Midweek Review
Can Dr. PBJ alone be blamed for current crises?

By Shamindra Ferdinando
Declaring that every sector depended on the public service, the country’s Commander in Chief President Gotabaya Rajapaksa emphasised the responsibility on the part of the Secretaries to the Ministries to achieve given tasks. The President said so at the Presidential Secretariat on the morning of January 19 when Secretary to the Prime Minister Gamini Senarath, succeeded Dr. P.B. Jayasundera as Secretary to the President.
Among those present on the occasion were Dr. Jayasundera and Lalith Weeratunga, Senior Advisor to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
At the same time D.M. Anura Dissanayake, who had been the Secretary to the Irrigation Ministry, was brought in as Secretary to the Prime Minister. Both Senarath and Dissanayake are senior officers of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS).
Once a longtime Treasury Secretary, Dr. Jayasundera tendered his resignation as the Presidential Secretary in the wake of criticism by some ministers of the government that he hadn’t been accessible, arrogant and was largely responsible for the current economic crisis. After Jayasundera’s resignation, President Gotabaya Rajapakasa during a luncheon meeting with a selected group of editors of national newspapers asserted that it was not fair to single out a person for criticism.
In spite of Dr. Jayasundera, in his resignation letter to the President stating that he would be leaving the Office on January 01, 2022, Senarath moved in much earlier as desired by the President. Some members of the Cabinet as well as those who backed the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) at the 2019 presidential and 2020 parliamentary polls resented Dr. Jayasundera’s role. Some alleged that Dr. Jayasundera wielded far greater power than members of the Cabinet. But, the issue at hand is whether it would be fair to blame the difficulties experienced by the government on one person?
At the height of the crisis caused by the global epidemic Covid-19, Dr. Jayasundera caused controversy in May 2020 when he requested public servants to contribute half, a week or a day’s pay from their May salaries.
Dr. Jayasundera made the request in his capacity as the Secretary to the President and the head of the public service. Dr. Jayasundera declared that the Budget deficit could be reduced if the public sector agreed to the pay cut.
In his letter to the President, informing him of the decision to forgo his May 2020 salary and allowances, Dr. Jayasundara pointed out that the monthly wage bill of the Government was about Rs.80 bn and if the government corporations, Banks and Universities are added, it’s closer to Rs. 90 to Rs.100 bn.
The Opposition attacked as usual for the sake of opposing both Dr. Jayasundera and the government over the former’s call for a salary cut. Both the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) strongly criticised Dr. Jayasundera’s move whereas the government defended it.
Dr. Jayasundera’s proposal meant to reduce the Budget deficit that hadn’t been implemented should be re-examined against the backdrop of the government announcement of the Rs 229 bn relief package for the public sector. Didn’t such a costly political decision further undermine the cash-strapped government? Did the government consult Dr. Jayasundera regarding the relief package offered at a time the government was struggling to cope up with an extremely messy financial situation?
Fertiliser controversies
Dr. P.B.J. strongly opposed the government seeking the IMF’s intervention. Throughout the crisis, the then Secretary to the President asserted firmly that there is no requirement for the government to involve the IMF. The former Treasury Chief remained convinced of their strength to meet the challenge even after the Governor of the Central Bank W.D. Lakshman was asked to go.
In the run-up to his resignation Dr. Jayasundera was embroiled in the simmering controversy over the opening of an account at the Town Hall branch of the People’s Bank to facilitate the import of nano-fertiliser from India. The accusations pertaining to the deal were made in Parliament on Oct 22, 2021 by JVP lawmaker Vijitha Herath. The scandal revolved around approximately US$ 1.2 mn being transferred to the private bank account of Mohan Perera and G. M. Weerasinghe of ‘United Farmers Trust Limited’ as payment for nano-fertiliser from India.
The JVPer alleged that Dr. Jayasundera ordered the People’s Bank to open a separate private account at its Town Hall Branch under the name ‘United Farmers Trust Limited’. The then Secretary to the President not only strongly denied the accusations, he requested an inquiry by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). Although both print and electronic media prominently reported MP Herath’s accusations, the investigation targeted Mahinda Illeperuma, the editor of Aruna. The CID summoned him for questioning.
The role of Gamini Senarath, too, has been questioned also by the JVP over his alleged involvement in the import of carbonic fertiliser from China. The JVP raised the issue as the top person managing Chelina Capital Corporation, the local agent of Qingdao Seawin Biotech Chinese Company, happened to be a close relative of Senarath, who promptly denied accusations while offering to assist authorities in case of an investigation. Senarath emphasised that in spite of a relative of his being involved in the transaction he hadn’t been part of it.
