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Challenges in meeting President’s target

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Development of renewable energy projects II –

By Dr Janaka Ratnasiri

The comments made by the President at the meeting he had on 15.12.2020 to discuss the development of renewable energy (RE) projects were highlighted in recent media reports, as described in the writer’s earlier write-up which appeared in The Island of 28.12.2020 under the same heading. However, there was no reference in these reports to any feedback that would have been made by officials present. The purpose of this write-up is to discuss likely issues that would have been of concern to institution officials and the challenges they may have to face in meeting the President’s target.

 

FEARS OF DESTABILIZING THE SYSTEM

The first challenge is to change the mindset of professionals concerned. Energy experts both within the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and outside have been saying for years that connecting too many of RE plants such as wind and solar power systems to the grid will cause its destabilization, not being able to maintain the voltage and the frequency within permitted limits. The output of these RE supplies keep fluctuating momentarily, hourly and diurnally and the problem is how to balance the supply and load under such dynamic conditions. It was also said that excess harmonics generated during conversion of direct current (DC) output from solar systems or from DC wind turbines into alternating current (AC) for feeding into the grid could degrade the quality of the supply.

According to a website on RE systems, “Impacts caused by high penetration levels of intermittent renewable distributed generation can be complex and severe and may include voltage increase, voltage fluctuation, interaction with voltage regulation and control equipment, reverse power flows, temporary overvoltage, power quality and protection concerns, and current and voltage unbalance, among others. The uncertainty and intermittency of wind and solar generation are major complications that must be addressed before the full potential of these renewables can be reached”. These challenges require advanced control strategies to solve the problems effectively.

 

PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH RENEWABLE ENERGY SYSTEMS

One problem associated with RE systems is that they are not considered dispatchable, which means that their output is not available as and when necessary, unlike in the case of thermal power plants. Wind power output is available only when wind blows which keeps changing in a stochastic manner hourly, diurnally and seasonally. In Sri Lanka, wind is generally strong during the second half of the year than in the first half. In the case of solar panels, their output is available only during the daytime peaking at noon and declining with the increasing solar angle. Even during daytime, the output would drop if there is cloud cover or rainfall. If there is extended periods of bad weather, a consumer has to depend on some back-up power.

According to the CEB Chairman’s Review given in its 2018 Annual Report, “a study on Integration of Renewable Based Generation into Sri Lankan Grid 2020-2030 was conducted during the year (2018) with the objective of investigating the main challenges faced in renewable energy-based generation and determining the optimum level of renewable energy generation”. However, there is no report of this study available in the CEB’s website.

 

STORAGE SYSTEMS FOR RENEWABLE ENERGY PLANTS

In order to make use of solar energy that is generated during the day, at night time, it is necessary to store the electricity by suitable means. This also applies to wind energy to even out the fluctuating output into a steady output. If the system is connected to the grid, energy generated by solar systems during the day or by wind systems when the wind blows can be fed into the grid and the grid provides the electricity to the consumer during night time or when there is no wind blowing. Hence, there is no need for a separate storage facility with grid-connected systems.

For large scale solar systems, one method of storage is to make use of exiting hydro power reservoirs by saving the water which would have been used for generating an equivalent amount of energy generated by solar panels during the day, and using the water saved during night time. This does not require any additional expenditure on building extra facilities. Another is to build pump-storage facilities comprising two sets of reservoirs at two elevations connected via a penstock with a generator/pump system at the bottom. Already one such system is being planned at Aranayaka.

Any surplus energy generated during the day from solar panels or when wind blows is made use of to pump water from the lower reservoir to the upper reservoir. At night time or when there is no wind, the pumped water is allowed to flow down the penstock driving the pump in the reverse mode to generate electricity. In the West, such pump-storage systems have been used for many decades for peaking purposes. One good example is the system installed at the Niagara Falls.

