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Challenge for new govt: President

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By Austin Fernando

The background to mayhem

The GotaGoGama protest has been on for 32 days to oust President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Rajapaksa Clan, from domestic politics, and achieve national progress. It was a civilized civilian event. Exactly on the 30th day of the protest, a meeting was held at Temple Trees in support of the Prime Minister, canvassing his continuation in office. The numbers cursing and demanding the departure from offices of both, are in the region of millions, compared to about 3,000 persons who attended the Temple Tress meeting, and went berserk thereafter.

Participants at the Temple Tress event were described as the SLPP members of Local Authorities and dissolved Provincial Councils and ruling party parliamentarians. Nevertheless, they were a motley crowd, including ruffians hired for Rs. 5.000 and booze, etc. There were a few or, no participants, from the North and East. The SLPP participants were not answerable to anyone, but the GotaGoGamians, on the other hand, were organized and answerable to their inclusive Group. It has been alleged that some prisoners were brought to the Galle Face Green for the attack, but the Prison’s Department has denied this allegation.

Instigation and the clash

A slow murmur—’Time to drop in at Galle Face’—was heard at the end of the Temple Trees meeting: Thereafter, they poured onto the Galle Road and attacked MynaGoGama. The Police did precious little to rein in the mobs, maybe because they came from the Temple Trees.

The Police should have anticipated an attack on GotaGoGama, and given protection to the non-violent protestors against a mob of ruffians and street fighters who were drunk, armed with clubs, etc.

The Police were present but their high-octane performance, which is seen when they protect government politicians, was absent. At the Galle Face Hotel roundabout, the water cannons were not used to disperse the crowd, originating from Temple Trees. The Police inaction was in sharp contrast to the aggressive manner in which they controlled crowds, near the Parliament, last week.

The Police should have used teargas to disperse the SLPP mob; instead, they tear-gassed GotGoGamians, who were exercising their constitutional-guaranteed right to protest, and fighting hard to safeguard their huts. Thugs were allowed to attack the GotaGoGamians. They had a field day, in one instance three males shamelessly attacked a young girl on the road.

After General Shavendra Silva sent his men, the situation was brought, somewhat, under control. It was announced by General Shavendra Silva that it was the Police that called the Army in. The Police should have done so much earlier. The presence of the lawyers helped bring the situation under control. If the Army was present at the Galle Face Green earlier the GotaGoGamians would have suffered less damage.

Destructive response from the public

Most GotaGoGama participants hail from the villages, though they may be currently living in Colombo. Wide publicity that the media gave to the events in GotaGoGama must have made the public respond to the wild behaviour immediately. Unfortunately, it happened in the worst form of arson. Houses were torched, including the President’s ancestral property at Medamulana and even the DA Rajapaksa Memorial Museum.

We have seen on television many buildings being torched without any resistance; family members, even security officers, were absent. This. I consider a bit suspicious.

This status was a nasty response by the public who had undergone extreme difficulties, created by shortages, price hikes, income reduction, personal difficulties, etc., all creations of the Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa Government administration. Anyway, this also reflected the government’s unpopularity.

I remember parliamentarian Johnston Fernando stating, a few weeks back, in Kurunegala, that the government had 6.9 million people behind them and that justified the President and Prime Minister continuing to be in their posts. The way people reacted to the deplorable manner the protesters were dealt with proved that not only the government, but even the key personalities, and their assets, are vulnerable. Some members of the Prime Minister’s family fled the country and even the Prime Minster had to be taken to Trincomalee.

Negativity of destruction

On the 9th of May, the Governor of the Central Bank, along with the Minister of Finance, Ali Sabry, started negotiations with the International Monetary Fund. The Police higher-ups, who knew only to appease the political bosses, should have considered the impact of their behaviour, and the consequences on the economy, and prevailed on the ruffians, because the IMF is concerned about the stability of the country and the government. Minister Ali Sabry must be doing his best to convince the IMF negotiators how stable the government, without a Prime Minister and a Cabinet, is; and, all incidents of arson were due to fireworks lit to celebrate the Prime Minister’s departure! Additionally, an Asian Development Bank team also is in town. I do not think that the orders from the political masters were to push the country down the precipice unless the bosses wished to ensure the succeeding government and the President both fell deep into an economic abyss. Jealousy, selfishness, and political enmity have no limits.

