Features
Christianity, Buddhism and Common Morality

Panadura Vadaya Part 11 (Contd.)
Dr D. Chandraratna
Initially the Sinhalese were not actively opposed to missionary work because as far as morality was concerned they saw a bright side in co-existence. The Christian missionaries were a bit perplexed as to the sangfroid manner in which ordinary Buddhists perceived Christianity. For them both were similar in terms of morals. Respect or allegiance to both religions was not an issue of such importance to them. Buddhism has always been a syncretic system whereby alien elements were absorbed without much acrimony.
Allegiance shown to one was not necessarily a rejection of the other. Similarities in the two belief systems were also appreciated. Even Rev Gogerly of the Wesleyan faith was not puzzled by it; he in fact saw similarities between the two religions, in sacrifices made by Jesus similar to Gautama Buddha in his various sansaric births. While Missionaries took opposite stances, the adherents saw the benevolence, reverence, virtue and goodness in both systems as beneficial to mankind.
Buddhist monks saw the missionaries as similar religious virtuosi as themselves who preached to the uninstructed. Given the colonial inferiority felt by the bhikkus some were very happy to entertain and court friendships with the Europeans preachers. Turnour, the Government Agent of Central Province wrote, ‘Nothing can exceed the good taste and tact evinced by Buddhistical church in Ceylon with Europeans, as long as they are treated with the courtesy, that is due to them’.
Two monks in particular, Karathota Dhammananda and Bovala Dhammananda, gave their assistance in translating Christian scriptures without hesitation. Missions have recorded instances of ‘banamaduwa’ given to the missionary preachers but bhikkus were perplexed when church premises were refused rather indignantly. Hardy wrote that there were many occasions that he sought night shelter in a pansala and even temporary shelter from the heat of the day sometimes. There were many occasions, Murdoch noted in his diary, when he was fed from the alms bowl and given tobacco or some other ‘luxury’ to express their satisfaction at his visit.
Signs of Strain between Christians and Buddhists
In and around the 1850’s the Buddhist reaction to Christianity changed. The long periods of State neglect, indifference, and even hurt endured by the monkhood and the laity wore them down. The attacks by the missionaries were considered distasteful and even unjust. To label Buddhist traditional practices as ‘horrifying’, ‘abominable’ ‘evil and wicked’ were pretentious in the extreme. It even provoked Governor Horton to write to the head of the Wesleyan Mission Benjamin Clough to desist from such derogatory comments and even ordered to withdraw a tract because public disaffection to the coloniser can lead to serious consequences as was happening in India at the time. In 1852 Governor Anderson also wrote to the Colombo Archdeacon to ‘not repeat language so violent and offensive as calculated to excite and exasperate the whole Buddhist population’. These showed the nervousness of the administrators, conscious of their continued indifference and neglect to the demands made by the Buddhist for over half a century of British colonialism.
Ironically the printing press, which was the weapon that the missionaries used firstly to castigate Buddhism as profane and evil began to be used by the Buddhists in their counterattack. Being skilled in Sinhalese the monks commanded a hefty advantage over the adversary. The missionaries in turn had to be acutely proficient to rebut the Buddhist scholars. Two missionaries of the Wesleyan church, Reverend Gogerly and Spence Hardy, began reading Sinhalese Buddhist literature and Pali sources unabashedly under the tutelage of Buddhist monks in order to put their knowledge into practical use.
A Sinhalese treatise by the name Kristiani Prajnapthi was re-published by Gogerly in 1853 to refute the Buddhist doctrine and establish the Christian ‘truth’. The title of Part 1 was ‘Buddhism is not a True Religion’. Gogerly’s protégé, David de Silva, followed Gogerly in writing shorter tracts with more punch in a style to excite the average reader. The anti Buddhist material coming from Baddegama mission catapulted Galle and Matara into becoming Buddhist fortresses due to the sagacity and popularity of monks in the lineage starting from Mulkirigala. While the Buddhist press questioned the existence of an eternal god, eternal soul, divine creation and original sin the Christians railed the Hindu- Buddhist cosmology, popular cults and exorcist practices existent in popular Buddhism.
The press belonging to Christian Mission in Kotte came into the hands of the ‘unknown’ Buddhists which was used in opposition to Christianity, and their numerous publications were condemned by the opponents as sheer blasphemy. Another press came up in Galle under Bulathgama Sumana in 1862 that was financed by the Siamese King Mongkut and a Kandyan Chief from Uva. Galle publications were directed by Hikkaduwe Sumangala a respected scholar, then in his 30’s who demonstrated his skills in the Adhikamasa and Sav Sath Dam controversies. Mohotivatte Gunananda, five years Hikkaduwe’s senior, a relatively unknown monk soon arrived on the scene to became the leading champion of the Christian Buddhist confrontation.