 

HYDROGEN SYSTEMS FOR STORAGE

Another method available is to feed the solar panel output to a set of electrolyzers, which are available commercially today, to generate hydrogen by splitting water. Hydrogen generated is stored and fed to a bank of fuel-cells to generate electricity in the form of direct current (DC) and later inverted to AC. After filtering out harmonics, this steady output is fed to the grid as and when necessary, day or night, using the stored hydrogen which makes it dispatchable. Each solar or wind or hybrid energy park that is being planned could be supplemented by such hydrogen storage system accompanied by a bank of fuel cells, enabling the output from these RE parks dispatchable.

There is much interest among developed countries to develop hydrogen energy systems. European Union has set out plans which could require up to € 470 billion (USD 570 billion) of investment in green hydrogen by 2050. Germany alone is targeting 5,000 MW of electrolysis capacity by 2030. Japan, a front-runner along with South Korea, is looking to sharply increase a target to import 300,000 tonnes a year of hydrogen in 2030. U.S. President Joe Biden wants to fund research into technology, including large-scale electrolyzers, to help make green hydrogen costs match conventional hydrogen within a decade. (https://energy.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/renewable/explainer-why-green-hydrogen-is-finally-getting-its-day-in-the-sun/79672523).

 

PROPOSAL FOR ROOF-TOP SOLAR INSTALLATIONS

The 2021 Budget Speech states that a capacity of 500 MW will be added to the grid, by providing solar panels each generating 5 kW, to 100,000 houses of low-income families. At the meeting the President had on 15.12.2020 with the two Ministers and Ministry officials, he has said that the Government would bear the cost of LKR. 800,000 per house for installing solar cell panels under this project. This means the expenditure on this project will be about LKR 80 billion. The question arises who will be responsible for implementing this project? The SLSEA Act grants powers to it for “entertainment of applications for carrying on of on-grid and off-grid renewable energy projects”. It also has powers for “the development of guidelines on renewable energy projects and disseminating them among prospective investors”. Hence, the SLSEA may be assigned the task of coordinating the project.

The purchase of 100,000 roof-top panels and getting them installed is a challenge by itself. There is a large number of local companies, numbering about 200, involved in supplying and installing roof-top solar panels. The government should call for expressions of interest (EOI) from these companies to undertake this assignment requesting information on their track record and proof of their ability and competency. Next, bids need to be invited from selected companies after announcing detailed specifications for the panels.

It is important to specify in the bid document itself the limiting values for key parameters with tolerances that need to be met by the panel offered, without just saying that panels offered should conform to international standards, as normally done by the CEB. The evaluation of the bids would be much simpler and faster then. It is best if the supply is distributed among as many vendors as possible, after agreeing on a fixed price, to expedite the implementation of the project and avoid complaints from unsuccessful bidders.

 

POOR PLANNING FOR RENEWABLE ENERGY PROJECTS

Though the Cabinet of Ministers since 2016 has been taking decisions to introduce RE projects including solar power systems at both domestic level and utility scale, their follow up by the two implementing agencies, viz. SLSEA and the CEB has been rather slow, possibly due to divided responsibility. According to the SLSEA Act, any RE project needs the approval of the SLSEA before commencing any work.

The Electricity Act also requires accepting projects selected only after calling for tenders except those recommended by the SLSEA. The misinterpretation of the Electricity has resulted in projects recommended by the SLSEA getting held up by the CEB for extended periods. The CEB’s draft LTGE Plan for 2020-39 prepared in May 2019, plans to add only 165 MW of mini-hydro systems, 555 MW of wind systems, 880 MW of solar systems and 55 MW of biomass systems up to 2030. Even the SLSEA has failed to come out with a plan to develop RE systems in an optimal manner as highlighted in the Writer’s article in the Island of 28.12.2020.

