Features
BEYOND REASONABLE DOUBT ?
THE KILLING OF A PRIME MINISTE
by Sanjiva Senanayake
PART II
WHO SHOT THE PM ?
The first point that had to be proved by the prosecution beyond any doubt was that Somarama actually pulled the trigger. Without that the entire case, conspiracy and all, would fail.
Despite the large number of people present that morning, only three ‘eye-witnesses’ were called by the prosecution to establish that Somarama was the actual shooter. They were :
(a) the Buddhist monk Niwanthidiye Ananda (NA)
(b) one of his acolytes from Polonnaruwa named Wedage Piyadasa (WP) and
(c) a teacher named Wijekoon Wickramasinghe (WW)
The evidence of NA :
Ven. Ananda said that the PM, after finishing speaking with him, took a few steps toward Somarama and then turned back to inquire if Ananda was satisfied. He then went over and worshipped Somarama, who remained seated, and asked why he had come. Then the PM took a step backward. Ananda had turned round and bent down to collect his belongings when he heard two rapid gunshots. Somarama then pointed the revolver at Ananda who closed his eyes in terror. He then heard some more shots but didn’t see Gunaratne being injured. When he opened his eyes, he saw Somarama holding a revolver, biting his lip and with bulging eyes, follow the PM as he stumbled into the house. The monk did not say he actually saw Somarama firing the gun. In the Magistrate’s Court he had said “I did not see the actual act of firing. As I turned, I saw the accused holding a pistol in his hands levelled at the PM”.
Ananda then jumped over some flower pots into the garden, ran up to the main gate and shouted at the sentry there, grabbing him by the arm. He told the sentry that the PM was being shot and to protect him. Then as Ananda returned to the house, he saw the injured Gunaratne stagger out bleeding and he took him to the gate and requested bystanders to send him to hospital. He said he then went into the bedroom where the injured PM was lying and spent a few moments in contemplation until he heard a commotion in the central corridor outside the room. When he came out, he found a bleeding Somarama on the floor being assaulted and joined in by kicking and hitting him with his slippers. Somarama wanted some water and Ananda asked one of the servants to bring some. Before he could give the water, Somarama vomited blood and fainted. Then, when Ananda and one of his acolytes (Yatawara) were tying Somarama’s hands together, DIG Sidney De Zoysa turned up and ordered them to stop. Ananda then left and went to his temple in Kollupitiya.
However, the police sentry, in his evidence, said that no monk ever came and spoke to him at the gate. Instead, he said that, when he came running toward the house on hearing the shots, an old gentleman pointed out Somarama as the assailant. Furthermore, DIG Sidney de Zoysa said under oath that there was no monk other than Somarama in the premises when he arrived. He also said that there were no signs of Somarama’s hands being tied, and that it was he who sent the injured Gunaratne to hospital.
The evidence of Wedage Piyadasa (WP) :
WP corroborated Ananda’s (NA) evidence on some of the main points including the version about alerting the sentry. WP had run out with NA soon after the shooting but then went out of the gate and did not return to the house thereafter. It is reasonable to expect WP to back up NA, a monk he was faithful to and on whose patronage he was dependent.
However, WP also said that Somarama deliberately aimed and fired at Gunaratne. It does seem strange though, that an assassin would take time off to shoot an innocent man while his prime quarry was getting away from him and escaping into the house. If the prosecution believed this story, they should probably have charged Somarama with the attempted murder of Gunaratne too.
The evidence of Wijekoon Wickremasinghe (WW) :
WW was standing in the other wing of the verandah from Somarama and his view was blocked by intervening bodies, including that of the PM. In the Magistrate’s Court, just a few months after the shooting, he had said, “I heard the shots from the direction where the Prime Minister and the monk in the corner were. I was unable to see anything at that time because my view was obstructed by the Prime Minister.”
However, his later evidence in the SC was very different. He said that, as the PM approached Somarama, the latter sprang up, took a few steps to his left (i.e. away from the garden) and started firing. By a happy coincidence, this alleged move by Somarama would have better placed him in WW’s line of sight. However, the likelihood of Somarama shooting after such a movement is cast in further doubt by forensic evidence, as explained below.