Mohottivatte
popularly known as Migettuvatte Gunananda, though born in the Southern province lived at Deepaduththaramaya in Kotahena, a temple founded by his uncle and teacher Sinigama Dhirakkandha. His experience in Colombo where monks were made unwelcome in the Colombo suburbs had a hardened attitude towards the Christian missionaries. His verbal skill, language fluency, dexterity as a preacher with zeal far exceeded that of his adversaries. His organization called Sasanabhivurdhi Dayaka Dharma Sangamaya happened to be the once unknown new owner of the Church Missionary Press.
Migettuvatte
published a reply to Gogerly’s Kristiani Prajnapthi in the new Press in Durlabha Vinodiniya which was a monthly periodical which triggered a rival periodical by Gogerly, Sudharma Prakaranaya. These periodicals sometimes did not survive for long and a spate of such magazines arrived in quick succession. The Kristiani Vada Mardanaya 1862, Samyak Dharshanaya by Migettuwatte, and Bauddha Vaksharaya and Sumathi Sangrahaya, Labdhi Tulawa by Hikkaduwe from the Galle Lamkopakara Press to which the Wesleyans replied with Bauddha Vakya Khandanaya and Satya Dvajaya as a counter publication.
As the publications proliferated the topics widened and the scholastic nature improved, Gogerly, anointed ‘as the first Pali scholar known, resplendent as a preacher shone’ (Spence Hardy) died soon after and he was replaced by Hardy himself who had returned to the island after a lapse of 15 years. Hardy’s tenure was short and eventually the Baddegama Wesleyan Mission passed over to Gogerly’s pupil, David de Silva, who became the principal adversary of Migettuvatte in the years to come. The British missionaries who were adept at public debate and dialogue were keen on public discussion of religious subjects but the response so far from the Buddhist monks remained lukewarm.
Public debates:
The end of an outwardly friendly relationship
The Buddhist monks, at first were not eager to enter into public debate with the Europeans but when the Missionaries exceeded their limits by frequenting the temples on popular festival days and addressing their dayaka community the monks were naturally irritated. Intrusions by missionaries with pamphlets prepared well in advance to discourage the Buddhist public became far too frequent.
The first encounter with the missionaries took place at Baddegama on November 21, 1864 when a few missionaries from the nearby church mission challenged the monks in the temple in their own premises, which was accepted by the irritated monks and fixed the debate for February 8, 1865. On that appointed day the missionaries were no less surprised by the enormous crowd of around 2,000 well organized by Bulathgama. Led by Hikkaduwe there were present the ablest monks from the Galle precincts.
The supporters of Christian missionaries present numbered around 60 to 70. The show of strength was hard to comprehend to the missionaries. It was not really in the debating format but an exchange of letters on questions and answers, which were published later. Another similar exchange was held at Varagoda, Kelaniya in the same format followed by a real public debate at Udanvita in 1866. A proper ‘debate’ was held at Gampola, for the first time, in January 1871.
The Famous Panadura Debate
The third of the series and by far the most famous proper debate was held at Panadura from Aug. 26th and 28, 1873, at Panadura in the presence of 5,000-7,000 people on the first day and over 10,000 the second day. The impact of the Baddegama debate had given both missionaries and the Buddhists a jolt and both parties were eager to marshal forces for a fierce contest at Panadura. The spokespersons for the Christians became a ‘painful’ affair to match Migettuvatte, a ‘consummate master of public haranguing’, which was no easy task. David de Silva the student of Rev Gogerly, though learned was a poor orator and F.S Sirimanne, a catechist at the CMS, better orator, assisted by Samuel Perera, a Sinhalese Minister were chosen. The Wesleyan Mission at Baddegama went on a spree just on the eve of the great event attacking the Buddhist monks as less intelligent, having an appearance of great vacancy, verging on imbecility and mental inertness. (Hardy, Eastern Monachism). The missionaries dared the monks to come out in open so that they could be humiliated in public.
The Christian missionaries badly miscalculated the situation. Spence Hardy who led the Christian side did not gauge the Buddhist enthusiasm correctly. The attacks of monks that he had earlier directed galvanized the so-called ‘indifferent laymen to get closer to the monks’. The monks themselves took the challenge seriously devoting time for research and preparation. The monks nuanced in matters such as karma, nirvana, Buddhahood, rebirth, resurrection etc., in their day- to- day preaching were more than prepared to ridicule the essentials of Christianity; Divine Providence, eternal God, creation versus natural evolution.
The missionaries were concentrating on the Hindu- Buddhist cosmology, the weakest link, incompatible with general knowledge of science at the time. But the Christians were equally vulnerable to the same charge in their belief system. When David de Silva sarcastically asked Migettuvatte why the Western explorers failed to find Maha Meru in their exploits, Migettuvatte returned the brickbat asking David de Silva whether any of the explorers found the Garden of Eden. On many other counts the same tactics were used by both parties about the omniscience of God, historicity of recorded events in both doctrines. Being two belief systems it is natural that logic, science and reason cannot assist both on many counts but debates and ridicule have immense emotive appeal to the ordinary person. It is to be expected therefore that when Migettuvatte concluded his words cries of Sadhu Sadhu emanated from the thousands of highly affected followers. It was apparently up to Hikkaduwe and Migettuvatte to beckon the agitated crowd to keep the peace.