This is despite the fact that the previous Cabinet decisions had wanted about 2,000 MW of solar power added within a shorter time frame, comprising 1000 MW of roof-top systems and 1000 MW of utility systems. As mentioned in the previous article, even the SLSEA has failed to come up with a plan to develop RE systems though it is a requirement given in its Act. So, another challenge is to get the CEB and SLSEA to enhance their plans for RE generation and fall in line with the Government policy. If they do not comply, the solution is not closing down of the PUCSL as highlighted in writer’s article in The Island of 25.12.2020. (See https://island.lk/cabinet-discussion-on-public-utilities-commission/)

 

INCOMPATIBILITY OF NEW COAL POWER PLANTS WITH INCREASED RE SHARE

One problem possibly encountered in increasing the RE share is the incorporation of several new coal power plants in the system by 2030. This increases the share of fossil fuel share leaving only a small fraction to be filled by RE systems. For example, the draft Plan for 2020-39 shows the demand in 2030 as 31,740 GWh, out of which 20,640 GWh (65%) will be from fossil fuels and 11,100 GWh (35%) from RE sources. Out of the 20,640 GWh expected from fossil fuel plants, 7,721 GWh (24%) will be from the two new coal power plants to be built at Norochcholai (600 MW) and Trincomalee (300 MW). Another 4,781 GWh (15%) will be from the existing coal power plant at Norochcholai.

This means by 2030, 12,502 GWh (39%) of the demand will be met from coal while another 8,140 GWh (26%) will be from oil or jointly 20,640 GWh (65%) from fossil fuels. If 70% of total demand is to be met from renewables, then only 30% could be generated from fossil fuels. This means that the RE contribution has to be 48,160 GWh if the fossil fuel contribution is to be maintained at 20,640 GWh, making the total supply to be 68,800 GWh, which is more than double the forecasted demand in 2030. In order to make achieving of 70% share from RE sources feasible, it is therefore imperative to limit the fossil fuel contribution to 9,520 GWh in order to maintain the total supply at 31,740 GWh.

The easiest way to achieve this target is to stop building the two new coal power plants at Norochcholai and at Trincomalee, and retire the 20-year-old existing coal plant at Norochcholai. Hence, building new coal power plants is not compatible with President’s target on RE share of 70% in electricity generation. The President should therefore give a clear directive to CEB to discontinue planning of new coal power plants disregarding what its Unions say.

It is reported in the media that a former Army Officer has been appointed as Vice-Chairman of CEB to help CEB “to achieve President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s of goal promoting renewable energy and providing electricity at a minimal cost” (Island of 22.12.2020). Perhaps the new Vice-Chairman will keep those within CEB who oppose President’s move at bay, including the trade unions.

 

IMPROVING RESEARCH CAPABILITY OF CEB

According to the CEB Act of 1969, CEB has powers to conduct research into matters affecting the generation, distribution, transmission, supply and use of electricity (Article 12h). However, CEB’s Annual Reports do not refer to any research being done within the CEB. Students in the Physical Science stream having the highest scores at GCE (A level) examination get admitted to engineering courses and those who follow electrical engineering ending up in institutions like CEB.

It is a pity that the CEB management does not make use of this talented graduates to undertake research to seek solutions to such problems such as integrating RE systems into the grid, develop new storage systems and to provide other research and development support for RE systems. In 2019, the CEB has spent about LKR 97 Billion on importing fuel for thermal power plants (SD 2019).

With the introduction of large scale RE systems, part of this expenditure could be saved which could be utilized to set up a Research and Development (R&D) Division in CEB as provided for in its Act.

Perhaps, a senior academic with research experience in RE systems could be invited to set up the R&D Division and provide him with a team of young engineers comprising both electrical and ICT engineers with aptitude for research to undertake studies on how to make the grid smart as described above.