Furthermore, WW’s evidence in the SC contradicted the evidence of the other two, NA and WP, by saying that the PM did not reach, worship or speak with Somarama before the latter started shooting.
The evidence given by eye-witnesses, especially in circumstances where they themselves are in danger, and probably taking evasive action, can be somewhat unreliable. However, if the accounts of several eye-witnesses are also inconsistent with one another on major points, then the evidence becomes dubious. The reader can decide on the credibility of the evidence of these three eye-witnesses. There is plenty of authoritative material on the internet about the pros and cons of eye witnesses.
In summary, no clear, consistent, unambiguous eye-witness evidence was produced in the Supreme Court to definitively establish that anyone actually saw Somarama firing the weapon. The prosecution did not call more eye-witnesses from the long list of people interviewed by the police in order to establish guilt beyond any doubt and close the case out. It’s fair to assume that there were no such ‘reliable’ witnesses.
THE FIRST BULLET
The forensic evidence that was presented at the trial, which is not dependent on any witness’s testimony, also raised a vital question. ASP Tyrrell Goonetilleke of the CID, who was at the scene within one hour of the shooting, made precise notes of the physical damage caused by the bullets in addition to other relevant facts. He noted that one bullet travelled almost at right angles to the line of the verandah, and went into the house. It pierced a glass pane of a French window separating the verandah from the hall inside, at a height of only 4 feet 3 inches above the verandah floor and hit the back wall of a second living room, well inside the house, at a height of 13 feet. Blood and fragments of flesh were found where it hit the wall confirming that it had struck the PM. Several people who were present had mentioned that the PM jerked his hand and cried out in pain soon after the first gunshot was heard.
The Judicial Medical Officer, Dr. W.D.L. Fernando, who examined the PM’s injuries on the day of the shooting described the related wound as follows –
1. A punctured lacerated wound on the back of the left wrist – an entrance wound
2. A punctured lacerated wound on the back of the left hand – an exit wound
Injuries (1) and (2) corresponded and were caused by the same bullet which passed only skin deep through the hand.
This was a relatively minor wound and, naturally, most of the attention was focused on the three bullets that entered the torso of the PM leading to his death. However, it is the first bullet fired that created most doubt about Somarama’s guilt. The injury caused by that first bullet, and its trajectory, is only compatible with the shot being fired from the garden outside, which was at a lower level than the verandah. There was never any suggestion of a scuffle, a second gunman or a second gun and the Government Analyst established that all six bullets were fired from the same revolver that was recovered at the scene.
The crucial question is, how could Somarama have fired that bullet from where he was seated and caused that injury to the PM, who was facing him in worship?
As for Wickremasinghe’s (WW’s) evidence, if Somarama stood up and moved to his left as the PM approached before shooting, the height and trajectory of the first bullet would be absolutely impossible for Somarama to achieve.
SOME LEGAL ASPECTS
It is important to bear in mind that the onus is on the prosecution to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the accused are guilty. Defence counsel do not have to prove that their clients are ‘not guilty’. The benefit of doubt goes to the accused. The accused are not even required to give evidence and, in this case, only Newton Perera testified, for reasons decided as advantageous by his counsel. However, Somarama made a statement from the Dock on which he was not open to cross-examination.
The process that prevailed was for the prosecution to submit a list of names of witnesses at the beginning of the trial. If the prosecution chose not to call a witness in their list, the defence could do so, if it saw a specific advantage. However, the defence would then have to lead the evidence and lose the opportunity to re-examine the witness following examination by the other counsel. It was a risky move because there was no opportunity for the defence to counteract impressions created in the minds of the jury through the testimony of that witness during examination by the other counsel.
As the counsel representing Buddharakkitha said in his summing up –
“Although Mr. Chitty has told you that the defence could have called any prosecution witness it liked, there is a big difference between the prosecution calling such a witness and the defence doing so. The defence has no access to the information book or to statements made by witnesses to the police. Is it not a terrible risk for the defence to take, to call a prosecution witness when it has no access to these statements and no opportunity of examining the witness in advance?
