957
The Resolution passed at the first National Convention of the ITAK held in Trincomalee in April 1957 elaborates on this dream citing the components this dream consists of:
“Inasmuch as it is the inalienable right of every nation to enjoy full political freedom without which its spiritual, cultural and moral stature must degenerate and inasmuch as the Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every fundamental test of nationhood, firstly that of a separate historical part in this island at least as ancient and as glorious as that of the Sinhalese, secondly by the fact of their being a linguistic entity different from that of the Sinhalese, with an unsurpassed classical heritage and a modern development of language which makes Tamil fully adequate for all present day needs and finally by reason of their traditional habitation of definite areas which constitute one-third of this island, the first National Convention of the I.T.A.K. demands for the Tamil Speaking Nation their inalienable right to political autonomy and calls for a plebiscite to determine the boundaries of the linguistic states in consonance with the fundamental and unchallengeable principle of self-determination.”
The components of this dream are as follows:
a
. Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every fundamental test of nationhood: i. playing a separate historical part in this island at least as ancient and as glorious as that of the Sinhalese; ii. with an unsurpassed classical heritage and a modern development of language making Tamil fully adequate for all present-day needs; iii. their traditional habitation of definite areas constituting one-third of this island; b. Inalienable right of the Tamil Speaking Nation to political autonomy.
Vaddukoddai Resolution of TULF
The Vaddukoddai Resolution unanimously adopted on 16 May 1976 by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) consisting of all the Tamil political parties and groups in the North – East narrated in its preamble all the rights denied to or deprived of Tamil people by the successive Sinhala governments and their demands for restoration thereof:
a. The Tamils of Ceylon by virtue of their language, their religions, their separate culture and heritage, their history of independent existence as a separate state over a distinct territory for several centuries and, above all by their will to exist as a separate entity ruling themselves in their own territory, are a nation distinct and apart from Sinhalese;
b. Throughout centuries from the dawn of history, the Sinhalese and Tamil nations have divided between themselves the possession of Ceylon, the Sinhalese inhabiting the interior of the country in its Southern and Western parts and the Tamils possessing the Northern and Eastern districts;
c. Successive Sinhalese governments since independence have encouraged and fostered the aggressive nationalism of the Sinhalese people and have used their political power to the detriment of the Tamils by making serious inroads into the territories of the former Tamil Kingdom by a system of planned and state-aided Sinhalese colonization and large scale regularization of recently encouraged Sinhalese encroachments, calculated to make the Tamils a minority in their own homeland.
d. The proposals submitted to the Constituent Assembly by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi for maintaining the unity of the country while preserving the integrity of the Tamil people by the establishment of an autonomous Tamil State within the framework of a Federal Republic of Ceylon.
‘‘This convention resolves that restoration and reconstitution of the Free, Sovereign, Secular, Socialist State of TAMIL EELAM, based on the right of self-determination inherent to every nation, has become inevitable in order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil Nation in this Country.
‘‘
This Convention directs the Action Committee of the Tamil United Liberation Front to formulate a plan of action and launch without undue delay the struggle for winning the sovereignty and freedom of the Tamil Nation; and
‘‘
Chelvanayagam
This Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general and the Tamil youth in particular to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign state of TAMIL EELAM is reached.’’
· From this it clearly appears that not only the LTTE and the other armed militant groups, but the entire leadership of the TULF was also responsible for aiding and abetting and leading the Tamil youth for the 30-year war against Sri Lanka.
Although the LTTE was defeated and the 30-year war came to an end on May 18, 2009, the ITAK, the TULF or the TNA and the other political parties in the North-East have not abandoned their goal or dream of creating a separate Tamil State in the amalgamated Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. They have only changed their strategy and tactics in the march for reaching their goal.
Speech made by R. Sampanthan, the leader of the TULF, at the 14th ITAK Convention held in Batticaloa in May 2012
In this speech, Sampanthan clearly explains to their members their new strategy to achieve their goal of a separate state thus:
“We gather here following our victory in the passage of the recent Resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, a condemnation against the SL government by the international community.
“Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi was created by S. J. V. Chelvanayagam, the father of Tamil Nation, for the purpose of establishing self-determination of the Tamil people on this island. This objective is evident in both the name of the party and in the manner in which it operates.