Agriculture Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage is on record as having assured Parliament that both transactions were above board. It would be pertinent to mention that the government paid dearly for its hasty and inconceivable decision to ban fertiliser and agro-chemicals. The move triggered protests in many districts. Emergency import of carbonic fertiliser ended up in controversy finally with the government having to pay USD 6.7 mn to Qingdao Seawin Biotech under controversial circumstances. China compelled Sri Lanka to pay in spite of the carbonic fertilizer load being rejected on the grounds it allegedly contained harmful bacteria, a charge strongly denied by China. Did Dr. Jayasundera play any role in introducing carbonic fertiliser and the subsequent decision to procure carbonic fertiliser from China and then place an order for Indian nano-fertiliser?
The government suffered a debilitating setback due to its controversial decision to introduce carbonic farming in such a hasty fashion forced obviously by the then imminent foreign exchange crisis caused by the collapse of the vital tourism sector and expatriate worker remittances on top of having to meet so many exigencies caused by the pandemic, at the expense of commercial agriculture.
National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa over the last weekend issued a dire warning over food security. Weerawansa, in no uncertain terms, urged the government to reverse its decision on fertiliser and agro-chemicals. Interestingly, Weerawansa, who had teamed up with colleagues, Vasudeva Nanayakkara and Udaya Gammanpila against the highly controversial Yugadanavi deal, is the first cabinet minister to publicly warn the government of an impending food shortage.
Can the government ignore Weewawansa’s warning against the backdrop of the sacking of Agriculture Secretary Prof. Udith K. Jayasinghe in late December, 2021 and stripping Susil Premjayantha of his ministerial portfolio less than two weeks later?
Resignations, sackings galore
Gamini Senarath (seated) on his desk on the first day as Secretary to the President. Senior Advisor Lalith Weeratunga and Dr, PBJ with Senarath
There had been so many resignations, sackings, appointments at different levels since Agriculture Secretary retired Maj. Gen. Sumedha Perera was unceremoniously removed from his position in Feb 2021. News First on Feb 23 quoted the war veteran as having said: “I have informed the Secretary to the President, on Monday 15th February that I am relieved from duties due to unforeseen circumstances. However I have not tendered my resignation as yet nor have I been in communication with H.E the President regarding the matter as published by certain media outlets.”
Maj. Gen. Perera told The Island that he resigned from the post. Perera was later offered the post of Secretary Wildlife which he declined. Since then three others, who had held the post of Agriculture Secretary were replaced under controversial circumstances. The government replaced Maj. Gen. Perera with Rohana Pushpakumara. Several months later, one-time Chairman of the Paddy Marketing Board Dr. Jatal Mannamperuma was brought in as the Agriculture Secretary following Pushpakumara’s resignation. Mannaperuma declined to specify why he quit suddenly. Mannamperuma’s departure brought in Prof. Jayasinghe. Following the academic’s sacking over the issuing of a dire warning of an impending food shortage, the government named D.M.L.D. Bandaranayake as the Agriculture Secretary.
Before the President sacked Prof. Jayasinghe, the latter on the instructions of Agriculture Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage removed former Ministry of Agriculture Advisor Prof. Buddhi Marambe. The government found fault with Prof. Marambe, who had been the Chairman of the Policy Planning Committee of the Ministry of Agriculture for being critical of the carbonic policy. Aluthgamage also removed the former Registrar of Pesticides Dr. J.A. Sumith.
The crisis in the Agriculture Ministry undermined the government. Unfortunately, the government never really understood the problem or at least tried to discuss the issues at hand earnestly. Minister Weerawansa’s warning over the collapse of commercial agriculture and food security being at risk shouldn’t be ignored. The overall failure of the government project that finally compelled the government to allocate as much as Rs 40 bn to pay compensation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration how Shashendra Rajapaksa, State Minister of Promoting the Production, Regulating the Supply of Organic Fertiliser, and Paddy and Grains, Organic Foods, Vegetables, Fruits, Chilies, Onion and Potato Cultivation; Promoting, Seed Production and Advanced Technology Agriculture handled the challenging task. Did Shashendra Rajapaksa fail to achieve government objectives? What would the future of that particular ministry be against the backdrop of Weerawansa’s call to review the overall agriculture policy?
Urgent policy review is required if the government sincerely expects to make a difference on the ground. Accusations that Maha season suffered due to the farming community being deprived of both fertiliser and agro-chemicals should be examined taking into consideration the failure on the part of the government to import carbonic fertiliser and sufficient stocks of nano fertilizer from India. In spite of the government rescinding the ban on agro-chemical imports, required stocks weren’t brought in much to the dismay of the farming community.
Perhaps, the balance of payments crisis hindered the government attempts to make emergency purchases of agro-chemicals. With the commencement of Yala season just weeks away, the government must move quickly on the contentious issue of flawed agriculture policy.
Importance of consistency
Many eyebrows were raised when the government removed former Army Chief General Daya Ratnayake from the post of Chairman SLPA in late June 2021. Ratnayake must have antagonised the powers that be for him to be removed and moved to the Industries Ministry as its Secretary. Ratnayake, who served as the Commander of the Army after the conclusion of the war never, went public as to why he was removed, unceremoniously.