Public opinion formation

Since I was working with a team of seniors on this issue, between the GotaGoGama and the civil society (which was known even to the President of the BASL and Mahanayakas of Malwatte and Asgiriya), I was restricting my views, in public, on the calamity. After seeing what happened near the Parliament and on the 9th instant, such restraint became redundant. It is because this will be the treatment the government will give to my children and grandchildren, as well as other free citizens’ and their children who will demonstrate democratically and constitutionally, in search of their rights. My feelings could be the same as any others.

President’s predicament

The President’s failed contribution to saving the economic, social, and political crisis is well known and needs no elaboration. However, recapitulation of what the youth at GotaGoGama, in Colombo, and other protestors, elsewhere, orchestrate is sufficient to prove that the President’s decision-making process, the decisions, the application of decisions, etc., are unprofessional, faulty, failed. All expectations laid on him, in November 2019, have evaporated. One needs not repeat them when he and his Minister of Finance have admitted their mistakes.

When he acquired all powers by the 20th Amendment to act cozily, blaming the Prime Minister and Ministers alone is unfair because the President is the captain of the ship. He should have navigated the ship properly. To direct, he should possess knowledge and management capacities. When he lacked them, he should have sought technical knowledge and expertise from others.

The President, being a former military officer who is used to “Comply and complain,” seems to have been intolerant of anyone challenging his decisions. It is not the best way to govern as a politician, which he should have learned, but failed. However, the Constitution has created restrictions as regards the office of President becoming vacant.

Long wait, is it possible?

Can Sri Lanka afford to wait till the expiration of the President’s term, given the present crisis? It is impossible for him to rectify the mistakes such as tax cuts, delay in seeking IMF assistance and ban on agrochemicals. People are suffering due to his mistakes though he does not seem to be deterred, only saying that he had made mistakes.

Therefore, the demand for his resignation is quite justified. His clinging on is not considered a panacea for the ills of this government’s misdoings. The protestors believe his being so will accentuate the economic, social, and political problems created within the two and half years of his reign. It is the belief of the largest Opposition group Samagi Jana Balavegaya, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, and the Tamil National Alliance. All other so-called minority group representations are mostly included in the TNA and Samagi Jana Balavegaya. The latter represents about 25 percent of the total population of the county.

Even the Human Rights Council of Sri Lanka and foreign diplomats have been critical of the attack on GotaGoGama. This will affect Sri Lanka’s pleas for the Generalized Scheme of Preferences Plus. Questions are likely to be raised at the UNHRC about it.

Due to these, there should be a system change, and the common demand is for the President to resign, too. Even the much-hyped unity government has been jeopardised. Some say that the government has lost its majority, irrespective of the ayes received at the election of the Deputy Speaker last week. The rift within the Pohottuwa Party is quite evident from statements made by various spokespersons. The President seems isolated.

At the time of writing, there is no Prime Minister and a Cabinet. His Secretariat’s, or his capacity, to run the government alone, is questionable from his past performance. He will be exposed severely if he is to explain the security situation to the Parliament, without a Prime Minister and a Cabinet. Since he has arrogated to himself all functions of Ministries by not appointing a Cabinet, he must answer parliamentary queries. He will find the mistake if it happens since he cannot answer queries with a note written by someone.

This weak uncertainty may give various spurious, nasty ideas to other establishments. It is a dangerous status to live with. In a situation where peace has crashed, it is worse. Fortunately, such other establishments will consider the extremely problematic status of the country and may not nod their heads. Therefore, the most important interest of all establishments should be to maintain peace and harmony. The President must take serious and immediate action against any lawbreaker, irrespective of being siblings, political supporters, or business friends, and he will win the confidence of the public in general. It will be useful for him one day when he decides to leave.

Of course, from his point of view, he will face threats for slacked governance during his term of office as Secretary of the Ministry of Defence and for being a member of the Rajapaksa clan. Rightly or wrongly, there are allegations of corruption and violation of rights which will re-emerge when his immunity is withdrawn after he ceases to be the President. This may prevent him from voluntarily resigning. These are some of the de-motivators for him to resign while the previous points, I made, are pro-motivators. Mr. President, toss a coin and give the victory to the people, who elected you.



