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CBK at 80: A Trailblazer’s Legacy in Perspective

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Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga

As Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Sri Lanka’s first female Executive President, turns 80 on June 29, a timely question arises: how will history remember her legacy? Born into a political family as the daughter of two Prime Ministers, her path to leadership was steeped in legacy. But it was not lineage alone that defined her public life. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, commonly known as CBK, carved out a political identity marked by her bold decisions, reformist ambition, and resilience in the face of violence and controversy. Historians may debate the long-term impact of her policies, but they are unlikely to overlook her key milestones— first, most notably, her key role in ushering in two of the most consequential regime changes in modern Sri Lankan history: in 1994 and again in 2015.

In analyzing critical political transformations, historians often emphasize the dynamic interplay between subjective factors and objective conditions. While objective conditions may signal the potential for political change, such change cannot occur without the presence of key subjective factors—such as leadership and the formation of alternative political alliances. In the absence of subjective factors, even a repugnant system that appears ripe for transformation may continue to persist. Conversely, powerful subjective forces can themselves generate or intensify the objective conditions necessary for political change. The pivotal role of CBK as a decisive subjective factor in shaping and mobilizing the objective conditions for these two regime changes has been widely recognized in historical accounts of modern Sri Lankan political history.

Her role in ending the 17-year rule of the United National Party (UNP) in both the parliamentary elections and presidential elections in 1994 is particularly remarkable, especially given the deep internal divisions within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the broader disunity among anti-UNP forces. Following the assassination of her husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga, the United Left Front quickly disintegrated, and under threat from the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), she temporarily left the country and lived in London. During this period, the main opposition party, the SLFP, was fractured at its core, while the nation was engulfed in political violence, widespread corruption, and a wave of political assassinations. This period of crisis culminated in the assassination of President Ranasinghe Premadasa in a suicide bombing during the May Day rally in 1993.

Amid this bleak political landscape, CBK re-entered politics and took on the leadership of the opposition. She initiated the formation of a new political alliance rooted in the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and successfully united various fragmented anti-UNP parties and groups under the banner of the People’s Alliance (PA), with the support and endorsement of her mother, former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Uniting the different factions within the SLFP alone was a formidable challenge. At the same time, Kumaratunga introduced a reformist political agenda that marked a clear departure from the traditional policy framework of SLFP. Her platform prioritized a political solution to the ethnic conflict through extensive devolution of power and included a strong commitment to democratic reform, most notably the proposed abolition of the Executive Presidency. She led the People’s Alliance to a decisive victory, winning 62.28% of the vote in the 1994 presidential election.

A new phase of political reform began in the wake of the People’s Alliance (PA) victory in 1994. This discussion does not seek to evaluate the overall successes or failures of the CBK administration, but rather to highlight the significance of two key—though ultimately unfulfilled—initiatives that merit scholarly attention. The first was a peace initiative aimed at resolving the ethnic conflict and ending the Eelam war; the second, a proposed constitutional reform intended to broaden democratic governance, including the abolition of the Executive Presidency. While neither initiative came to fruition, both reflect the reformist ambition that characterized the early years of her tenure, as well as the contradiction between political aspirations and political realities.

The euphoria generated by CBK’s 1994 electoral victory for a swift peace through a negotiated political settlement with the LTTE was shattered after the collapse of direct talks with them in April 1995. In July 1995 the concept paper on constitutional reforms embodying devolution of power to regions was published. Concurrently, CBK launched the Sudu Nelum Movement, an extensive public awareness campaign aimed at preparing the public for a peaceful settlement of the ethnic conflict. However, these initiatives unfolded alongside an escalating armed conflict, as the LTTE resumed its violent campaign. Despite the escalating military threat, CBK remained steadfast in her commitment to a political solution rooted in meaningful national integration. She was the first to establish a separate cabinet portfolio directly under the President. This steadfast pursuit of peace remains a significant chapter in Sri Lanka’s ongoing search for a lasting resolution to the ethnic conflict. The end of the war created a historic opportunity to find a durable solution to the ethnic issue by building a unified nation through genuine national integration. Revitalizing her vision—with necessary refinements—could offer a viable path forward.