Another move that quite surprised many was Maj. Gen. M.D.S.P. Niwunhella’s appointment as the Commissioner General of Essential Services (CGES) on August 31, 2021 and then doing away with price control leaving medicine as the only item under supervision. At the time Maj. Gen. Niwunhella received the appointment, he served as the senior officer in charge of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s security. The Gajaba Regiment officer continues to do so whereas his appointment as CGES was allowed to lapse.
Sri Lanka’s primary liquid gas supplier Litro has been embroiled in controversy not only due to gas–related explosions but the change of its Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Anil Koswatte last July. Koswatte’s removal took place amidst accusations of him blocking the Auditor General from performing his legitimate responsibilities. The Litro controversy received much public attention in the wake of Viyathmaga activist Theshara Jayasinghe, who replaced Koswatte was himself removed last month to pave the way for Renuka Perera, the Administrative Secretary of the SLPP to take over the well paid job.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa however thwarted that move because of obvious internal and external intrigues there. That resulted in Renuka Perera being appointed Milco Chairman, at the expense of civil society group Yuthukama activist Lasantha Wickremasinghe.
Yuthukama played a significant role in SLPP presidential election candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s campaign. The government compensated Lasantha Wickremasinghe by appointing him as Chairman, Ceylon Fertiliser. Wickremasinghe declined the appointment. The Yuthukama activist was to replace Janath Sri Vidanage.
Some of the other interesting developments were Justice Minister Ali Sabry’s offering to quit his portfolio over the appointment of Ven. Galagodaatte Gnanasara, a convict who had received a presidential pardon during the Yahapalana administration, as the head of ‘One Country, One Law’ Task Force. The President settled the issue by amending the relevant gazette, thereby diluting the scope of the Task Force.
The developments in the run up to the Yugadanavi deal finalised on the night of Sept 17, 2021, too, attracted public attention. Basil Rajapaksa entered Parliament on the SLPP National List to take over the finance portfolio, replace CEB Chairman Vijitha Herath with onetime Power Ministry Secretary M.C. Ferdinando from retirement, and shift Dullus Ahahapperuma from Power Ministry to Media. One-time UNP Minister Gamini Lokuge with a tarnished past having headed its once notorious union Jathika Sewaka Sangamaya (JSS), was brought in as the Power Minister.
Now, Ferdinando has resigned following the appointment of Additional General Manager (Corporate Strategy), Eng. (Dr.) D.C.R. Abeysekera of the Corporate Strategy Division as the new Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) General Manager. Abeysekera succeeded another resurrected retiree Dr. Susantha Perera.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa intervened in the wake of the Ceylon Electricity Board Engineers Union (CEBEU) protest campaign against Dr. Perera’s controversial appointment ignoring the designated successor as per CEB’s established rules. The government cannot ignore the fact that Yugadanavi deal has been challenged in the Supreme Court with a section of the cabinet of ministers too supporting the challenge.
Chaos
The government should have been mindful of diplomatic appointments it made during the past two years. Canada and Italy refusing to accept retired Air Marshal Sumangala Dias as Sri Lanka’s top envoy therein over unsubstantiated accountability issues underscored the responsibility on the part of the government as well as the Parliamentary High Posts Committee to be cautious, especially in the face of undercurrents created by the West led by the US against our security forces for crushing the world’s most ruthless terrorist outfit against their sinister wishes.
The government is in chaos. The recent shocking revelation that Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Parliamentary Affairs Secretary former UPFA lawmaker Udith Lokubandara stole over Rs 40 mn from the Premier’s account highlighted the pathetic situation. Lokubandara, who had served as the private secretary to Mahinda Rajapaksa (2015-2020) received the appointment as his Parliamentary Affairs Secretary after the last parliamentary election. The former MP’s act underlines the need to be extremely cautious in accommodating people regardless of their status or connections.
Midweek Review
Pahalgam massacre, Indian denial of Trump claims and Sri Lanka’s triumph over LTTE

There hadn’t been a previous instance of India having to contradict a sitting US President, literally, to his face. But, the swift Indian rejection of President Donald Trump’s offer to mediate in the renewed Indo-Pakistan conflict over flashpoint Jammu and Kashmir underscored India’s longstanding national policy that Kashmir wouldn’t involve any third party, under any circumstances.
US President Donald Trump’s claim that he warned both India and Pakistan that there would be significant increase in trade if they agreed on an immediate ceasefire was rejected by India. Pakistan appreciated the US President’s initiative.
Responding to Indian Premier Narendra Modi’s strongly worded statement on May 12, Pakistan, while declaring its backing for a “peaceful resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, in accordance with the UN Security Council resolutions and the aspirations of the Kashmiri people, reiterated their support for President Trump’s efforts aimed at the resolution of this dispute, which remains a source of instability in South Asia.”