 

THE WAY FORWARD

 

If the full potential of the country’s RE resources is exploited, it will be possible to achieve the entire electricity generation from RE sources. It will also save hundreds of Billions of Rupees annually on importing fuel required for operating thermal power plants. However, there are many problems to surmount before this could be achieved. Among these are the following:

a. Change the mindset of senior officials controlling the power sector that changing from fossil fuels to RE sources to meet the base load requirements is technically feasible.

b. Discontinue building new coal power plants and retire the existing coal power plant by 2030 as their presence will exceed the 30% share from fossil fuels.

c. Introduce mechanisms for energy storage at utility scale through utilizing existing hydro power reservoirs or building pump-storage systems or adding large batteries or adding electrolyzer-fuel cell systems which are commercially available now.

d. Set up a R&D Division within CEB to seek solutions for problems associated with integration of utility scale RE systems into the grid.

e. Entertain investors directly for RE projects on build, own, operate and transfer (BOOT) basis by providing efficient, clear and transparent mechanism for accepting proposals and guaranteeing security of their investments.

f. Publish a set of guidelines prepared jointly by SLSEA, CEB and PUCSL for accepting and approving candidate RE projects proposed by investors on BOOT basis.

CONCLUSION

It is important for decision makers to take a wholistic view of the power sector in the country and take evidence-based decisions rather than taking a piecemeal approach. It is not possible to build more coal power plants on one hand and fix targets for increased RE share on the other. While the President wants more renewable energy projects, the Ministry and CEB want more coal power plants. The President should decide on his priorities. If his priority is to have more renewable energy share by 2030, then he should get CEB to give up building more coal power plants. He cannot have both. It is his biggest challenge.



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Voting for new Pope set to begin with cardinals entering secret conclave

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Voting desks for 133 cardinals have been set up inside the Sistine Chapel ahead of the conclave.

On Wednesday evening, under the domed ceiling of Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel, 133 cardinals will vote to elect the Catholic Church’s 267th pope.

The day will begin at 10:00 (09:00 BST) with a mass in St Peter’s Basilica. The service, which will be televised, will be presided over by Giovanni Battista Re, the 91-year-old Cardinal Dean who was also the celebrant of Pope Francis’ funeral.

In the early afternoon, mobile signal within the territory of the Vatican will be deactivated to prevent anyone taking part in the conclave from contacting the outside world.

Around 16:15 (15:15 BST), the 133 cardinal electors will gather in the Pauline Chapel and form a procession to the Sistine Chapel.

Once in the Sistine Chapel, one hand resting on a copy of the Gospel, the cardinals will pronounce the prescribed oath of secrecy which precludes them from ever sharing details about how the new Pope was elected.

When the last of the electors has taken the oath, a meditation will be held. Then, the Master of Pontifical Liturgical Celebrations Diego Ravelli will announce “extra omnes” (“everybody out”).

He is one of three ecclesiastical staff allowed to stay in the Sistine Chapel despite not being a cardinal elector, even though they will have to leave the premises during the counting of the votes.

The moment “extra omnes” is pronounced marks the start of the cardinals’ isolation – and the start of the conclave.

The word, which comes from the Latin for “cum clave”, or “locked with key” is slightly misleading, as the cardinals are no longer locked inside; rather, on Tuesday Vatican officials closed the entrances to the Apostolic Palace – which includes the Sistine Chapel- with lead seals which will remain until the end of the proceedings. Swiss guards will also flank all the entrances to the chapel.

Getty Images Saint Peter's statue appears in the foreground.  Dozens of cardinals, wearing red, are seen during the funeral ceremony of Pope Francis at Saint Peter's Square in Vatican on April 26, 2025.
Cardinals gathered during the funeral of Pope Francis at Saint Peter’s Square in Vatican in April [BBC]

Diego Ravelli will distribute ballot papers, and the cardinals will proceed to the first vote soon after.

While nothing forbids the Pope from being elected with the first vote, it has not happened in centuries. Still, that first ballot is very important, says Austen Ivereigh, a Catholic writer and commentator.

“The cardinals who have more than 20 votes will be taken into consideration. In the first ballot the votes will be very scattered and the electors know they have to concentrate on the ones that have numbers,” says Ivereigh.

He adds that every other ballot thereafter will indicate which of the cardinals have the momentum. “It’s almost like a political campaign… but it’s not really a competition; it’s an effort by the body to find consensus.”