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Opinion

The shadow of a Truman moment in the Iran war

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Wars often produce moments when leaders feel compelled to seek a decisive stroke that will end the conflict once and for all. History shows that such moments can generate choices that would have seemed unthinkable only months earlier. When Harry S. Truman authorised the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the decision emerged from precisely such wartime pressures. As the conflict involving the United States, Israel and Iran intensifies today, the world must ensure that a similar moment of desperate calculation does not arise again.

The lesson of that moment in history is not that such weapons can end wars, but that once the logic of escalation begins to dominate wartime decision-making, even the most unthinkable options can enter the realm of strategic calculation. The mere possibility that such debates could arise is reason enough for policymakers everywhere to approach the present conflict with extreme caution.

As the war drags on, both Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu will face mounting pressure to produce decisive results. Wars rarely remain confined to their original scope once expectations of rapid victory begin to fade. Political leaders must demonstrate progress, military planners search for breakthroughs, and public narratives increasingly revolve around the need for a conclusive outcome. In this environment, media speculation about “exit strategies” or “off-ramps” for Washington can unintentionally increase pressure on decision-makers. Even well-intentioned commentary can shape the climate in which leaders make decisions, potentially nudging them toward harder, more dramatic actions.

Neither the United States nor Israel lacks the technological capability associated with advanced nuclear arsenals. The nuclear arsenals of advanced powers today are far more sophisticated than the devices used in 1945. While their existence is intended primarily as deterrence, prolonged wars have historically forced strategic communities to examine every available option. Even the discussion of such possibilities is deeply unsettling, yet ignoring the pressures that produce such debates can be dangerous.

For that reason, policymakers and societies on all sides must recognise the full range of choices that prolonged wars can place before leaders. For Iran’s leadership and its wider strategic community, absorbing this reality may be essential if catastrophic escalation is to be avoided. From Tehran’s perspective, the conflict may well be seen as existential. Yet history also shows that wars framed as existential struggles can generate the most dangerous strategic decisions.

The intellectual climate in Washington has also evolved. A number of influential voices in Washington now argue that the United States has become excessively risk-averse and that restoring global credibility requires a more assertive posture. Such arguments reflect a broader shift toward the language of renewed deterrence and strategic competition. Yet this very logic can make it politically harder for leaders to conclude conflicts without visible demonstrations of strength.

The outcome of this conflict will also be watched closely by other major powers. In 1945, the atomic decision was shaped not only by the desire to end a brutal war but also by the strategic message it sent to rival states observing the emergence of a new geopolitical era. Today, other significant powers will similarly draw lessons from how the United States manages both the conduct and the conclusion of this conflict.

This is why cool judgment is essential at this stage of the war. Whether the original decision to go to war was wise or ill-advised is now largely beside the point. Once a conflict has begun, the overriding priority must be to prevent escalation into something far more dangerous.

In such moments, the international system can benefit from the quiet diplomacy of actors that retain a degree of strategic autonomy. Among emerging nations, India stands out as a major emerging power in this regard. Despite its energy dependence on the Gulf and deep economic engagement with the United States, India has consistently demonstrated a capacity to maintain independent channels of communication across geopolitical divides.

This unique positioning may allow New Delhi to explore, discreetly and without public fanfare, avenues for de-escalation with Washington, Tel Aviv and Tehran alike. At moments of heightened tension in international politics, the world sometimes requires what might be called an “adult in the room”: a state capable of engaging all sides while remaining aligned exclusively with none.

If the present conflict continues to intensify, the value of such diplomacy may soon become evident. The most important lesson from 1945 is not only the destructive power of nuclear weapons but the pressures that can drive leaders toward choices that later generations struggle to comprehend. History shows that when wars reach their most desperate phases, restraint remains the only safeguard against catastrophe.

(Milinda Moragoda is a former Cabinet Minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank, can be contacted via email@milinda. This was published ndtv.com on 2026.03.1

by Milinda Moragoda

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Opinion

Practicality of a trilingual reality in Sri Lanka

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Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘Language: The symbolic expression of thought’ (The island 10.03.2026) delves deeper into an area that he has been exploring recently – childhood learning. In this article he writes of ‘a trilingual Sri Lanka’, reminding me of an incident I witnessed some years ago.

Two teenagers, in their mid to late teens, of Muslim ethnicity were admitted to the hospital late at night, following a road traffic accident. They had sustained multiple injuries, a few needing surgical intervention. One boy had sustained an injury (among others) that needed relatively urgent attention, but in itself was not too serious. The other had also sustained a few injuries among which one particular injury was serious and needed sorting out, but not urgently.