For whatever reasons, Modi wanted to be in the high company of white Western powers and jumped headlong into being a member of the US-led quad to rub it into China without realising that the West only wanted to use India against Beijing and there was no quid pro quo in the event of an unforeseeable need for help by New Delhi. Had he not been so cussed to Chinese, Beijing would have been a friend- in-need whatever their differences of the past.
India, however, was explicit in its response to President Trump’s cheap shot that he brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. In the wake of the humiliating Indian rejection, the US was compelled to call for direct communication between India and Pakistan.
In spite of the Indian blunt denial, President Trump, like so many of his other wild claims in recent weeks, on how he has got lucrative trade deal offers from many countries advantageous to Washington, reiterated his preposterous claim with regard to the ceasefire, nuclear escalation and trade when he addressed the US military, based in Qatar. India, in no uncertain terms, has denied President Trump’s repeated claims of nuclear escalation.
Close on the heels of the now-rejected claims regarding the ceasefire, nuclear escalation and increased trade, President Donald Trump again surprised India with another unsubstantiated declaration when he asserted, at a business forum in Qatar, that India had offered the United States a trade deal with “literally zero tariffs”.
Responding to President Trump’s claim, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar declared that the ongoing negotiations were complex and far from final. Having to contradict a sitting US President is no easy task.
If India found the US propagating a narrative of its own problematic to counter, one can understand Sri Lanka’s plight in countering Western propaganda projects targeting it. But, India, unlike Colombo, swiftly and decisively set the record straight thereby prevented the US from disseminating a false narrative.
The Indian High Commission in Colombo recently reacted strongly to the Tribune report, headlined “India removes its top military spy after RAW leaks”, reproduced in the May 05 edition of The Island. Having faulted The Island for carrying the said factually incorrect news item on page 02 without a fact check, the Indian HC reminded us of the devastating 2019 Easter Sunday carnage here caused by terrorism. As expected the Indian HC statement made no reference to terrorism caused by India in Sri Lanka in the early ’80s. Terrorism sponsored by India bled Sri Lanka till May 2009.
India, too, paid a heavy price. The Indian-led destabilisation project almost overwhelmed Sri Lanka. India simultaneously conducted a proxy war while spearheading high profile diplomatic efforts meant to advance its own interests. The Indian intervention here in the ’80s should be examined keeping in mind their extremely close relationship with the then Soviet Union.
Universities of global terrorism
Prime Minister Modi’s May 12th address to the nation explained India’s stand on Pakistan vis-à-vis what he called terrorism. The Pahalgam massacre carried out on April 22, 2025, brought the country together and the armed forces were authorised to wipe out terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan.
Prime Minister Modi declared: “Terrorist bases, like Bahawalpur and Muridke, are universities of global terrorism. The big terrorist attacks of the world, be it 9/11, be it London Tube bombings, or the big terrorist attacks which have happened in India in the last many decades their roots are somehow connected to these terrorist hideouts. The terrorists had wiped out the Sindoor of our sisters and India responded by destroying their terrorist headquarters. More than 100 dreaded terrorists have been killed in these attacks by India. Many terrorist leaders were roaming freely in Pakistan for the last two and a half to three decades who used to conspire against India. India killed them in one stroke.”
Of course there was no reference to Sri Lanka. The English rendering of the Indian leader’s original speech, made in Hindi, conveniently left out Sri Lanka though there cannot be a better example than Sri Lanka to highlight the successful eradication of terrorism here through military means.
Modi joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1987, the year India forced Sri Lanka to accept the deployment of the Indian Army here. One of the key objectives was to supervise the swift disarming of separatist Tamil groups that were fully sponsored by them. The Indian destabilisation project was meant to compel Sri Lanka to forgo its right to deal with terrorists militarily. A case in point is the Indian demand to call off ‘Operation Liberation’ aimed at clearing Vadamarachchi. India deployed its Air Forces across the Palk Straits in late June 1987 to rescue Prabhakaran and finalise an agreement that suited their overall objectives. Five years later Prabhakaran ordered the assassination of Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi who deployed the Indian Air Force to save Prabhakaran from certain death at the hands of the Sri Lanka Army. Had that happened, the India-created terrorist project could have collapsed. Thousands of lives, including that of Gandhi, and over 1,300 Indian soldiers, could have been saved and a sea-borne attack on the Maldives wouldn’t have materialised.
Premier Modi, too, contradicted President Trump’s claims of direct US role in the halt to Indian offensive action. Modi declared that the suspension of their retaliatory action was the result of the Pakistan Army reaching out to the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO), India.
Premier Modi’s declaration that their greatest strength is India’s unity against all forms of terrorism. “This is certainly not the era of war but this is also not the era of terrorism. Zero tolerance against terrorism is the guarantee for a better world.”
Obviously that hadn’t been India’s position during the Congress reign in the 1980s. India owed Sri Lanka an apology, at least now. Modi’s India should set the record straight, particularly against the backdrop of Western powers pursuing an anti-Sri Lanka campaign.