Help from Free thinkers
and Theosophists
Around this time there were Europeans, who raised issue with theistic doctrines and free thinkers who cast a fascinating eye at Eastern mysticism in addition to their interest in dead languages such as Pali and Sanskrit. These developments in the West came to the attention of the Sinhala literati. The Sinhala periodical Vibhajjavadaya edited by D.P Wijesinghe published some of their accounts in Sinhala, which caught the eye of the monks. Correspondence and exchange of printed material gave an impetus to the efforts of Buddhist monks to lift their own morale and also the possibility of using the Westerner to demand their due
from the colonizing Europeans. Sinhala Buddhists were yearning for white European assistance to confront the colonizers. The Bishop of Colombo, Reginald Copleston, obviously irritated by the impetus Buddhist monks were receiving from some quarters made his disquiet public. He said to call Sri Lankan monks as ‘brothers of intellect’, by some Europeans animated by an ill judged but insignificant controversy in a sleepy town by the name of Panadura, was damaging Christianity. This doubtless was a reference to Henry Olcott, Founder of the Theosophical Society and Madame Blavatsky whose booklets had been sent to Migettuvatte prior to the Panadura event.
Spence Hardy before leaving Ceylon wrote that, ‘The cross must triumph. The time will come when the vihara will be deserted, the dagoba unhonoured, and the bana unread’. His optimism was short lived and the new Bishop of Colombo conceded upon assuming his duties in 1874, that, ‘there is little doubt that Buddhism is far more vigorous in Ceylon than it was a 150 years ago’.
= This article is written in appreciation of two of my academic friends who have rendered their due to foster scholarship in Sri Lanka.
=Late Kitsiri Malagoda, my contemperory at Peradeniya, and later in our academic circle on Sri Lanka Down Under sadly passed away a few years ago. His seminal work was Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750-1900, Cambridge University Press.
= P.V.J Jayasekera’s (Retired Professor of History) Confrontations with Colonialism Vol 1, Vijitha Yapa Publication, which is also used by me in writing this article, is an outstanding contribution to Sri Lankan History and is of immense theoretical depth.
Features
Banking Rules fail the elderly and informal sector

Yesterday, I received a phone call from a well-known private bank. A polite female voice on the line asked whether I was interested in obtaining a housing loan. Knowing how things typically work in the Sri Lankan banking system, I decided not to waste her time—or mine. So, I responded candidly: “I’m over 60. Are you still interested in offering your service to me?”
As expected, she politely replied, “No sir, we offer housing loans only to customers below the age of 60.”
Now, let’s think about this for a moment. If you’re 59 years old, does that mean the bank will give you a housing loan with just a one-year repayment period? Apparently, yes. What kind of absurd banking logic is this? Such rigid age cut-offs do not reflect risk management, but sheer bureaucratic laziness.
Banks and other financial institutions follow rules set by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. One of the main reasons for these rules is to protect the money that people deposit. Figure 1 shows one of those orders to regulate home loans provided by banks.
Employees are to provide banks with confirmation from their respective employer regarding the retirement date/age, as applicable. This requirement introduces administrative friction for the borrower and places unnecessary dependence on employer documentation. Many private sector employers do not maintain strict retirement policies, and contract-based employment has become common. Mandating employer confirmation becomes especially problematic in such cases.
Eligibility Criteria for Housing Loans Under the Terms of This Order (Effective from 10 December 2020) specify the following individuals are eligible to obtain housing loans:
Salaried Employees
* Individuals must be employed in either the public sector (e.g., government departments, state-owned enterprises) or the private sector (e.g., registered companies, private institutions).
Confirmed in Service
* The employment must be confirmed, i.e., the borrower should have completed any probationary period and be in permanent or long-term service. Probationary employees or temporary/contract workers may not be eligible under this order.
This eligibility criterion is narrow and exclusionary, especially in an evolving labour market where:
* Many skilled workers are self-employed, on a contract basis or work in the gig economy would find hard to provide evidence to prove their repayment capacity.
* Job confirmation timelines are often extended due to changing employment practices.
* Real estate investment is increasingly seen as a retirement or family-planning strategy, including among older or self-funded individuals.
While the intent may be to minimise risk for banks by ensuring repayment capacity and employment stability, this overly conservative approach may discriminate against capable, creditworthy individuals, especially older citizens or those outside traditional salaried employment structures.
Tenure of a loan
Figure 2
is an excerpt from the directive issued by CBSL, highlighting the restrictions imposed on the tenure of home loans.