After the preliminary stabilisation of their injuries, I had a detailed discussion with them as to what needed to be done. Neither of them spoke Sinhala to any extent, but their English was excellent. They were attending a well-known international school in Colombo since early childhood and had no difficulty in understanding my explanation – in English. The boys were living in Colombo, while their father would travel regularly to the East (of Sri Lanka) on business. The following morning, I met the father to explain the prevailing situation; what needs to be done, urgency vs. importance, a timeline, prioritisation of treatment, possible costs, etc.

Doctor’s dilemma

The father did not speak any English and in conversation informed me that he had put both his boys into an International School (from kindergarten onwards) in order to give them an English education. The issue was that the father’s grasp of Sinhala was somewhat rudimentary and therefore I found that I could not explain the differences in seriousness vs, urgency and prioritisation issues adequately within the possible budget restrictions. This being the case and as the children understood exactly what was needed, I then asked the sons to ‘educate’ the father on the issues that were at hand. The boys spoke to their father and it was then that I realised that their grasp of Tamil was the same as their father’s grasp of Sinhala!

In the end I had to get down a translator, which in this case was a junior doctor who spoke Tamil fluently; explained to him what was needed a few times as he was not that fluent in English, certainly less than the boys, and then getting him to explain the situation to the father.

What was disturbing was having related this episode at the time to be informed that this was not in fact not an isolated occurrence. That there is a growing number of children that converse well in English, but are not so fluent in their mother tongue. Is English ‘the mother tongue’ of this ‘new generation’ of children? The sad truth is no and tragically this generation is getting deprived of ‘learning’ in its most fundamental form. For unfortunately, correct grammar and syntax accompanied with fluency do not equal to learning (through a language). It is the natural process of learning two/three languages (0 to 5 years) that Dr. BJCP refers to as being bilingual/trilingual and is the underlying concept, which is the title of Dr. BJCP’s article ‘Language: The symbolic expression of thought’.

“Introduction into society”

It is critical to understand at a very deep level the extent and process of what learning in a mother tongue entails. The mother’s voice is arguably the first voice that a newborn hears. Generally speaking, from that point onwards till the child is ‘introduced into society’ that is the voice he /she hears most. In our culture this is the Dhorata wedime mangalyaya. Till then the infant gets exposed to only the voices of the immediate /close family.

Once the infant gets exposed to ‘society’ he /she is metaphorically swimming in an ocean of language. Take for example a market. Vendors selling their wares, shouting, customers bargaining, selecting goods, asking about the quality, freshness, other families talking among themselves etc. The infant is literally learning/conceptualizing something new all the time. This learning process happens continuously starting from home, at friends/relatives’ houses, get-to-gathers, festivals, temples etc. This societal exposure plays a dominant role as the child/infant gets older. Their language skills and vocabulary increase in leaps and bounds and by around three years of age they have reached the so-called ‘language explosion’ stage. This entire process of learning that the child undergoes, happens ‘naturally and effortlessly’. This degree of exposure/ learning can only happen in Sinhala or Tamil in this country.

Second language in chilhood

Learning a second language in childhood as pointed out by Dr BJCP is a cognitive gift. In fact, what it actually does is, deepens the understanding of the first language. So, this-learning of a second language- is in no way to be discouraged. However, it is critical to be cognisant of the fact that this learning of the second language also takes place within a natural environment. In other words, the child is picking up the language on his own. As readily illustrated in Dr. BJCP’s article, the home environment where the parents and grandparents speak different languages. He or she is not being ‘forcefully taught’ a language that has no relevance outside the ‘environment in which the second language is taught’. The time period we (myself and Dr. BJCP) are discussing is the 0 to 5-year-old.

It does not matter whether it is two or three languages during this period; provided that it happens naturally. For as Dr. BJCP states in his article ‘By age five, they typically catch up in all languages…’ To express this in a different way, if the child is naturally exposed to a second /third language during this 0 to 5-year-old period, he /she will naturally pick it up. It is unavoidable. He /she will not need any help in order for this to happen. Once the child starts attending school at the age of 5 or later, then being taught a second language formally is a very different concept to what happens before the age of 5.