If the vote doesn’t yield the two-third majority needed to elect the new pope, the cardinals go back to guesthouse Casa Santa Marta for dinner. It is then, on the sidelines of the voting process, that important conversations among the cardinals take place and consensus begins to coalesce around different names.

According to Italian media, the menu options consist of light dishes which are usually served to guests of the residence, and includes wine – but no spirits. The waiters and kitchen staff are also sworn to secrecy and cannot leave the grounds for the duration of the conclave.

Getty Images Pope Francis, wearing white, waves as he leaves St. Peter's Square at the the end of Palm Sunday Mass on March 29, 2015 in Vatican City, Vatican.
Pope Francis died at the age of 88 on Easter Monday 2025 [BBC]

From Thursday morning, cardinals will be taking breakfast between 06:30 (05:30 BST) and 07:30 (06:30 BST) ahead of mass at 08:15 (07:15 BST). Two votes then take place in the morning, followed by lunch and rest. In his memoirs, Pope Francis said that was when he began to receive signals from the other cardinals that serious consensus was beginning to form around him; he was elected during the first afternoon vote. The last two conclaves have all concluded by the end of the second day.

There is no way of knowing at this stage whether this will be a long or a short conclave – but cardinals are aware that dragging the proceedings on could be interpreted as a sign of gaping disagreements.

As they discuss, pray and vote, outside the boarded-up windows of the Sistine Chapel thousands of faithful will be looking up to the chimney to the right of St Peter’s Basilica, waiting for the white plume of smoke to signal that the next pope has been elected.

[BBC]

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Beyond Left and Right: From Populism to Pragmatism and Recalibrating Democracy

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Jagmeet Singh: Leader of Canada’s Progressive Voice, the New Democratic Party

The world is going through a political shake-up. Everywhere you look—from Western democracies to South Asian nations—people are choosing leaders and parties that seem to clash in ideology. One moment, a country swings left, voting for progressive policies and climate action. The next, a neighbouring country rushes into the arms of right-wing populism, talking about nationalism and tradition.

It’s not just puzzling—it’s historic. This global tug of war between opposing political ideas is unlike anything we’ve seen in recent decades. In this piece, I explore this wave of political contradictions, from the rise of labour movements in Australia and Canada, to the continued strength of conservative politics in the US and India, and finally to the surprising emergence of a radical leftist party in Sri Lanka.

Australia and Canada: A Comeback for Progressive Politics

Australia recently voted in the Labour Party, with Anthony Albanese becoming Prime Minister after years of conservative rule under Scott Morrison. Albanese brought with him promises of fairer wages, better healthcare, real action on climate change, and closing the inequality gap. For many Australians, it was a fresh start—a turn away from business-as usual politics.

In Canada, a political shift is unfolding with the rise of The Right Honourable Mark Carney, who became Prime Minister in March 2025, after leading the Liberal Party. Meanwhile, Jagmeet Singh and the New Democratic Party (NDP) are gaining traction with their progressive agenda, advocating for enhanced social safety nets in healthcare and housing to address growing frustrations with rising living costs and a strained healthcare system..

But let’s be clear—this isn’t a return to old-school socialism. Instead, voters seem to be leaning toward practical, social-democratic ideas—ones that offer government support without fully rejecting capitalism. People are simply fed up with policies that favour the rich while ignoring the struggles of everyday families. They’re calling for fairness, not radicalism.

America’s Rightward Drift: The Trump Effect Still Lingers

In contrast, the political story in the United States tells a very different tale. Even after Donald Trump left office in 2020, the Republican Party remains incredibly powerful—and popular.

Trump didn’t win hearts through traditional conservative ideas. Instead, he tapped into a raw frustration brewing among working-class Americans. He spoke about lost factory jobs, unfair trade deals, and an elite political class that seemed disconnected from ordinary life. His messages about “America First” and restoring national pride struck a chord—especially in regions hit hard by globalisation and automation.

Despite scandals and strong opposition, Trump’s brand of politics—nationalist, anti-immigration, and skeptical of global cooperation—continues to dominate the Republican Party. In fact, many voters still see him as someone who “tells it like it is,” even if they don’t agree with everything he says.