Further, when the defence calls a prosecution witness, it cannot cross-examine him, as it could do if he were called by the prosecution.”
(Weeramantry – page 296)
It’s important to note that only the Judge and prosecution counsel had access to the police investigation notes (Information Book), which also included statements made by various individuals to the police.
Having the last word is of great value in court, as it is in life. This principle is also of great importance when it comes to deciding the order of the final addresses to the jury by counsel, which is then followed by the charge to the jury by the Judge. The process applicable in 1961 is succinctly explained by Weeramantry in his book as follows –
“The Ceylon Criminal Procedure Code lays down that counsel for the accused ordinarily enjoys the right of reply to the Crown. If, however, counsel for an accused calls evidence for the defence other than that of the accused himself, he loses that right and must address the jury before the Crown does so. Counsel for the 3rd, 4th and 5th accused, having called evidence on behalf of their respective clients, had therefore lost their right of reply and had, in consequence, to address before the Crown. Counsel for the 1st and 2nd accused, however, having called no evidence on behalf of his clients, preserved his right of reply.”
(Weeramantry – page 232)
Thus, the counsel who represented Buddharakkitha and Jayawardena had the opportunity to listen to the final summing up of all the other counsel and then tailor his address accordingly to have maximum impact on the minds of the members of the jury. It was a strategic decision that he took.
The final line up to address the jury, in order, was –
1. Counsel for Anura de Silva, the 3rd accused (K. Shinya).
2. Counsel for Talduwe Somarama, the 4th accused (Lucian Weeramantry)
3. Counsel for Newton Perera, the 5th accused (Nadesan Satyendra)
4. The Crown (George Chitty)
5. Counsel for Mapitigama Buddharakkitha and H.P. Jayawardena, the 1st and 2nd accused respectively (Phineas Quass)
THE RETURN OF THE HANGMAN
The debate on the pros and cons of capital punishment during that period casts some light on the attitude and approach of the decision-makers on justice within the government toward the accused in this particular case.
PM Bandaranaike was firmly opposed to the death penalty. In May 1956, within weeks of his inauguration, a Bill titled Suspension of Capital Punishment was presented in Parliament and passed overwhelmingly with just one vote against it. However, it was defeated by a slight majority in the Senate. Bandaranaike persisted and finally the Suspension of Capital Punishment Act No. 20 of 1958 took effect on May 9, 1958. It was still ‘suspension’ and not ‘abolition’.
A Commission was then established in October 1958 by the Governor General to study and report on the advisability of the death penalty. It was headed by Dr. Norval Morris, an academic from Australia who was internationally known in the field of criminal law. The Morris Commission held intensive interviews and consultations, analysed relevant data regarding the efficacy of capital punishment in reducing crime and considered broader social and economic issues and implications. The subject even came up during the SC trial, and Justice T.S. Fernando himself mentioned that he appeared before the commissioners in strong support of the death penalty. The Commission’s report, recommending continuation of the suspension was issued in that fateful month – September 1959.
On October 2, 1959, within seven days of Mr. Bandaranaike’s passing, the suspension instituted by him was removed by an extraordinary gazette. Subsequently, the Suspension of Capital Punishment (Repeal) Act No. 25 of 1959 was passed in Parliament and took effect on December 2, 1959, even before the magisterial inquiry on the assassination had commenced. This new law reinstated the death penalty, retrospectively, for those found guilty of murder and repealed the previous legislation.
It is ironic that the death penalty was brought back specifically to hang the assailant for whom the PM had called for clemency from his death bed.
That was not all. By an oversight, the death penalty was only reintroduced for murder, and not conspiracy to murder, which meant that the first and second accused could not be executed. Thus, although death sentences were pronounced in the SC, the Court of Criminal Appeal altered their sentences to life imprisonment.
