Opinion
Broad coalition of protesting groups necessary
Sri Lanka is currently experiencing the worst economic crisis in its post-independence history. Foreign reserves have dangerously dwindled, incapacitating the government to import essential supplies, such as fuel, cooking gas, fertiliser, and medicine, among other things, says the Social Scentists’ Association of Si Lanka.As a result, Sri Lankans are going through unprecedented suffering. Severe shortages of almost all essential items have had a crippling effect on their daily lives. For many weeks, people across the country have been standing in long queues to obtain essentials. They are forced to suffer long hours of power cuts. The current crisis has not only disrupted people’s lives at home, but also adversely impacted the economic activities of many sectors, such as agriculture, transportation, hospitality, small businesses, and manufacturing. The livelihoods of many are teetering on the edge of collapse. Children’s education, already disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic, has further suffered due to lack of transportation, electricity, and even writing papers. Hospitals have almost run out of essential medicines, costing lives. The crisis has reached such a high point that any corrective measure, no matter how well thought out, will take at least months to have some positive effect on people’s everyday lives.We share the public perception that the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government is primarily responsible for aggravating the financial crisis and bringing it to a head. In the backdrop of intensifying popular protest against the difficulties people face, the President and his government are fast losing legitimacy. Although economic mismanagement was the immediate cause of the current crisis, we cannot ignore the role of political institutions and processes in producing the overall crisis. Since independence they have nurtured a corrupt, authoritarian, ethnicised, dynastical, and undemocratic political culture, paving the way for the current disaster of unprecedented magnitude. Resolving the immediate economic crisis is undoubtedly a major priority. However, we believe that restoring democracy and reforming the country’s political culture are equally important and urgent, for establishing a just and fair society.
Indeed, this is the call from ordinary citizens who have been protesting over the last month, night and day, in the sunshine and rain, offline and online. The protests which started as small neighbourhood candle-light vigils about the hardships faced by people, due to the power cuts and gas and fuel shortages, have now grown into an unprecedented nationwide uprising that has crossed the ethnic divide. A number of protests have been punctuated by Iftar celebrated by Muslim participants at the protest ground. Young people, including university students, who have never been involved in any protest, are at the forefront of the agitation. This is a spontaneous citizens’ protest movement with a multi-class, multi-ethnic character. It is a culmination of a wave of protests commenced by farmers, teachers, fishermen, etc., against economic hardships a few months ago.This spontaneous uprising of people, independent of political parties, call for the removal of the Rajapaksa family and all 225 Members of Parliament. We see this call as a metaphor of the deep disenchantment shared by many citizens with the whole political class in this country. This wave of protests gives a clear message that citizens are deeply disappointed with the way in which the country’s system of democratic institutions and practices have been abused by the political elites, as well as the bureaucracy. The slogans and demands being put forward embody a thorough critique of the system, suggesting ideas and directions for far-reaching reforms and reconstructions. It is also a call for a new political culture of democracy, accountability, and integrity without political corruption. Citizens and civil society organisations, committed to Sri Lanka’s democracy, have come together to support and sustain this movement in the long term.
We unequivocally condemn the use of violence against unarmed citizens exercising their right to protest, and are deeply saddened by the death of one protestor at Rambukkana on the 19th of April 2022. More broadly, we recognise that there are efforts to infiltrate this movement and divide and demonize the protesters as anarchists and extremists. Counter protests are being staged to bring back ethnic divisions. Social media analysts have also warned that efforts are underway to splinter and dilute the core message coming from the people. Therefore, participants and well-wishers of this new democratic movement in Sri Lanka need to be vigilant to defeat such efforts at undermining this movement. Moreover, the Prime Minister, in his address to the nation on the 11th of April, appeared to issue a veiled threat against the protesters, while falsely asserting that the protestors are insulting the armed forces.
This is a new and rare democratic moment for Sri Lanka. Let us not miss it. We urge all political and civil society actors to respond to the messages coming from the protesting young citizens with utmost seriousness and responsibility. In that context, we would like to state the following:
*We welcome the current democratic activism of all Sri Lankans, especially the youth, who have got onto the streets to express their deep disappointment and anger against the rulers. It is a new democratic movement of citizens that has emerged independent of political parties and politicians.
* We urge the current government to respect the demands of the citizens and pave the way for a new interim government, and take effective steps to resolve the economic crisis immediately.
*We urge the government to suspend those responsible, immediately as well as indirectly, for opening fire on unarmed civilians pending an independent investigation into the killing of one protestor in Rambukkana. We are conscious that such action by the police has been normalised through a long history of impunity.
We stress the importance of reforming the political system of the country as a part of the solution to the current economic crisis by:
*Re-establishing the primacy of parliamentary democracy, checks and balances on the Executive as well as the Legislature, to prevent arbitrary and corrupt government, and institutions and mechanisms of accountable government.