Interestingly, Deshamanya Lalith Kotelawela was one of the few who had the courage—and arguably the foresight—to challenge such irrational norms. While some of his business decisions were controversial, especially the appointment of non-professionals to key financial roles, his thinking on housing loans for older customers was progressive. He proposed that housing loans should be extended even to individuals aged between 60 and 70, with repayment periods of 20 to 30 years. However, he also recommended attaching insurance to these loans—an approach that could benefit his own insurance companies. Naturally, the premiums would be significantly higher for older or higher-risk borrowers.
His reasoning was rooted in both financial logic and social realism: in most Sri Lankan families, children would never allow their parents to lose the family home. In the worst-case scenario, the property—often the most secure asset one can offer—serves as reliable collateral. From a regulatory standpoint, too, this makes sense. According to the Basel framework for banking supervision, residential mortgage loans carry a risk weight of only 50% when calculating capital adequacy. That means such loans are already considered relatively low risk.
So, why are banks clinging to these outdated, “one-size-fits-all” rules that ignore real-world dynamics, demographic shifts, and even their own financial regulations?
These are not just outdated policies—they are stupid banking rules.
Age Discrimination and Financial Exclusion
This condition is fundamentally age-based and introduces structural discrimination against older borrowers. By linking repayment tenure strictly to the borrower’s retirement date, it disproportionately excludes capable individuals nearing retirement—even if they are financially stable, have substantial savings or collateral, or have alternative income sources such as pensions, business income, or rental properties. It presumes that retirement equals financial incapacity, which is not always true in the modern economy. Today, some retired government employees receive monthly pensions exceeding Rs. 100,000.
Ignores Multigenerational and Alternative Repayment Scenarios
This policy does not account for cases where a housing loan is taken for the benefit of the family, and repayment responsibility can logically transfer to a younger family member (such as an adult child or co-borrower). In South Asian cultures especially, joint-family structures and intergenerational financial support are common. Denying long-tenure loans, based on an individual’s remaining years of employment, ignores these sociocultural realities.
Penalises Those Who Start Later
Not everyone begins salaried employment early in life. Some people shift careers, pursue entrepreneurship, or even migrate and return to salaried employment later. Under this rule, a 45-year-old starting a government job would be eligible only for a 15-year loan, regardless of income or asset base. This rigid approach fails to reflect the dynamic nature of modern work and life paths.
Common sense
Banking is often celebrated as a sector driven by logic, data, and risk mitigation. Yet, it is riddled with regulations and practices that are outdated, unempathetic, and at times, downright illogical. A prime example of this is the age discrimination embedded in housing loan policies in many Sri Lankan banks—and indeed in banks across much of the world. The author’s anecdote of receiving a call from a reputed private bank offering a housing loan, only to be told that customers over 60 are ineligible, highlights a major flaw in modern banking systems.
At the heart of this issue lies a fundamental contradiction: while banks are supposed to be institutions that assess individual risk, they often make blanket decisions based on crude demographics such as age. If a person is 59 years old, they are technically eligible for a loan, but only for a tenure of one year, assuming the cut-off age is 60. That assumption, of course, is absurd. Imagine a healthy, wealthy 59-year-old customer being allowed to borrow only on terms designed for a dying man. This “stupid banking rule” lacks nuance and punishes individuals who might otherwise be low-risk borrowers with good collateral.
The Need for Reform
Age should not be the sole determinant of loan eligibility. In an era where people live longer, work well into their seventies, and often own significant assets, banking institutions must adopt more flexible, holistic credit assessment methods. Factors like health, income stability, family support, insurance coverage, and asset base must be considered alongside age.
Additionally, banks should be encouraged—or even regulated—to adopt inclusive lending practices. Policies that facilitate family-based guarantees, property-backed loans with transfer clauses, or reverse mortgage models can ensure that elderly individuals are not financially excluded.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@sliit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Trump tariffs and their effect on world trade and economy with particular

reference to Sri Lanka – Part III
(Continued from yesterday)
Textile Industry Significance
The textile and apparel sector holds outsised importance in Sri Lanka’s economy. It accounts for approximately 40% of the country’s total exports and directly employs around 350,000 workers, predominantly women from rural areas, for whom these jobs represent a crucial pathway out of poverty. When indirect employment in supporting industries is included, the sector supports the livelihoods of over one million Sri Lankans.
The industry’s development was initially facilitated through quotas assigned by the Multi-Fiber Agreement (1974-1994), which allocated specific export volumes to developing countries. When this agreement expired, Sri Lanka managed to maintain its position in global apparel supply chains by focusing on higher-value products, ethical manufacturing practices, and reliability. The country has positioned itself as a producer of quality garments, particularly lingerie, activewear, and swimwear for major global brands.
However, this success has created a structural dependency on continued access to markets in wealthy countries, particularly the United States. As the Secretary General of the Joint Apparel Association Forum, the main representative body for Sri Lanka’s
apparel and textile exporters, bluntly stated following the tariff announcement, “We have no alternate market that we can possibly target instead of the US.”