The anti-Sri Lanka project has taken a new turn with the unveiling of the Tamil genocide monument in Brampton, Ontario, Canada. The monument is widely reported to have been dedicated to the memory of Tamils killed in the war. The unveiling of the monument coincided with the preparations for commemorative events to mark, what the interested parties called, the Mullivaikkal massacre – 40,000 according to the highly exaggerated hatchet job of the UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) that inquired into military operations conducted in the Vanni theatre.
A section of the media quoted Mayor of Brampton Patrick Brown as having told the monument unveiling ceremony: “Genocide deniers, you are not welcome in Brampton, you are not welcome in Canada. Go back to Colombo.” Brown surely knows how to inspire Tamils living in his area. The Canadian media reported that about 12,000 Canadians of Sri Lankan origin live in the Brampton area.
Canada has some nerve to rake up such unsubstantiated claims against Sri Lanka despite so much innocent blood of natives there on its own hands from its colonial past. Even if we just go back to as recently as the mid-1990s when a growing outcry there forced them to close down for good church-run schools after finding remains of several thousand native children in unmarked graves on grounds of those schools that were used to ‘civilise’ them.
Tamil victims
Those who propagate the lie about deliberate massacre of Tamils during the last phase of war that was brought to a successful conclusion on May 18, 2009, conveniently forget that India launched the Sri Lanka terrorism project way back in early ’80s. Over the years various interested parties, both here and abroad, gave unsubstantiated claims regarding the number of dead. But their focus was always on those killed fighting for the LTTE. Let us remind the likes of Patrick Brown who spotlighted the fact that thousands of Tamils were killed by Tamils fighting for supremacy in the Northern and Eastern regions during the conflict.
(1) Members of various Tamil terrorist groups killed in intra-group fighting.
(2) Those killed in fighting between/among Tamil groups sponsored by India
(3) Members of Tamil groups killed in fighting Sri Lankan military and police
(4) Tamil youth killed during weapons training in India and transfer to and from Tamil Nadu via sea
(5) Terrorists killed by rival groups during their stay in India. The killing of 13 Sri Lankans, including EPRLF leader K. Padmanabha in Madras (now Chennai) in June 1990, about three months after the Indian military pulled out from Sri Lanka, exposed New Delhi’s failure to neutralise the LTTE. Their next major target was the assassination of Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi in the following year.
(6) LTTE terrorists killed by the Indian military in the Northern and Eastern regions
(7) LTTE terrorists killed during confrontations with the Indian Navy/Coast Guard
(8) Members of PLOTE (People’s Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) killed by Indian forces deployed to avert Sri Lankan terrorist attack on the Maldives
(9) Tamil National Army (TNA), a group that had been hastily established by India ahead of the Indian military pullout from Sri Lanka in early 1990 to protect the EPRLF puppet administration, suffered significant loss of life as a result of LTTE operations facilitated by Sri Lanka. That was the period, May 1989 to June 1990, when slain President Ranasinghe Premadasa played ball with Velupillai Prabhakaran
(10) LTTE cadres killed on the orders of Velupillai Prabhakaran. Gopalswamy Mahendraraja alias Mahattaya, whom the writer met at Koliyakulam, near Omanthai, in early January 1990, was the senior most LTTEer executed on the orders of Prabhakaran. Having accused Mahattaya of betraying the LTTE’s cause to India, Prabhakaran demanded his surrender and carried out his execution.
(11) Indian law enforcement authorities killed those who had been involved in the heinous LTTE plot to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991. Those who had been demanding justice for Tamils killed during the conflict do not talk of members of that community who perished in India following Gandhi’s assassination.
(12) Tamils who paid the supreme sacrifice fighting for the Sri Lankan government.
(13) Deaths among the LTTE fighting cadre following the breakup of the group in 2004 that eventually paved the way for the armed forces’ success in the north.
(14) The LTTE deployed thousands of children for combat. The number of children killed due to battlefield deployment remains unknown. Those who shed copious tears for terrorists must be reminded that until the Sri Lankan military eradicated the LTTE, Velupillai Prabhakaran continued the despicable practice of forcible recruitment of children.
Elimination of Tamil political leadership
The Tamil Diaspora believe that the world can be deceived with the blatant lie that all Tamils who had been killed during the conflict were civilians. If their lies were accepted, people from the moon must have fought for the LTTE.
There is no doubt that Tamils – men, women and children who had nothing to do with the LTTE or other Tamil terrorist groups that entered the political mainstream during President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s tenure – perished in government military action. There had been serious human rights violations. There is no point in claiming ‘zero’ casualties. That claim is stupid and the government shouldn’t have resorted to such foolish propaganda projects.
Immediately after the government declared victory over the LTTE on May 18, 2009, it should have tendered an apology to the innocent Tamil speaking people killed due to military action. The government should have explained the efforts made over the years to reach a consensus with Tamil terrorist groups with the direct involvement of India. Unfortunately, the war-winning government pathetically failed in its responsibility. President Mahinda Rajapaksa gravely erred in his refusal to make representations to the UN PoE. Had that happened, Sri Lanka could have explained the circumstances leading to the war in August 2006 and avoided falling victim to hatchet jobs done by UN bodies in support of Western agendas.