*Introducing new institutional and procedural mechanisms to facilitate citizens’ participation in, and supervision of policy-making and implementation.
*Reforming and democratising political parties, their structures, and practices to be truly representative of citizens, freeing the parties from the control of families, business elites, and corrupt vested interests.
*Introducing reforms to re-establish independence of the bureaucracy, judiciary, and law enforcement institutions, including the Attorney General’s department and the Police, on the principle that their primary institutional duty is to serve the people and protect their rights, and not the interests of the rulers.
*Adopting economic policies that encourage economic and social development, while providing adequate social protection measures to safeguard living standards of the poor, the unemployed, and the working people.
*Putting in place an institutional framework that would ensure citizens’ participation in the affairs of government.
*Introducing an institutional framework that would establish equal status of all economic, ethnic, cultural, and gender groups while protecting their rights.
*Ensuring that any programme of resolving the economic crisis would not transfer its burden to vulnerable social groups.
*Addressing the long-standing demand for greater devolution of political power from the Tamil minority; and
*Accounting for past and present atrocities committed by the State against all citizens, including minority communities.
We call for a broad coalition of all protesting groups to sustain this movement for democracy and economic justice in the long term. The participation in the on-going struggle by industrial and plantation workers, farmers, public and private sector employees, small traders, women’s groups, student groups and ordinary citizens indicates a foundation has been already laid for a mass movement to emerge. It is also time for any struggle for democracy in the ‘South’ to be linked up with the struggles for devolution and justice in the North and East, and the rejection of the systematic marginalization and intimidation of ethnic and other minority communities as part of state policy.
THE SOCIAL SCIENTISTS’
ASSOCIATION
Opinion
The policy of Sinhala Only and downgrading of English
In 1956 a Sri Lankan politician riding a great surge of populism, made a move that, at a stroke, disabled a functioning civil society operating in the English language medium in Sri Lanka. He had thrown the baby out with the bathwater.
It was done to huge, ecstatic public joy and applause at the time but in truth, this action had serious ramifications for the country, the effects have, no doubt, been endlessly mulled over ever since.
However, there is one effect/ aspect that cannot be easily dismissed – the use of legal English of an exact technical quality used for dispensing Jurisprudence (certainty and rational thought). These court certified decisions engendered confidence in law, investment and business not only here but most importantly, among the international business community.
Well qualified, rational men, Judges, thought rationally and impartially through all the aspects of a case in Law brought before them. They were expert in the use of this specialised English, with all its meanings and technicalities – but now, a type of concise English hardly understandable to the casual layman who may casually look through some court proceedings of yesteryear.
They made clear and precise rulings on matters of Sri Lankan Law. These were guiding principles for administrative practice. This body of case law knowledge has been built up over the years before Independence. This was in fact, something extremely valuable for business and everyday life. It brought confidence and trust – essential for conducting business.
English had been developed into a precise tool for analysing and understanding a problem, a matter, or a transaction. Words can have specific meanings, they were not, merely, the play- thing of those producing “fake news”. English words as used at that time, had meaning – they carried weight and meaning – the weight of the law!
Now many progressive countries around the world are embracing English for good economic and cultural reasons, but in complete contrast little Sri Lanka has gone into reverse!
A minority of the Sinhalese population, (the educated ones!) could immediately see at the time the problems that could arise by this move to down-grade English including its high-quality legal determinations. Unfortunately, seemingly, with the downgrading of English came a downgrading of the quality of inter- personal transactions.
A second failure was the failure to improve the “have nots” of the villagers by education. Knowledge and information can be considered a universal right. Leonard Woolf’s book “A village in the Jungle” makes use of this difference in education to prove a point. It makes infinitely good politics to reduce this education gap by education policies that rectify this important disadvantage normal people of Sri Lanka have.
But the yearning of educators to upgrade the education system as a whole, still remains a distant goal. Advanced English spoken language is encouraged individually but not at a state level. It has become an orphaned child. It is the elites that can read the standard classics such as Treasure Island or Sherlock Holmes and enjoy them.
But, perhaps now, with the country in the doldrums, more people will come to reflect on these failures of foresight and policy implementation. Isn’t the doldrums all the proof you need?
by Priyantha Hettige
Opinion
GOODBYE, DEAR SIR
It is with deep gratitude and profound sorrow that we remember Mr. K. L. F. Wijedasa, remarkable athletics coach whose influence reached far beyond the track. He passed away on November 4, exactly six months after his 93rd birthday, having led an exemplary and disciplined life that enabled him to enjoy such a long and meaningful innings. To those he trained, he was not only a masterful coach but a mentor, a friend, a steady father figure, and an enduring source of inspiration. His wisdom, kindness, and unwavering belief in every young athlete shaped countless lives, leaving a legacy that will continue to echo in the hearts of all who were fortunate enough to be guided by him.