One of the most politically significant initiatives undertaken by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (CBK) was the push for a new constitution, which notably proposed the abolition of the Executive Presidency. This initiative consumed considerable political energy and involved extensive consultation. The draft was presented to the Parliamentary Select Committee, where it was discussed on 77 separate occasions—reflecting the seriousness and depth of the deliberations. Additionally, representatives of the People’s Alliance (PA) and the United National Party (UNP) held 17 rounds of bilateral discussions on the proposed reforms. However, despite this intensive engagement, the UNP employed delaying tactics and ultimately withdrew its support during the final stage in the Parliament. This last-minute reversal effectively derailed what could have been a historic move toward a more democratic constitutional framework. Since then, the abolition of the Executive Presidency has remained a central—but still unrealized—topic in Sri Lanka’s political discourse.

CBK

Although CBK had retired from the presidency in 2005, her influential political and social engagement did not cease. In retrospect, her pivotal role in the ousting of the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime in 2015 stands out as a significant contribution to Sri Lanka’s contemporary political history. Despite the urgent demand for regime change, it is unlikely that such a transformation would have been possible without CBK’s strategic intervention. Her efforts were instrumental in uniting diverse civil society actors—most notably those led by Rev. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero—and aligning them with various opposition parties and groups. Through her respected political standing and behind-the-scenes diplomacy, CBK successfully facilitated consensus-building among civil society groups and major opposition parties, including Tamil political entities in the North. This coalition-building was crucial to presenting a unified front and ultimately defeating what had appeared to be the invincible Rajapaksa regime at the 2015 presidential elections.

In the 2015 presidential election, President Mahinda Rajapaksa went to early polls with a self-adorned halo as the leader who brought an end to Sri Lanka’s 30-year civil war. The end of war was indeed a real solace to the people and Rajapaksa was able to leverage it for considerable political gain. In addition, he also took credit for launching several large-scale infrastructure projects. These included the Mattala International Airport, the Hambantota Port, the Colombo Port City, the Southern Expressway, the Norochcholai Coal Power Plant, and the Upper Kotmale Hydropower Project.

By the time of the 2015 presidential election, widespread public disillusionment with the prevailing political system had reached a critical point. The system was widely perceived as deeply corrupt and dysfunctional. The centralization of power within the Rajapaksa family and their close associates, combined with increasingly authoritarian tendencies masked by a democratic façade, led to the alienation of many within the country’s educated and politically aware segments. Moreover, the regime’s excessive political interference in administrative affairs and excessive politicization of the public service disenchanted a significant portion of government employees. As a result, the demand for a fundamental transformation of the political order grew considerably. While opposition political parties remained fragmented and lacked cohesion, civil society organizations, spearheaded by Rev. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero, emerged as the primary force resisting the democratic backsliding of the regime. It was in this context that CBK stepped forward to play a pivotal role in uniting the intensely divided opposition and civil society forces. She was instrumental in identifying an unexpected political figure and facilitating his emergence as the common presidential candidate.

The country’s political atmosphere changed markedly after the unseating of the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Soon after assuming office, the Yahapalana government introduced the 19th Amendment to the Constitution on April 28, 2015. It curtailed the President’s executive powers and incorporated provisions aimed at enhancing good governance, marking an initial step toward broader democratic reforms. . Despite these early initiatives, the government struggled to maintain its reformist momentum. The cohabitation arrangement between the President and the Prime Minister proved ineffective, and from the outset, competing centers of power emerged within the Government. Meanwhile, the Central Bank bond scandal severely undermined the government’s credibility in its commitment to anti-corruption. The political rift culminated in a constitutional crisis on October 26, 2018, when the President dismissed the Prime Minister and appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa in his place. The Supreme Court later deemed the President’s actions unconstitutional and reinstated the dismissed Prime Minister. Nevertheless, the Yahapalana government had lost much of its legitimacy, and the political environment had become increasingly unstable and pessimistic.

The Yahapalana government’s failure to fulfill its mandate does not render the unseating of the Rajapaksa regime in 2015 politically futile. Before 2015, the Rajapaksa regime had evolved into a deeply entrenched system based on a political class that permeated nearly every aspect of the state and society. That same political class could not fully reemerge in its old form by 2019. The Yahapalana government’s shortcomings did not make Rajapaksa-style authoritarianism any more acceptable to the public. In the subsequent presidential and parliamentary elections, many voters turned to Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, partly as a rebuke to Yahapalana’s failures and partly due to the absence of a credible alternative. Although the Rajapaksas returned to power under Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the reestablishment of their earlier political hegemony proved elusive. Gotabya Rajapaksa was no Mahinda Rajapaksa. The structural changes in the political landscape set in motion in 2015 could not be easily reversed. Perhaps most significantly, the public had acquired the confidence that even a powerful and seemingly invincible leader like Mahinda Rajapaksa could be sent home through democratic means. The contributions of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero were instrumental, albeit in different ways, in fostering this public confidence for a political change.