The government then came up with the Capital Punishment (Special Provisions) Bill which was scheduled for discussion in Parliament on January 18, 1962. It sought to retrospectively include the death penalty for conspiracy to murder, and annul the sentences of the Court of Criminal Appeal on Buddharakkitha and Jayawardena. Since it was clearly targeting the accused in the assassination of the PM, and not based on any general legal policy or principle, there were massive protests and opposition. Colvin R. De Silva called it ‘murder by statute’. Under pressure, the government withdrew the Bill one week later, on January 25.
The abortive coup d’état of January 27, 1962 followed a couple of days later and the government’s legal campaign shifted to another arena, where retrospective legislation was once again used.
However, Somarama’s fate had been sealed one week after the PM died, and he was hanged on July 6, 1962.
TO BE CONTINUED …..
The writer can be contacted on this subject at skgsenanayake@gmail.com
Features
America has two presidents as the world braces for another Trump term
by Rajan Philips
The election of Donald Trump as US President for yet another term has sent many world leaders scurrying for cover. Especially in the West. But even China is concerned. In the US itself, the longstanding maxim that there can only be one president at a time is being put to the test every day. Joe Biden, the outgoing president, is scrambling to salvage his legacy after a disastrous last year that has diminished all his achievements over the first three years on the domestic front.
Externally, Biden’s presidency has been a monumental failure, from the impulsive withdrawal from Afghanistan that kickstarted it, to the hopelessly painful stalemate in Ukraine and the relentless mass devastation in Gaza that are dragging out its end. With the pardoning of his son Hunter Biden, the outgoing president has ceded even the little moral hump that he had over Trump.
Donald Trump who would not have succeeded in getting a major party nomination as a presidential candidate in any other democratic country, has sequestered the Republican Party, arrogated himself to be its candidate, and won a second election with even a small popular vote majority albeit under 50% of the total. That Trump’s popularity could grow from under 30% when he first started his political venture in 2015 to nearly 50% in ten years in spite of all the scandals, criminal convictions, and worst of all the 2021 January 6 attack on the American constitution and democracy itself, is a statement not so much on Trump’s resilience as it is on America’s sociopolitical decadence.
The Tariff Man
Trump’s second term is poised to be even more inglorious than his first but with much greater organization, and persistence and fortified by – thanks to Chief Justice Robert’s creative legal mind, absolute immunity in most instances and presumed immunity in all other instances. But even the Supreme Court cannot help Trump to form a cabinet of his choosing and full of sycophants (not the Lincoln’s team of rivals) without the Senate’s approval. The Republicans have only a slender majority in both houses, and enough Republican Senators have already signalled that they are not prepared to support his more questionable cabinet appointees.
What the world leaders are now going through is the dilemma of having to put up with two presidents at the same time. One they can smile and ignore and the other they have to grin and suffer for four more years. Biden is trying hard to strengthen Ukraine’s military to gain some territorial advantage before Ukraine is forced into negotiations with Russia under pressure from Trump. President Biden is even more desperate for a ceasefire in Gaza, but Prime Minister Netanyahu who has betrayed Biden at every turn in the Gaza conflict is not about to do him any favours with less than a month left in Biden’s term.
Biden’s eleventh hour initiatives in Ukraine and in the Middle East have raised eyebrows among Washington watchers because all of them could be torpedoed without notice by Trump on his first day President. Yet the two presidents seem to be adhering to the transition protocol – with the Biden Administration briefing the Trump transition on the new initiatives although Trump himself has not said much about either front after the election. Except the usual bravado that there will be hell to pay by Hamas if all the remaining hostages are not released before his inauguration in January.
At the same time, Trump is threatening to hold America’s trading partners hostage with his tariff threats. He has warned neighbouring Canada and Mexico that on his first day in office, he will impose a flat 25% tariff on all imports from them unless the two countries mend their borders to his liking. And a further 10% tariff on already tariffed Chinese goods. In another bluster, Trump has threatened 100% tariffs on imports from BRICS countries unless they stop planning an alternative currency to the dollar.