I was privileged to be one of the many athletes who trained under his watchful eye from the time Mr. Wijedasa began his close association with Royal College in 1974. He was largely responsible for the golden era of athletics at Royal College from 1973 to 1980. In all but one of those years, Royal swept the board at all the leading Track & Field Championships — from the Senior and Junior Tarbat Shields to the Daily News Trophy Relay Carnival. Not only did the school dominate competitions, but it also produced star-class athletes such as sprinter Royce Koelmeyer; sprint and long & triple jump champions Godfrey Fernando and Ravi Waidyalankara; high jumper and pole vaulter Cletus Dep; Olympic 400m runner Chrisantha Ferdinando; sprinters Roshan Fernando and the Indraratne twins, Asela and Athula; and record-breaking high jumper Dr. Dharshana Wijegunasinghe, to name just a few.
Royal had won the Senior & Junior Tarbats as well as the Relay Carnival in 1973 by a whisker and was looking for a top-class coach to mould an exceptionally talented group of athletes for 1974 and beyond. This was when Mr. Wijedasa entered the scene, beginning a lifelong relationship with the athletes of Royal College from 1974 to 1987. He received excellent support from the then Principal, late Mr. L. D. H. Pieris; Vice Principal, late Mr. E. C. Gunesekera; and Masters-in-Charge Mr. Dharmasena, Mr. M. D. R. Senanayake, and Mr. V. A. B. Samarakone, with whom he maintained a strong and respectful rapport throughout his tenure.
An old boy of several schools — beginning at Kandegoda Sinhala Mixed School in his hometown, moving on to Dharmasoka Vidyalaya, Ambalangoda, Moratu Vidyalaya, and finally Ananda College — he excelled in both sports and studies. He later graduated in Geography, from the University of Peradeniya. During his undergraduate days, he distinguished himself as a sprinter, establishing a new National Record in the 100 metres in 1955. Beyond academics and sports, Mr. Wijedasa also demonstrated remarkable talent in drama.
Though proudly an Anandian, he became equally a Royalist through his deep association with Royal’s athletics from the 1970s. So strong was this bond that he eventually admitted his only son, Duminda, to Royal College. The hallmark of Mr. Wijedasa was his tireless dedication and immense patience as a mentor. Endurance and power training were among his strengths —disciplines that stood many of us in good stead long after we left school.
More than champions on the track, it is the individuals we became in later life that bear true testimony to his loving guidance. Such was his simplicity and warmth that we could visit him and his beloved wife, Ransiri, without appointment. Even long after our school days, we remained in close touch. Those living overseas never failed to visit him whenever they returned to Sri Lanka. These visits were filled with fond reminiscences of our sporting days, discussions on world affairs, and joyful moments of singing old Sinhala songs that he treasured.
It was only fitting, therefore, that on his last birthday on May 4 this year, the Old Royalists’ Athletic Club (ORAC) honoured him with a biography highlighting his immense contribution to athletics at Royal. I was deeply privileged to co-author this book together with Asoka Rodrigo, another old boy of the school.
Royal, however, was not the first school he coached. After joining the tutorial staff of his alma mater following graduation, he naturally coached Ananda College before moving on to Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya — where he first met the “love of his life,” Ransiri, a gifted and versatile sportswoman. She was not only a national champion in athletics but also a top netballer and basketball player in the 1960s. After his long and illustrious stint at Royal College, he went on to coach at schools such as Visakha Vidyalaya and Belvoir International.
The school arena was not his only forte. Mr. Wijedasa also produced several top national athletes, including D. K. Podimahattaya, Vijitha Wijesekera, Lionel Karunasena, Ransiri Serasinghe, Kosala Sahabandu, Gregory de Silva, Sunil Gunawardena, Prasad Perera, K. G. Badra, Surangani de Silva, Nandika de Silva, Chrisantha Ferdinando, Tamara Padmini, and Anula Costa. Apart from coaching, he was an efficient administrator as Director of Physical Education at the University of Colombo and held several senior positions in national sporting bodies. He served as President of the Amateur Athletic Association of Sri Lanka in 1994 and was also a founder and later President of the Ceylonese Track & Field Club. He served with distinction as a national selector, starter, judge, and highly qualified timekeeper.
The crowning joy of his life was seeing his legacy continue through his children and grandchildren. His son, Duminda, was a prominent athlete at Royal and later a National Squash player in the 1990s. In his later years, Mr. Wijedasa took great pride in seeing his granddaughter, Tejani, become a reputed throwing champion at Bishop’s College, where she currently serves as Games Captain. Her younger brother, too, is a promising athlete.