Though certain actions by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa accelerated the collapse, the economic breakdown of 2022 was ultimately the result of years of systemic mismanagement. A key factor was the launching of economically unviable mega-projects, often funded through high-interest foreign loans, which significantly burdened the national economy. At its core, the economic crisis reflects a deeper and long-standing political crisis that has gripped the post-war Sri Lankan state. The social and political forces that emerged in 2015—despite setbacks during the disillusionment with the Yahapalana government—resurfaced in a new form through the Aragalaya. The political significance of the Aragalaya cannot be reduced to its immediate outcomes, such as the elevation of Ranil Wickremesinghe to the presidency.

More fundamentally, it delivered a severe blow to Rajapaksa hegemony and disrupted the entrenched dominance of the ‘political class’. It also opened the door for the unprecedented electoral success of the Jathika Jana Balavegaya (NPP). History unfolds in unexpected ways—marked by both continuity and rupture—and it is often only in retrospect that the true direction of these forces becomes clear, leaving observers both reflective and astonished. Within this longer trajectory, the role of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in 1994 and 2015 remains equally significant—highlighting the enduring impact of a political figure, who helped shape key transitional moments.

Assessing Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s political legacy requires a long historical perspective, one that accounts for the complexities of her time and the broader trajectory of Sri Lankan politics. As she marks her 80th year, CBK remains a symbol of resilience in a deeply contested political landscape. Her presidency—characterized by both bold initiatives and contentious decisions—continues to prompt reflection and debate. Whether in her pursuit of peace, her efforts at navigating entrenched political rivalries, or her advocacy for reconciliation, Kumaratunga’s legacy endures as a significant chapter in the island’s post-independence history. As Johan Huizinga reminds us, All profound changes awaken profound anxieties, and that is why history is never finished.”

by Gamini Keerawella ✍️
Professor Emeritus of History,
University of Peradeniya



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People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy

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BASL public forum held last Saturday

Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.

The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.

A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.

Different Approach

Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.

Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.

Maintain Confidence

The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.

In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.

The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.

by Jehan Perera

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Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation

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In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy.

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.

The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.

To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.

A Shared Strategic Vision

Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:

A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner

These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.

A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.

Good Governance: The Cornerstone

The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.

Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.

Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.

When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.

The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence

An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.

Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.

Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.

Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.

Human Rights: A Strategic Asset

There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.

Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.

Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.

Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.

Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre

At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.

Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.

Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.

An effective intelligence system should be:

*  Predictive rather than reactive.

*  Preventive rather than investigative alone.

*  Integrated rather than fragmented.

*  Technology-driven rather than paper-based.

*  People-centred rather than institution-centred.

Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.

Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.

Intelligence Beyond National Security

Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.

Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.

Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:

*  Economic planning

*  Public health preparedness

*  Disaster risk reduction

*  Cybersecurity

*  Energy security

*  Food security

*  Environmental protection

*  Artificial intelligence governance

*  Foreign policy

*  Investment protection

An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.

Whole-of-Government Cooperation

One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.

Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.

A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.

Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.

Economic Prosperity Through Security

Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.

Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.

An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.

Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.

Investment creates employment.

Employment reduces poverty.

Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.

Social stability reinforces national security.

International Partnerships

No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.

Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.

Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.

Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.

Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.

Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.

Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.

The Relationship Between National Stakeholders

National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.

Government provides leadership and policy direction.

The judiciary safeguards justice.

Law enforcement protects public safety.

The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.

Civil society strengthens social cohesion.

Educational institutions develop future leaders.

The private sector generates investment and innovation.

International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.

Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.

When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.

The Strategic Path Forward

Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.

That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.

The pathway is straightforward:

Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation

This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.

The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.

A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.

A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.

The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace

By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)

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The perfect victim: How institutions respond

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Nils Christie

It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.

I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.

The myth of the perfect victim

One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.

In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.

What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.

Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.

Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?

The subject of scrutiny

When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.

“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”

“Why didn’t you go to the police?”

“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”

“Why did you continue interacting with him?”

“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”

“There is no smoke without fire.”

Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.

These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.

The silence that speaks

The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.

The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.

Post judgement reflections

At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.

Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Udari Abeyasinghe

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