This dependency is reinforced by the industry’s integration into global supply chains dominated by U.S. brands and retailers. Many Sri Lankan factories operate on thin margins as contract manufacturers for these international companies, with limited ability to quickly pivot to new markets or product categories. The industry has also made significant investments in compliance with U.S. buyer requirements and sustainability certifications, creating path dependencies that make rapid adaptation to new market conditions extremely challenging.
The textile and apparel sector’s significance extends beyond its direct economic contributions. It has been a crucial source of foreign exchange earnings for a country that has consistently run trade deficits and struggled with external debt sustainability. In the ten years leading up to Sri Lanka’s default on external debt (2012-2021), debt repayments amounted to an average of 41% of export earnings, highlighting how vital steady export revenues are to the country’s ability to service its international obligations.
The sector has also played an important role in Sri Lanka’s social development, providing formal employment opportunities for women and contributing to poverty reduction in rural areas. Many of the industry’s workers are the primary breadwinners for their families, and their wages support extended family networks in economically disadvantaged regions of the country.
Given this context, the imposition of a 44% tariff on Sri Lankan goods, with the textile and apparel sector likely to bear the brunt of the impact, represents not merely an economic challenge but a potential social crisis for hundreds of thousands of vulnerable workers and their dependents.
SPECIFIC IMPACT OF TRUMP TARIFFS ON SRI LANKA
The imposition of a 44% tariff on Sri Lankan exports to the United States represents a seismic shock to an economy still recovering from its worst crisis in decades. This section examines the immediate economic consequences, the implications for Sri Lanka’s debt sustainability, and the broader social and political ramifications of this dramatic policy shift.
Immediate Economic Consequences
The most immediate impact of President Trump’s tariffs will be a severe erosion of Sri Lankan goods’ competitiveness in the U.S. market. A 44% price increase effectively prices many Sri Lankan products out of reach for American consumers and businesses, particularly in price-sensitive categories like apparel, where margins are already thin and competition from other producing countries is intense.
Economic analysts project significant declines in export volumes as a result. The PublicFinance.lk think tank estimates that the new tariff rates will lead to a 20% fall in exports to America and an annual loss of approximately $300 million in foreign exchange earnings. Given that Sri Lanka’s total merchandise exports in 2024 were around $13 billion, this represents a substantial blow to the country’s trade balance and economic growth prospects.
The textile and apparel sector will bear the brunt of this impact. Industry representatives have warned that numerous factories may be forced to reduce production or close entirely if they cannot quickly find alternative markets for their products. The Joint Apparel Association Forum has indicated that smaller manufacturers with less diversified customer bases and limited financial reserves will be particularly vulnerable to closure.
These production cutbacks and potential closures would translate directly into job losses. Conservative estimates suggest that tens of thousands of workers in the textile sector could lose their livelihoods if the tariffs remain in place for an extended period. Given that many of these workers are women from rural areas with limited alternative employment opportunities, the social impact of these job losses would be particularly severe.
Beyond the direct effects on textile exports, the tariffs will have ripple effects throughout Sri Lanka’s economy. Supporting industries such as packaging, logistics, and input suppliers will face reduced demand. The loss of foreign exchange earnings will put pressure on the Sri Lankan rupee, potentially leading to currency depreciation that would increase the cost of essential imports including fuel, food, and medicine.
The timing of these tariffs is especially problematic given Sri Lanka’s fragile economic recovery. After experiencing a GDP contraction of 7.8% in 2022 during the height of the economic crisis, the country had only recently returned to modest growth. The IMF had projected GDP growth of 3.1% for 2025, but this forecast now appears overly optimistic in light of the tariff shock. Some economists are already revising their growth projections downward, with some suggesting growth could fall below 2% if the full impact of the tariffs materializes. We must hope they will be proven wrong.
Impact on Sri Lanka’s Debt Sustainability
Perhaps the most concerning aspect of Trump’s tariffs is their potential to undermine Sri Lanka’s hard-won progress on debt sustainability. After defaulting on its external debt in April 2022, the country has undergone a painful restructuring process that concluded only in December 2024. This restructuring was predicated on assumptions about Sri Lanka’s future ability to generate foreign exchange to service its remaining debt obligations.
The IMF’s debt sustainability analysis, which formed the basis for the restructuring agreement, focused almost exclusively on debt as a share of GDP while making insufficient distinction between domestic and foreign debt. This approach has been criticized for ignoring the structural trade deficit and the critical importance of foreign currency earnings to Sri Lanka’s ability to meet its external obligations.
The $300 million annual reduction in export earnings projected as a result of the tariffs directly threatens these calculations. Sri Lanka’s external debt stood at approximately $55 billion in 2023 (about 65% of its GDP), and even after restructuring, debt service payments will consume a significant portion of the country’s foreign exchange earnings in coming years.