It’s a sign of a deeper trend: In the US, cultural identity and economic insecurity have merged, creating a political environment where conservative populism feels like the only answer to many.

India’s Strongman Politics: The Modi Era Continues

Half a world away, India is witnessing its own version of populism under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His party—the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—has ruled with a blend of Hindu nationalism, economic ambition, and strong leadership.

Modi is incredibly popular. His supporters praise his development projects, digital push, and efforts to raise India’s profile on the global stage. But critics argue that his leadership is dividing the country along religious lines and weakening its long-standing secular values.

Still, for many Indians—especially the younger generation and the rural poor—Modi represents hope, strength, and pride. They see him as someone who has delivered where previous leaders failed. Whether it’s building roads, providing gas connections to villages, or cleaning up bureaucracy, the BJP’s strong-arm tactics have resonated with large sections of the population.

India’s political direction shows how nationalism can be powerful—especially when combined with promises of economic progress and security.

A Marxist Comeback? Sri Lanka’s Political Wild Card

Then there’s Sri Lanka—a country in crisis, where politics have taken a shocking turn.

For decades, Sri Lanka was governed by familiar faces and powerful families. But after years of financial mismanagement, corruption, and a devastating economic collapse, public trust in mainstream parties has plummeted. Into this void stepped a party many thought had been sidelined for good—the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist group with a history of revolutionary roots.

Once seen as radical and even dangerous, the JVP has rebranded itself as a disciplined, modern political force. Today, it speaks directly to the country’s suffering masses: those without jobs, struggling to buy food, and fed up with elite corruption.

The party talks about fair wealth distribution, workers’ rights, and standing up to foreign economic pressures. While their ideas are left-leaning, their growing support is driven more by public frustration with current political leaders than by any shift toward Marxism by the public or any move away from it by the JVP.

Sri Lanka’s case is unique—but not isolated. Across the world, when economies collapse and inequality soars, people often turn to ideologies that offer hope and accountability—even if they once seemed extreme.

A Global Puzzle: Why Are Politics So Contradictory Now?

So what’s really going on? Why are some countries swinging left while others turn right?

The answer lies in the global crises and rapid changes of the past two decades. The 2008 financial crash, worsening inequality, mass migrations, terrorism fears, the COVID-19 pandemic, and now climate change have all shaken public trust in traditional politics.

Voters everywhere are asking the same questions: Who will protect my job? Who will fix healthcare? Who will keep us safe? The answers they choose depend not just on ideology, but on their unique national experiences and frustrations.

In countries where people feel abandoned by global capitalism, they may choose left-leaning parties that promise welfare and fairness. In others, where cultural values or national identity feel under threat, right-wing populism becomes the answer.

And then there’s the digital revolution. Social media has turbocharged political messaging. Platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube allow both left and right movements to reach people directly—bypassing traditional media. While this has given power to progressive youth movements, it’s also allowed misinformation and extremist views to flourish, deepening polarisation.

Singapore: The Legacy of Pragmatic Leadership and Technocratic Governance

Singapore stands as a unique case in the global political landscape, embodying a model of governance that blends authoritarian efficiency with capitalist pragmatism. The country’s political identity has been shaped largely by its founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, often regarded as a political legend for transforming a resource-poor island into one of the most prosperous and stable nations in the world. His brand of leadership—marked by a strong central government, zero tolerance for corruption, and a focus on meritocracy—has continued to influence Singapore’s political ideology even after his passing. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), which has been in power since independence, remains dominant, but it has had to adapt to a new generation of voters demanding more openness, transparency, and participatory governance.

Despite criticisms of limited political pluralism, Singapore’s model is often admired for its long-term planning, public sector efficiency, and ability to balance rapid economic development with social harmony. In an era of rising populism and political fragmentation elsewhere, Singapore’s consistent technocratic approach provides a compelling counter-narrative—one that prioritises stability, strategic foresight, and national cohesion over ideological extremes.