Those who had been propagating Tamil genocide narrative deliberately forget how the LTTE and other Tamil groups killed elected representatives of Tamil speaking people. They should be ashamed for playing politics with slain Tamil politicians. Have you ever heard of LTTE sympathisers questioning the assassination of Tamil political leader and former opposition leader Appapillai Amirthalingam along with ex-Jaffna MP Vettivelu Yogeswaran on July 13, 1989 at a rented house in Colombo 07.
Yogeswaran’s wife, Sarojini was shot five times at her residence near Jaffna on May 17, 1998. The LTTE assassinated her because she accepted the post of Jaffna Mayor. The LTTE killed indiscriminately. Sarojini Yogeswaran was killed as the LTTE couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s efforts to restore normalcy in the Jaffna peninsula.
Many people tend to forget that the Jaffna peninsula and the nearby islands were brought under government control in 1995 during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure as the President. The TULF decision to contest the Jaffna Municipal Council election on January 29, 1998, infuriated the LTTE. The TULF’s move weakened the LTTE’s position. Political process always frightened the LTTE.
The writer covered the Jaffna district local government elections conducted on January 29, 1998. The TULF contested only the Jaffna MC and Waligamam (north) Pradeshiya Sabha out of 17 local government authorities
Those who organised high profile events in honour of the LTTE dead must make a genuine effort to identify and formulate a list of Tamils – members of rival groups and politicians killed during the conflict. And a separate list of forcibly conscripted children. If Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown is so concerned about Tamils, he can easily check why those 12,000 Sri Lankan Tamils ended up in his area. Did they flee Sri Lanka armed forces, Indian military, or the LTTE? An attempt should be made to identify those who had fought for the LTTE or other Tamil groups living therein.
‘Forgotten Sri Lanka’s exiled victims’
Those who had been accusing Sri Lanka of, what they called, enforced disappearances during and after the conclusion of the war in May 2009, refuse to acknowledge thousands of ex-terrorists (of LTTE and other groups) who live overseas. Refusal on the part of Western governments to share information with Sri Lanka has deprived the country of an opportunity to address accusations of disappearances.
Sometime ago, an expensive survey carried out by the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP), affiliated to the Foundation of Human Rights in South Africa, revealed ex-LTTE cadres taking refuge in western countries. The survey was titled ‘Forgotten Sri Lanka’s exiled victims.’
The release of the report in June 2016 coincided with the commencement of the on-going 32 sessions of the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The report inadvertently revealed the existence of clandestine networks, facilitating Sri Lankans of Tamil origin, including former members of the LTTE, reaching Europe, through illegal means.
The study disclosed that LTTE personnel, including those who had been with Shanmugalingam Sivashankar alias Pottu Amman’s dreaded intelligence service, had secured citizenship in European countries, including the UK.
The report dealt with information obtained from 75 Tamils, living in the UK, France, Switzerland and Norway. Almost all of them had fled Sri Lanka after the conclusion of the war, in May, 2009. The vast majority of interviews had been conducted in London. However, an ITJP bid to include some of those ex-LTTE cadres, based in Germany, had gone awry. The report claimed that the targeted group declined to participate in the process, in protest against the role of the international community in supporting the transitional justice process in Sri Lanka.
Surprisingly, ITJP hadn’t bothered about those who took refuge in India during the conflict and post-conflict period.
A group of human rights experts, international prosecutors, investigators and transitional justice experts, who had previously served the United Nations (UN) International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), produced the report under the guidance of Yasmin Sooka, one of the three persons on UNSG Ban Ki-moon’s PoE on Sri Lanka. Sooka teamed up with Marzuki Darusman and Steven R. Ratner to produce a Report of the Secretary General’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka. Sooka functions as the executive director of the Foundation as well as ITJP
According to the report: “She is a former member of the South African & the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and was a legal advisor to Ban Ki-moon on Sri Lanka. She was the Soros inaugural Chair at the School of Public Policy and recently sat on the Panel investigating sexual violence by French peacekeeping troops in the Central African Republic.”
The writer sought a clarification from UNSG’s deputy spokesperson, Farhan Haq, regarding Sooka’s tenure as a Legal Advisor to UNSG on Sri Lanka. The Island received the following response from Haq: “Yasmin Sooka has been on high level panels, including on Sri Lanka, but she has not been the legal adviser to the Secretary-General.”
Unfortunately, Sri Lanka never really bothered to conduct a comprehensive investigation into unsubstantiated allegations taking into consideration all available facts. Thereby Sri Lanka deprived itself an opportunity to set the record straight, even 17 years after the conclusion of the conflict.