“Tamil United Liberation Front, of which our party was a member, took the historical decision to establish the separate government of Tamil Eelam in 1976. Based on this decision of our party, and the need to place ourselves in a position of strength, Tamil youth decided to oppose violence with violence and began to rise up as armed rebel groups.
“Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, became a great force within the Tamil community.
“We remember the Tamil youth who sacrificed their lives in armed struggle. …. SL government has committed the crime of extermination against our people,
“The intervention of India has clearly taught us the lesson that whatever our aspirations may be, India will never welcome a political solution in Sri Lanka that does not accord with the interests of India.
“Achieving Tamil Eelam was becoming an increasingly unrealistic goal. Thus, instead of sacrificing more lives to this cause, our party with the help of India, began supporting a solution that allowed Tamil people to live within a united Sri Lanka.
“A most important lesson we have learnt from the past 60 years… is that we should act strategically, with the awareness that global powers will act based on their domestic interests.
“Further, a struggle that runs counter to the international community, built only on military might, will not prevail. It is for this reason, that in the new environment created by various global influences, we have, together with the support and assistance of the international community, found new ways of continuing with our struggle.
“Our expectation of a solution to the ethnic problem of the sovereignty of the Tamil people is based on a political structure outside that of a unitary government, in a united Sri Lanka in which Tamil people have all the powers of government needed to live with self-respect and self-sufficiency.
“The position that the North and East of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people cannot be compromised in this structure of government…. We must have unrestricted authority to govern our land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition… Meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution passed in 1987.
“The above solution is one that is likely to be acceptable to members of the international community including India and the United States.
“Any solution to the ethnic problem concerning the sovereignty of the Tamil people must be acceptable to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka.
“The international practice prevalent during the mid-eighties, when the intervention of India occurred, has now changed. Although the issue at hand is the same, the prevailing conditions are different. The struggle is the same, but the approaches we employ are different. Our aim is the same, but our strategies are different. The players are the same, but the alliances are different. That is the nature of the Tamil people. Although we still have the same aim, the methods we use now are different.
“The current practices of the international community may give us an opportunity to achieve, without the loss of life, the soaring aspirations we were unable to achieve by armed force.’’.’’ www.sangam.org/2012/06/Sampanthan_Speech.php
(To be continued)
Ex-Mirage Melantha Perera, who now performs with the band Black Jackets, left last Tuesday (19), on an important assignment, to Australia.
He will be away for about a month, he said, spending about two weeks each, in Sydney and Melbourne.
His first stop is Sydney for the Australian South Asian Forum (ASAF) that commenced on 23rd September.
This South Asian Film Arts and Literature festival is showcasing the rich art, culture and literary heritage of eight nations – India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bhutan, and the Maldives.
The Performing Arts programme, held on 23rd September, brought into the limelight solo singing, solo dance and musical instrument performance, and Melantha was one of the judges, I’m told.
The big event, to wind up this festival, is the Gala Awards Night, scheduled to be held on 30th September, and will include guest performances, and cultural song and dance performances, presented by eight subcontinent countries.
Once his commitments in Sydney are over, Melantha will head for Melbourne where he plans to promote his Mela Nota project further.
It’s gaining recognition in many countries and Melantha is fully satisfied with the response.
Melantha Perera:Australia, here I come
In Melbourne, he will also be seen in action, as a solo singer, at the popular Sundown Regency, on 6th October, along with Noeline Honter, and the band ‘Friends’, and supported by Thirani, Enrico and Lozaine.
In fact, Melantha, made his solo debut, in Melbourne, at the Walawwa, when he was in Australia, early this year, and it turned out to be a memorable occasion for this versatile artiste.
He was, in fact, the centre of attraction at another event, back home, in Moratuwa, before he left for Australia.
Melantha was the President of the Moratuwa Arts Forum, for the previous year, and at the recently held general meeting, to select a new president and committee, Melantha and the previous committee were re-elected, uncontested.
Those present insisted that Melantha and the previous committee continue with the excellent work they have been doing to harness the talent of those in Moratuwa and bring them into the spotlight.
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