What the Future Holds

We are living in a time where political boundaries are blurring, and old labels don’t always fit. Left and right are no longer clear-cut. Populists can be socialist or ultra-conservative. Liberals may support strong borders. Conservatives may promote welfare if it wins votes.

What matters now is trust—people are voting for those who seem to understand their pain, not just those with polished manifestos.

As economic instability continues and global challenges multiply, this ideological tug-of-war is likely to intensify. Whether we see more progressive reforms or stronger nationalist movements will depend on how well political leaders can address real issues, from food security to climate disasters.

One thing is clear: the global political wave is still rising. And it’s carrying countries in very different directions.

Conclusion

The current wave of global political ideology is defined by its contradictions, complexity, and context-specific transformations. While some nations are experiencing a resurgence of progressive, left-leaning movements—such as Australia’s Labour Party, Canada’s New Democratic Party, and Sri Lanka’s Marxist-rooted JVP—others are gravitating toward right-wing populism, nationalist narratives, and conservative ideologies, as seen in the continued strength of the US Republican Party and the dominant rule of Narendra Modi’s BJP in India. Amid this ideological tug-of-war, Singapore presents a unique political model. Eschewing populist swings, it has adhered to a technocratic, pragmatic form of governance rooted in the legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, whose leadership transformed a struggling post-colonial state into a globally admired economic powerhouse. Singapore’s emphasis on strategic planning, meritocracy, and incorruptibility provides a compelling contrast to the ideological turbulence in many democracies.

What ties these divergent trends together is a common undercurrent of discontent with traditional politics, growing inequality, and the digital revolution’s impact on public discourse. Voters across the world are searching for leaders and ideologies that promise clarity, security, and opportunity amid uncertainty. In mature democracies, this search has split into dual pathways—either toward progressive reform or nostalgic nationalism. In emerging economies, political shifts are even more fluid, influenced by economic distress, youth activism, and demands for institutional change.

Ultimately, the world is witnessing not a single ideological revolution, but a series of parallel recalibrations. These shifts do not point to the triumph of one ideology over another, but rather to the growing necessity for adaptive, responsive, and inclusive governance. Whether through leftist reforms, right-wing populism, or technocratic stability like Singapore’s, political systems will increasingly be judged not by their ideological purity but by their ability to address real-world challenges, unite diverse populations, and deliver tangible outcomes for citizens. In that respect, the global political wave is not simply a matter of left vs. right—it is a test of resilience, innovation, and leadership in a rapidly evolving world.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT , Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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An opportunity to move from promises to results

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The local government elections, long delayed and much anticipated, are shaping up to be a landmark political event. These elections were originally due in 2023, but were postponed by the previous government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government of the day even defied a Supreme Court ruling mandating that elections be held without delay. They may have feared a defeat would erode that government’s already weak legitimacy, with the president having assumed office through a parliamentary vote rather than a direct electoral mandate following the mass protests that forced the previous president and his government to resign. The outcome of the local government elections that are taking place at present will be especially important to the NPP government as it is being accused by its critics of non-delivery of election promises.

Examples cited are failure to bring opposition leaders accused of large scale corruption and impunity to book, failure to bring a halt to corruption in government departments where corruption is known to be deep rooted, failure to find the culprits behind the Easter bombing and failure to repeal draconian laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the former war zones of the north and east, there is also a feeling that the government is dragging its feet on resolving the problem of missing persons, those imprisoned without trial for long periods and return of land taken over by the military. But more recently, a new issue has entered the scene, with the government stating that a total of nearly 6000 acres of land in the northern province will be declared as state land if no claims regarding private ownership are received within three months.