He is survived by his beloved wife, Ransiri, with whom he shared 57 years of a happy and devoted marriage, and by their two children, Duminda and Puranya. Duminda, married to Debbie, resides in Brisbane, Australia, with their two daughters, Deandra and Tennille. Puranya, married to Ruvindu, is blessed with three children — Madhuke, Tejani, and Dharishta.
Though he has left this world, the values he instilled, the lives he shaped, and the spirit he ignited on countless tracks and fields will live on forever — etched in the hearts of generations who were privileged to call him Sir (Coach).
NIRAJ DE MEL, Athletics Captain of Royal College 1976
Deputy Chairman, Old Royalists’ Athletics Club (ORAC)
Opinion
Why Sri Lanka needs a National Budget Performance and Evaluation Office
Sri Lanka is now grappling with the aftermath of the one of the gravest natural disasters in recent memory, as Cyclone Ditwah and the associated weather system continue to bring relentless rain, flash floods, and landslides across the country.
In view of the severe disaster situation, Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne had to amend the schedule for the Committee Stage debates on Budget 2026, which was subsequently passed by Parliament. There have been various interpretations of Budget 2026 by economists, the business community, academics, and civil society. Some analyses draw on economic expertise, others reflect social understanding, while certain groups read the budget through political ideology. But with the country now trying to manage a humanitarian and economic emergency, it is clear that fragmented interpretations will not suffice. This is a moment when Sri Lanka needs a unified, responsible, and collective “national reading” of the budget—one that rises above personal or political positions and focuses on safeguarding citizens, restoring stability, and guiding the nation toward recovery.
Budget 2026 is unique for several reasons. To understand it properly, we must “read” it through the lens of Sri Lanka’s current economic realities as well as the fiscal consolidation pathway outlined under the International Monetary Fund programme. Some argue that this Budget reflects a liberal policy orientation, citing several key allocations that support this view: strong investment in human capital, an infrastructure-led growth strategy, targeted support for private enterprise and MSMEs, and an emphasis on fiscal discipline and transparency.
Anyway, it can be argued that it is still too early to categorise the 2026 budget as a fully liberal budget approach, especially when considering the structural realities that continue to shape Sri Lanka’s economy. Still some sectors in Sri Lanka restricted private-sector space, with state dominance. And also, we can witness a weak performance-based management system with no strong KPI-linked monitoring or institutional performance cells. Moreover, the country still maintains a broad subsidy orientation, where extensive welfare transfers may constrain productivity unless they shift toward targeted and time-bound mechanisms. Even though we can see improved tax administration in the recent past, there is a need to have proper tax rationalisation, requiring significant simplification to become broad-based and globally competitive. These factors collectively indicate that, despite certain reform signals, it may be premature to label Budget 2026 as fully liberal in nature.
Overall, Sri Lanka needs to have proper monitoring mechanisms for the budget. Even if it is a liberal type, development, or any type of budget, we need to see how we can have a budget monitoring system.
Establishing a National Budget Performance and Evaluation Office
Whatever the budgets presented during the last seven decades, the implementation of budget proposals can always be mostly considered as around 30-50 %. Sri Lanka needs to have proper budget monitoring mechanisms. This is not only important for the budget but also for all other activities in Sri Lanka. Most of the countries in the world have this, and we can learn many best practices from them.
Establishing a National Budget Performance and Evaluation Office is essential for strengthening Sri Lanka’s fiscal governance and ensuring that public spending delivers measurable value. Such an office would provide an independent, data-driven mechanism to track budget implementation, monitor programme outcomes, and evaluate whether ministries achieve their intended results. Drawing from global best practices—including India’s PFMS-enabled monitoring and OECD programme-based budgeting frameworks—the office would develop clear KPIs, performance scorecards, and annual evaluation reports linked to national priorities. By integrating financial data, output metrics, and policy outcomes, this institution would enable evidence-based decision-making, improve budget credibility, reduce wastage, and foster greater transparency and accountability across the public sector. Ultimately, this would help shift Sri Lanka’s budgeting process from input-focused allocations toward performance-oriented results.
There is an urgent need for a paradigm shift in Sri Lanka’s economy, where export diversification, strengthened governance, and institutional efficiency become essential pillars of reform. Establishing a National Budget Performance and Evaluation Office is a critical step that can help the country address many long-standing challenges related to governance, fiscal discipline, and evidence-based decision-making. Such an institution would create the mechanisms required for transparency, accountability, and performance-focused budgeting. Ultimately, for Sri Lanka to gain greater global recognition and move toward a more stable, credible economic future, every stakeholder must be equipped with the right knowledge, tools, and systems that support disciplined financial management and a respected national identity.
by Prof. Nalin Abeysekera ✍️
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