In the decade preceding Sri Lanka’s default (2012-2021), debt repayments consumed an average of 41% of export earnings, an unsustainably high ratio that contributed directly to the eventual crisis. The loss of export revenues due to President Trump’s tariffs risks pushing this ratio back toward dangerous levels, potentially setting the stage for renewed debt distress despite the recent restructuring.
This situation highlights a fundamental flaw in the approach taken by international financial institutions to debt sustainability in developing countries. Unlike the treatment afforded to West Germany through the London Debt Agreement of 1953, where future debt repayments were explicitly linked to the country’s trade surplus and capped at 3% of export earnings—Sri Lanka and similar countries are expected to meet rigid repayment schedules regardless of their trade performance or external shocks beyond their control.
The tariffs thus expose the precariousness of Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and the fragility of the international debt architecture that underpins it. Without significant adjustments to account for this external shock, the country could find itself sliding back toward debt distress despite all the sacrifices made by its people during the recent adjustment period.
Social and Political Implications
The economic consequences of Trump’s tariffs will inevitably translate into social and political challenges for Sri Lanka. The country has already experienced significant social strain due to the austerity measures implemented under the IMF program, including tax increases, subsidy reductions, and public sector wage restraint. The additional economic pain caused by export losses and job cuts risks exacerbating social tensions and potentially triggering renewed protests.
The textile industry’s workforce is predominantly female, with many workers supporting extended family networks. Job losses in this sector would therefore have disproportionate impacts on women’s economic empowerment and household welfare, potentially reversing progress on gender equality and poverty reduction. Many of these workers come from rural areas where alternative formal employment opportunities are scarce, raising the spectre of increased rural poverty and potential migration pressures.
Politically, the tariff shock presents a significant challenge for President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s government, which came to power promising economic revival and relief from the hardships of the crisis period. The administration has appointed an advisory committee consisting of government officials and private sector representatives to study the impact of the tariffs and develop response strategies, but its options are constrained by limited fiscal space and the conditions of the IMF programme.
The situation also raises questions about Sri Lanka’s foreign policy orientation. The country has traditionally maintained balanced relationships with major powers, including the United States, China, and India. However, the unilateral imposition of punitive tariffs by the United States may prompt some policymakers to reconsider this balance and potentially look more favourably on economic engagement with China, which has been a major infrastructure investor in Sri Lanka through its Belt and Road Initiative.
Such a reorientation would have significant geopolitical implications in the Indian Ocean region, where great power competition has intensified in recent years. It could potentially accelerate the fragmentation of the global economy into competing blocs, a trend that President Trump’s broader tariff policy seems designed to encourage despite its economic costs.
The social and political fallout from the tariffs thus extends far beyond immediate economic indicators, potentially reshaping Sri Lanka’s development trajectory and its place in the regional and global order. For a country still recovering from political instability triggered by economic crisis, these additional pressures come at a particularly vulnerable moment.
BROADER IMPLICATIONS FOR DEVELOPING ECONOMIES
Sri Lanka’s experience with Trump’s tariffs is not unique. The sweeping nature of these trade measures has created similar challenges for developing economies across the Global South, revealing structural vulnerabilities in the international economic system and raising fundamental questions about the sustainability of export-led development models in an era of rising protectionism.
Comparative Analysis with Other Affected Developing Countries
While Sri Lanka faces a punishing 44% tariff rate, it is not alone in confronting severe trade barriers. Bangladesh, another South Asian country heavily dependent on textile exports, has been hit with a 37% tariff. Like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh has built its development strategy around its garment industry, which accounts for more than 80% of its export earnings and employs approximately 4 million workers, mostly women.
Other significantly affected developing economies include Vietnam (46% tariff), Cambodia (49%), Pakistan (29%), and several African nations that had previously benefited from preferential access to the U.S. market through programs like the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Many of these countries share common characteristics, relatively low per capita incomes, heavy reliance on a narrow range of export products, and limited domestic markets that make export-oriented growth their primary development pathway.
The pattern of tariff rates reveals a troubling dynamic, some of the highest tariffs have been imposed on countries that can least afford the economic shock. While wealthy nations like Japan or Germany certainly face challenges from these trade
barriers, they possess diversified economies, substantial domestic markets, and financial resources to cushion the impact. By contrast, countries like Sri Lanka or Bangladesh have far fewer economic buffers and face potentially devastating consequences from similar or higher tariff rates.
This disparity highlights how President Trump’s “reciprocal tariff” formula, ostensibly designed to create a level playing field, actually reinforces existing power imbalances in the global economy. By treating trade deficits as the primary metric for determining tariff rates, the policy ignores the vast differences in economic development, productive capacity, and financial resilience between countries at different stages of development.