The tragedy is parents, not understanding this undisputed significance of ‘learning in/a mother tongue’, during the critical years of childhood-0 to 5; with all good and noble intentions forcefully introduce their child to a foreign tongue (English) that is not spoken universally (around them) i. e., It is only spoken in the kindergarten; not at home and certainly nowhere, where the parents take their children.

Attending school

Once the child starts attending school in the English medium, there is no further (or minimal) exposure to his /her mother tongue -be it Sinhala or Tamil. This results in the child losing the ability to converse in his/her original mother tongue, as was seen earlier on. In the above incident that I described at the start of this article, when I finally asked the father did he comprehend what was happening; his eyes filled with tears and I did wonder was this because of his sons’ injuries or was it because his decisions had culminated in a father and a son/s who could no longer communicate with each other in a meaningful way.

Dr BJCP goes on to state that in his opinion ‘a trilingual Sri Lanka will go a long way towards the goals and display of racial harmony, respect for different ethnic groups…’ and ‘Then it would become a utopian heaven, where all people, as just Sri Lankans can live in admirable concordant synchrony, rather than as a splintered clusters divided by ethnicity, language and culture’. Firstly, it must be admitted from the aspect of the child’s learning perspective (0 to 5 years); an environment where all three languages are spoken freely and the child will naturally pick up all three languages (a trilingual reality) does not actually exist in Sri Lanka.

However, the pleasant practical reality is that, there is absolutely no need for a trilingual Sri Lanka for this utopian heaven to be achieved. What is needed is in fact not even a bilingual Sri Lanka, but a Sri Lanka, where all the Sinhalese are taught Tamil and vice versa. Simply stated it is complete lunacy– that two ethnic communities that speak their own language, need to learn another language that is not the mother tongue of either community in order to understand one another! It is the fact that having been ruled by the British for over a hundred years, English has been so close to us, that we are unable to see this for what it is. Imagine a country like Canada that has areas where French is spoken; what happens in order to foster better harmony between the English and French speaking communities? The ‘English’, learn to speak French and the ‘French’ learn to speak English. According to the ‘bridging language theory of Sri Lanka’, this will not work and what needs to happen is both communities need to learn a third language, for example German, in order to communicate with one another!

Learning best done in mother tongue

eiterating what I said in my previous article – ‘Educational reforms: A Perspective (The Island 27.02.2026) Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue. This is a fact, not an opinion. The critical thing parents should understand and appreciate is that the best thing they can do for their child is to allow/encourage learning in his/her mother tongue.

This period from 0 to 5 years is critically important. If your child is exposed naturally to another language during this period, he /she will automatically pick it up. There is no need to ‘forcefully teach’ him /her. Orchestrating your child to learn another language, -English in this instance- between the ages of 0 to 5 at the expense of learning in his /her mother tongue is a disservice to that child.

by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara

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Opinion

Tribute to Vijitha Senevirathna

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APPRECIATION

On Friday, the 20th of March, Vijitha Senevirathna would have celebrated his 85th birthday if not for his sad passing away nearly a year ago.

The passing of Vijitha was a moment of great sorrow to all who knew him.

He was my classmate from Montessori to pre-university at Maris Stella College, Negombo. As a Maristonian, Vijitha excelled in his academic studies.

Eventually, he entered the Law College and practised as an Attorney-at-Law and Notary Public for over 50 years.

As an Attorney-at-Law, Vijitha earned the respect of the judiciary and a wide circle of clients. He upheld the highest and most cherished values of the legal profession and earned the trust of all who knew him. His 50th anniversary in the noble profession of law was celebrated with much pageantry, amidst a distinguished gathering of friends, relations, clerics, and the rich and famous of Sri Lanka.

Vijitha dearly loved his proud wife Nirmali and his six children, who are in the highest professions in Sri Lanka. He inculcated among his children professional efficiency, diligence, and honesty.

We who associated closely with Vijitha miss his warm friendship, sense of humor, and animated conversation. He was a raconteur, and people gathered around him and listened to his narrations and tales of yore, especially at the many celebrations at his residence in Dehiwala, where the waters of Scotland flowed generously.

I have personally admired Vijitha’s patience, grit, and lifetime achievements, despite a physical dysfunctionality he suffered over his lifetime.

For Vijitha, the song has ended, but the melody lingers on, in the words of the popular composer Irving Berlin.

Merrick Gooneratne

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