Wartime GoC of the celebrated 58 Division Shavendra Silva, who retired on Dec. 31, 2024, after serving the military for over four decades on the eve of 16th anniversary of triumph over the LTTE, squarely blamed successive governments of failing to counter war crimes accusations. In his exclusive interview with Derana anchor Chathura Alwis the Gajaba Regiment veteran held the governments, including the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa administration, of failing to clear the armed forces of false allegations.
Isn’t it an indictment on the entire political party leadership of this country?
Midweek Review
Jairam Ramesh’s “THE LIGHT OF ASIA: the poem that defined THE BUDDHA” – II

(Continued from Monday 12th May 2025)
Light of Asia’s ‘stunning impact in Ceylon’ forgotten and the ‘Uncrowned King’ buried
One of the dozen of books that Nehru got from his father, when he was imprisoned in a Lucknow jail by the British in 1922, was a copy of The Light of Asia. Eighteen years later, in February 1940, Nehru himself sent his daughter (Indira), who was convalescing in a hospital in Switzerland, ‘Arnold’s two little books The Light of Asia and The Song Celestial’ to keep her company’. (The Song Celestial was Edwin Arnold’s 1885 English translation of the Sanskrit language ‘Bhagavad Gita’ or literally ‘Song of the Lord’. Arnold’s choice of ‘Celestial’ as an English equivalent to Sanskrit ‘Bhagawad’ in the title reflects his deep insight into the Hindu sacred text which, A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada called, in 1984, ‘a definitive guide to the science of self-realization’.)
No doubt, The Light of Asia was Edwin Arnold’s most inspired poetic work. He drew upon many previously existing sources and his own personal interactions with the scholars as well as the ordinary people of India whom he loved. The inscription set up at the university chapel at Oxford where his ashes were deposited after his death contained the following information: Born June 10th, 1832, Died March 24th 1904. Newdigate Prizeman. (While a student at Oxford he won this prestigious prize for his poem ‘The Feast of Belshazzar’) These lines were inscribed there, too:
‘He found his sympathy with – Eastern religious thought
Inspiration for his great –
Poetical gifts.
’
Arnold had a strong moral character, a sharp intellect, a deep commitment to family and work, and meticulously cultivated social graces that enabled him to navigate interactions with people of high society as well as the common masses.That is why Jairam describes him as ‘a quintessential Victorian in every way’. He was a dedicated servant of the Empire, who was compassionate towards the subject people; he believed the British imperial system to be a protector and promoter of civilisation. A polyglot of rare ability, he was conversant in at least ten foreign languages (and indeed quite knowledgeable in some of them): Greek, Latin, Arabic, Turkish, French, German, Japanese (His third wife Tama Kurokawa, born in 1869 and hence less than half his age, was from Japan), Hebrew, Persian, Sanskrit and Marathi. Arnold’s remarkable multilingual capabilities stood him in good stead in serving the Empire in the cultural sphere through his translations between languages, thereby supporting mutual understanding among imperial subjects of different linguistic and religious cultures.
In a passing reference to Edwin Arnold’s The Light of Asia, reputed Indian historian A. L. Basham, in his 1954 book ‘The Wonder that was India’, mentioned that it was based on the Lalitavistara (a Mahayana Sutra in Sanskrit that describes the life of Gautama Buddha from his descent from Tushita heaven to his first sermon in the Deer Park at Sarnath near Varanasi or Baranas Nuwara as it is known among Sinhala speaking Buddhists. A different scholarly proposal mooted in 1960 was that Arnold’s principal source for his epic poem was Professor Samuel Beal’s translation of the Abhinishkramana Sutra (1875) combined with lesser borrowings from Spence Hardy and Arnold’s firsthand experience of Buddhism and his life in India. The year 1972 saw the emergence of yet another conclusion according to which he drew upon the knowledge he had gathered before 1879 by reading books, and also through his contact with sources of Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon (Sri Lanka).
There is lexical evidence of Arnold’s probable contact with Sinhala literary sources in the book. This is my supposition based on the fact that he was a language genius. Although Arnold had not been to Sri Lanka before 1886, he definitely had learned some Sinhala (though Jairam doesn’t mention this). When I read The Light of Asia as a teenager, I was fascinated by the fact that Edwin Arnold uses a few words of Sinhala (my native tongue) as substitutes for the Pali words which the context demands, for maintaining the metrical consistency of the lines, such as ‘sakwal’ or universes (for Pali ‘cakkavala’), ‘Seriyut’ (for the Pali name ‘Sariputta’) “Mugalan’ (for the Pali name ‘Moggallana’, ‘gow’ for Pali ‘gavuta’, and ‘dasa sil’ (for Pali ‘dasa sila). Jairam probably has no knowledge of Sinhala to have detected these Sinhalised Pali terms.