Structural Vulnerabilities of Export-Dependent Economies
The tariff shock has exposed fundamental vulnerabilities in the export-led development model that has dominated economic thinking about the Global South for decades. Since the 1980s, international financial institutions have consistently advised developing countries to orient their economies toward export markets, specialize according to comparative advantage, and integrate into global value chains as a path to economic growth and poverty reduction.
This model has delivered significant benefits in many cases. Countries like Vietnam, Bangladesh, and, to some extent, Sri Lanka have achieved impressive poverty reduction and economic growth by expanding their manufacturing exports. However, President Trump’s tariffs reveal the precariousness of development strategies built on continued access to wealthy consumer markets, particularly the United States.
Several structural vulnerabilities have become apparent,
1. First, export concentration creates acute dependency on a small number of markets and products. When Sri Lanka sends 23% of its exports to the United States and concentrates 40% of its total exports in textiles and apparel, it becomes extraordinarily vulnerable to policy changes affecting that specific market-product combination.
Diversification, both of export markets and products, has often been acknowledged as desirable in theory but has proven difficult to implement in practice due to established trade patterns, buyer relationships, and specialized production capabilities.
2. Second, participation in global value chains often traps developing countries in lower-value segments of production with limited opportunities for upgrading. Sri Lanka’s textile industry, while more advanced than some of its regional competitors, still primarily engages in contract manufacturing rather than controlling higher-value activities like design, branding, or retail. This position in the value chain yields lower returns and creates dependency on decisions made by lead firms in wealthy countries.
3. Third, the mobility of capital relative to labour creates a fundamental power imbalance. If tariffs make production in Sri Lanka uneconomical, global brands can relatively quickly shift their sourcing to other countries with lower tariffs or costs. However, Sri Lankan workers cannot similarly relocate, leaving them bearing the brunt of adjustment costs through unemployment and wage depression.
4. Fourth, developing countries typically lack the fiscal space to provide adequate social protection during economic shocks. Unlike wealthy nations that can deploy extensive safety nets during trade disruptions, countries like Sri Lanka, already implementing austerity measures under IMF programmes, have limited capacity to support displaced workers or affected industries. This exacerbates the social costs of trade shocks and can trigger political instability. (To be continued)
(The writer served as the Minister of Justice, Finance and Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka)
Disclaimer:
This article contains projections and scenario-based analysis based on current economic trends, policy statements, and historical behaviour patterns. While every effort has been made to ensure factual accuracy, using publicly available data and established economic models, certain details, particularly regarding future policy decisions and their impacts, remain hypothetical. These projections are intended to inform discussion and analysis, not to predict outcomes with certainty.
Features
Opportunity for govt. to confirm its commitment to reconciliation

by Jehan Perera
The international system, built at the end of two world wars, was designed with the aspiration of preserving global peace, promoting justice, and ensuring stability through a Rules-Based International Order. Institutions such as the United Nations, the UN Covenants on Human Rights and the United Nations Human Rights Council formed the backbone of this system. They served as crucial platforms for upholding human rights norms and international law. Despite its many imperfections, this system remains important for small countries like Sri Lanka, offering some measure of protection against the pressures of great power politics. However, this international order has not been free from criticism. The selective application of international norms, particularly by powerful Western states, has weakened its legitimacy over time.
The practice of double standards, with swift action in some conflicts like Ukraine but inaction in others like Palestine has created a credibility gap, particularly among non-Western countries. Nevertheless, the core ideals underpinning the UN system such as justice, equality, and peace remain worthy of striving towards, especially for countries like Sri Lanka seeking to consolidate national reconciliation and sustainable development. Sri Lanka’s post-war engagement with the UNHRC highlights the tensions between sovereignty and accountability. Following the end of its three-decade civil war in 2009, Sri Lanka faced multiple UNHRC resolutions calling for transitional justice, accountability for human rights abuses, and political reforms. In 2015, under Resolution 30/1, Sri Lanka co-sponsored a landmark commitment to implement a comprehensive transitional justice framework, including truth-seeking, reparations, and institutional reforms.
However, the implementation of these pledges has been slow and uneven. By 2019, Sri Lanka formally withdrew its support for UNHRC Resolution 30/1, citing concerns over sovereignty and external interference. This has led to a deepening cycle with more demanding UNHRC resolutions being passed at regular intervals, broadening the scope of international scrutiny to the satisfaction of the minority, while resistance to it grows in the majority community. The recent Resolution 51/1 of 2022 reflects this trend, with a wider range of recommendations including setting up of an external monitoring mechanism in Geneva. Sri Lanka today stands at a critical juncture. A new government, unburdened by direct involvement in past violations and committed to principles of equality and inclusive governance, now holds office. This provides an unprecedented opportunity to break free from the cycle of resolutions and negative international attention that have affected the country’s image.