The declaration on land to be taken over in three months is seen as an unsympathetic action by the government with an unrealistic time frame when the land in question has been held for over 30 years under military occupation and to which people had no access. Further the unclaimed land to be designated as “state land” raises questions about the motive of the circular. It has undermined the government’s election campaign in the North and East. High-level visits by the President, Prime Minister, and cabinet ministers to these regions during a local government campaign were unprecedented. This outreach has signalled both political intent and strategic calculation as a win here would confirm the government’s cross-ethnic appeal by offering a credible vision of inclusive development and reconciliation. It also aims to show the international community that Sri Lanka’s unity is not merely imposed from above but affirmed democratically from below.

Economic Incentives

In the North and East, the government faces resistance from Tamil nationalist parties. Many of these parties have taken a hardline position, urging voters not to support the ruling coalition under any circumstances. In some cases, they have gone so far as to encourage tactical voting for rival Tamil parties to block any ruling party gains. These parties argue that the government has failed to deliver on key issues, such as justice for missing persons, return of military-occupied land, release of long-term Tamil prisoners, and protection against Buddhist encroachment on historically Tamil and Muslim lands. They make the point that, while economic development is important, it cannot substitute for genuine political autonomy and self-determination. The failure of the government to resolve a land issue in the north, where a Buddhist temple has been put up on private land has been highlighted as reflecting the government’s deference to majority ethnic sentiment.

The problem for the Tamil political parties is that these same parties are themselves fractured, divided by personal rivalries and an inability to form a united front. They continue to base their appeal on Tamil nationalism, without offering concrete proposals for governance or development. This lack of unity and positive agenda may open the door for the ruling party to present itself as a credible alternative, particularly to younger and economically disenfranchised voters. Generational shifts are also at play. A younger electorate, less interested in the narratives of the past, may be more open to evaluating candidates based on performance, transparency, and opportunity—criteria that favour the ruling party’s approach. Its mayoral candidate for Jaffna is a highly regarded and young university academic with a planning background who has presented a five year plan for the development of Jaffna.

There is also a pragmatic calculation that voters may make, that electing ruling party candidates to local councils could result in greater access to state funds and faster infrastructure development. President Dissanayake has already stated that government support for local bodies will depend on their transparency and efficiency, an implicit suggestion that opposition-led councils may face greater scrutiny and funding delays. The president’s remarks that the government will find it more difficult to pass funds to local government authorities that are under opposition control has been heavily criticized by opposition parties as an unfair election ploy. But it would also cause voters to think twice before voting for the opposition.

Broader Vision

The government’s Marxist-oriented political ideology would tend to see reconciliation in terms of structural equity and economic justice. It will also not be focused on ethno-religious identity which is to be seen in its advocacy for a unified state where all citizens are treated equally. If the government wins in the North and East, it will strengthen its case that its approach to reconciliation grounded in equity rather than ethnicity has received a democratic endorsement. But this will not negate the need to address issues like land restitution and transitional justice issues of dealing with the past violations of human rights and truth-seeking, accountability, and reparations in regard to them. A victory would allow the government to act with greater confidence on these fronts, including possibly holding the long-postponed provincial council elections.

As the government is facing international pressure especially from India but also from the Western countries to hold the long postponed provincial council elections, a government victory at the local government elections may speed up the provincial council elections. The provincial councils were once seen as the pathway to greater autonomy; their restoration could help assuage Tamil concerns, especially if paired with initiating a broader dialogue on power-sharing mechanisms that do not rely solely on the 13th Amendment framework. The government will wish to capitalize on the winning momentum of the present. Past governments have either lacked the will, the legitimacy, or the coordination across government tiers to push through meaningful change.

Obtaining the good will of the international community, especially those countries with which Sri Lanka does a lot of economic trade and obtains aid, India and the EU being prominent amongst these, could make holding the provincial council elections without further delay a political imperative. If the government is successful at those elections as well, it will have control of all three tiers of government which would give it an unprecedented opportunity to use its 2/3 majority in parliament to change the laws and constitution to remake the country and deliver the system change that the people elected it to bring about. A strong performance will reaffirm the government’s mandate and enable it to move from promises to results, which it will need to do soon as mandates need to be worked at to be long lasting.

by Jehan Perera

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