But Jairam’s apparent unfamiliarity with Sinhala has not been an impediment to his understanding of ‘the stunning impact in Ceylon’ that Arnold’s epic poem generated there, a mark of which was the annual ‘Light of Asia oratory contest’ for school children that had been conducted in Colombo for a long time. Incidentally, Jairam’s mention of this event brought to my mind the late Lakshman Kadirgamar. My article is a memorial tribute paid to him on the Vesak Day that, in Sri Lanka, fell on May 12, 2025. Though he was born into a traditional Christian family and had remained a Christian for most of his life until, in his senior years, he became an interfaith person who was, nevertheless, deeply inclined towards Buddhism (as his daughter Ajita says in her biography of her father ‘The Cake that Was Baked at Home’ (2015).
Ajita Kadirgamar mentions a little-known fact about her father’s school days at Trinity College, Kandy, which is that he took pride in having won the Light of Asia contest organised by the Colombo Young Men’s Buddhist Association as a student of that Christian school. She gives some information about the contest. The particular contest was inaugurated under the leadership of the then Governor of Ceylon Herbert Stanley in 1925 and was ‘dedicated to developing oratory skills in English and inculcating Buddhist ethics and values among the younger generation of the country’. The contestants were required to recite some verses from the Edwin Arnold classic ‘Light of Asia’ and give an explanation in English in their own words. “Thus”, Ajita adds, “one sees that LK’s great interest in Buddhism began while still a schoolboy and continued throughout his lifetime to be a topic close to his heart”. This interactional contact with The Light of Asia, as in the case of Swami Vivekananda, Anagarika Dharmapala, and many other renowned personalities of the past earlier mentioned in this article, must have had its characteristic developmental impact on the formation of Lakshman Kadirgamar’s noble personality. It was not for nothing that his schoolmates at Trinity called him ‘P of P’ ‘Personification of Personality’ as Ajita mentions in her book on her father. On his brutal assassination in 2005 at the age of 73, he came to be celebrated by journalists as ‘the Uncrowned King of Sri Lanka’, as the Editor of The Island newspaper eulogised him on his death in a front page editorial as another journalist named Arjuna Hulugalle later remembered in an anecdote (that Ajita records on pp.178-9). “To many he (Lakshman Kadirgamar) was also ‘the noblest son of Sri Lanka in recent times”, Arjuna Hulugalle added. That exalted image of Kadirgamar epitomises the influence that The Light of Asia had on the thinking minds of the culturally literate intelligent Sri Lankan youth of his time.
Ajita also records something that she heard from Ajith Samaranayake, a veteran journalist and newspaper editor (who was himself no more among the living at the time she was writing ‘The Cake that …’) about her father’s humility and generosity. Samaranayake was one of the journalists included in the entourage that accompanied Kadirgamar on his first official tour abroad as the newly appointed Foreign Affairs Minister in president Chandrika Bandaranayake’s government in 1994. They were on a visit to India. Kadirgamar was accommodated in the Hyderabad House, the Government of India’s State Guest House, along with High Commissioner for India designate Mangala Moonasinghe, and Jayantha Dhanapala (formerly of the UN, and later to become the Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat). Kadirgamar arranged for the journalists also to be accommodated and to have their meals in the same hotel. What was more, on his express request, the Indian government put an Air Force helicopter at their disposal for visiting sacred sites associated with the Buddha, including Buddhagaya (Bodh Gaya). This was a double privilege (as Ajita says) for the state visitors from Sri Lanka, for Mangala Moonasinghe was a descendant of Anagarika Dharmapala, well known in Sri Lanka and other Buddhist countries like Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, China, Japan, etc., for having made concerted efforts with the help of the likes of Sir Edwin Arnold to reclaim the sacred Buddhagaya site for the global Buddhists.
In fact, The Light of Asia author was the virtual progenitor of the very idea of reclaiming Bodh Gaya for world Buddhists. The famous Panadura Vadaya (Panadura Debate) between some members of the local Christian clergy and some Buddhist monks in 1873, in which the leading debater on the Buddhist side, a learned Buddhist monk by the name of Migettuwatte Gunananda Thero, well versed in English and Latin, in addition to Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit, who, with his advanced knowledge of Buddhism and the Bible, and his superior oratorical skills, convincingly beat his Catholic opponents. The news of the debate was widely reported in newspapers circulated in Europe and America. This drew the attention of orientalist scholars and theosophists in the West like the American Colonel Henry Steel Olcott (a veteran of the American Civil War of 1861-65), Madame Blavatsky, and others, to the fact that Buddhist monks were challenging intrusive anti-Buddhist Christian missionary activity in Ceylon (Sri Lanka). The arrival of Olcott, Blavatsky, and others in Ceylon in 1880 and their passionate activism accelerated the pace of the burgeoning local Buddhist revivalist movement. Sixteen-year-old David Hewavitarana joined them, originally as their translator. In 1885, David changed his name to Dharmapala and took the Buddhist religious vow of ‘homelessness’ with his parents’ permission and became known as Anagarika Dharmapala (Dharmapala the Homeless). (To be concluded)
by Rohana R. Wasala
Midweek Review
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