KEEPING GSP+
The NPP government has emphasised its commitment to treating all citizens equally, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or region. This commitment corresponds with the spirit of the UN system, which seeks not to punish but to promote positive change. It is therefore in Sri Lanka’s national interest to approach the UNHRC not as an adversary, but as a partner in a shared journey toward justice and reconciliation. Sri Lanka must also approach this engagement with an understanding of the shortcomings of the present international system. The West’s selective enforcement of human rights norms has bred distrust. Sri Lanka’s legitimate concerns about double standards are valid, particularly when one compares the Western response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine with the muted responses to the plight of Palestinians or interventions in Libya and Iraq.
However, pointing to hypocrisy does not absolve Sri Lanka of its own obligations. Indeed, the more credible and consistent Sri Lanka is in upholding human rights at home, the stronger its moral position becomes in calling for a fairer and more equitable international order. Engaging with the UN system from a position of integrity will also strengthen Sri Lanka’s international partnerships, preserve crucial economic benefits such as GSP Plus with the European Union, and promote much-needed foreign investment and tourism. The continuation of GSP Plus is contingent upon Sri Lanka’s adherence to 27 international conventions relating to human rights, labour rights, environmental standards, and good governance. The upcoming visit of an EU monitoring mission is a vital opportunity for Sri Lanka to demonstrate its commitment to these standards. It needs to be kept in mind that Sri Lanka lost GSP Plus in 2010 due to concerns over human rights violations. Although it was regained in 2017, doubts were raised again in 2021, when the European Parliament called for its reassessment, citing the continued existence and use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and broader concerns about rule of law.
The government needs to treat the GSP Plus obligations with the same seriousness that it applies to its commitments to the International Monetary Fund. Prior to the elections, the NPP pledged to repeal the PTA if it came to power. There are some cases reported from the east where trespass of forest had been stated as offences and legal action filed under the PTA in courts which had been dragging for years, awaiting instructions from the Attorney General which do not come perhaps due to over-work. But the price paid by those detained under this draconian law is unbearably high. The repeal or substantial reform of the PTA is urgent, not only to meet human rights standards but also to reassure the EU of Sri Lanka’s sincerity. The government has set up a committee to prepare new legislation. The government needs to present the visiting EU delegation with a credible and transparent roadmap for reform, backed by concrete actions rather than promises. Demonstrating goodwill at this juncture will not only preserve GSP Plus but also strengthen Sri Lanka’s hand in future trade negotiations and diplomatic engagements.
INTERNATIONAL PARTNERSHIP
The government’s recent emphasis on good governance, economic recovery, and anti-corruption is a positive foundation. But as experience shows, economic reform alone is insufficient. Political reforms, especially those that address the grievances of minority communities and uphold human rights, are equally critical to national stability and prosperity. There is a recent tendency of the state to ignore these in reality and announce that there is no minority or majority as all are citizens, but which is seen by the minorities as sweeping many issues under the carpet.
Examples give are the appointment of large number of persons from the majority community to the council of Eastern University whose faculty is mainly from the minority communities or the failure to have minority representation in many high level state committees. Neglecting these dimensions risks perpetuating internal divisions and giving ammunition to external critics. The government’s political will needs to extend beyond economic management to genuine national reconciliation. Instead of being seen as a burden, meeting the EU’s GSP Plus obligations and those of UNHRC Resolution 51/1 can be viewed as providing a roadmap.
The task before the government is to select key areas where tangible progress can be made within the current political and institutional context, demonstrating good faith and building international confidence. Several recommendations within Resolution 51/1 can be realistically implemented without compromising national sovereignty. Advancing the search for truth and providing reparations to victims of the conflict, repealing the Prevention of Terrorism Act, revitalising devolution both by empowering the elected provincial councils, reducing the arbitrary powers of the governors as well as through holding long-delayed elections are all feasible and impactful measures. The return of occupied lands, compensation for victims, and the inclusion of minority communities in governance at all levels are also steps that are achievable within Sri Lanka’s constitutional framework and political reality. Crucially, while engaging with these UNHRC recommendations, the government needs to also articulate its own vision of reconciliation and justice. Rather than appearing as if it is merely responding to external pressure, the government should proactively frame its efforts as part of a homegrown agenda for national renewal. Doing so would preserve national dignity while demonstrating international responsibility.
The NPP government is unburdened by complicity in past abuses and propelled by a mandate for change. It has a rare window of opportunity. By moving decisively to implement assurances given in the past to the EU to safeguard GSP Plus and engaging sincerely with the UNHRC, Sri Lanka can finally extricate itself from the cycle of international censure and chart a new path based on reconciliation and international partnership. As the erosion of the international rules-based order continues and big power rivalries intensify, smaller states like Sri Lanka need to secure their positions through partnerships, and multilateral engagement. In a transactional world, in which nothing is given for free but everything is based on give and take, trust matters more than ever. By demonstrating its commitment to human rights, reconciliation, and inclusive governance, not only to satisfy the international community but also for better governance and to develop trust internally, Sri Lanka can strengthen its hand internationally and secure a more stable and prosperous future.
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