Trump is stoned on the idea of tariffs although it will lead to domestic price increases and will not bring back lost American jobs. The captains of American businesses do not believe Trump will actually impose tariffs but will only use them in bargaining to get what he wants from other countries. On the other hand, the blue collar foot soldiers who voted for Trump are now googling to find out the meaning of tariff.
Like the word Brexit in Britain after the Brexit referendum, Google search for the meaning of tariff has seen a massive spike in the US after Trump’s election. It is already too late for the American voters to know what tariff means. Just like with Brexit in Britain. If Trump were to go ahead and impose tariffs on imports that will only increase the price of many goods that Americans buy. The midterm Congress and Senate elections in two years will give them the opportunity to vent but that will not stop Trump from going on for another two years.
A Weak West, Divided World
For the rest of the world, there is no midterm election to protest against a man whom 49% of Americans have elected. The countries that Trump threatens with tariffs cannot even unite to provide a collective response. With one tariff tweet, Trump has driven a wedge between Canada and Mexico who have trilateral free trade agreement with the US that is now 30 years old. Even the BRICS member countries will be forced to go their separate ways to deal with Trump’s tariffs. Only China can show some muscle against this madness, but that will only aggravate the madness. All in all, it will be every country for itself, with no god for all.
Trump’s second coming is also coinciding with an exceptionally weak moment in Europe. Britain is neither here nor there, and the new Labour government can do nothing about it. France is in political turmoil with a lame duck president who has no majority in parliament. This week, the hard left and the far right combined to defeat the government of Prime Minister Michel Barnier whom President Emmanuel Macron had appointed after a deadlock parliamentary election in June. No government in France has lost a no confidence motion in 62 years.
President Macron is insisting on staying on as President until his term is over in 2027, and no parliamentary election can be called till June next year. For now, the President can distract the French with the multi-day celebration of this Saturday’s reopening of the Notre-Dame cathedral that was ravaged by fire in 2019 and is now fully renovated. World leaders will be in attendance, but Pope Francis has declined the invitation. President elect Trump will be there, after apparently accepting a pleading invitation by the French President. As the old saying goes, “the children of this world are in their generation wiser than the children of light.”
The political and economic crises are even worse in Germany which has been the EU’s main anchor for much of its life. After the collapse of the governing (traffic-light) coalition in November, elections have been scheduled for 23 February 2025. The elections will be held under a new hybrid (single constituency and proportional) system that has made the results and the shape of the next government quite unpredictable.
With Germany and France in crisis, the EU is not at all in position to respond to Trump. And Trump will have welcoming allies in Italy’s Giorgio Meloni and the Hungarian strongman Viktor Orban. Besides its own tariff fears, the EU’s bigger problem is avoiding being caught in the crossfire of tariffs between the US and China. EU and NATO will also have to come to terms with whatever Trump comes up for Ukraine. What is mostly expected now is a potential peace agreement through the personal agencies of Trump, Putin and Zelensky.
India is “less concerned about a second Trump term than many other US allies and partners,” according to Tanvi Madan writing in Foreign Affairs. Foreign Minister Jaishankar has said that India “always had a positive political relationship with Trump,” and that Trump in turn “has also had a positive view of India.” New Delhi has also dissociated itself from potential de-dollarisation plans by BRICS countries. A specific upshot of the Trump presidency for the Modi government could be an easing of the heat from Washington over the Modi government’s alleged involvement in the targeted attacks, including murder, against Sikh individuals in the US and Canada.
As world leaders recalibrate their governments to Trump’s second coming, Sri Lanka will have to chart its own course to navigate the choppy waters around it. Sri Lanka does not have to do anything grand by way of either the non-alignment of old or the all-alignment of Modi’s India. If the new government can competently manage its internal political challenges, it does not have to do anything more than keeping Sri Lanka’s trade channels open to expand its exports and settle its debts.
Features
Break-up of the United Front coalition, foreign guests and traveling with Mrs. B
President Kaunda’s attempt to get Mrs. B to initiate a singsong
(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Peiris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)
The end of January saw the arrival of President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and his party. We were involved with the usual organizational and logistical arrangements relevant to such important occasions, as well as preparations and participation at the talks. With the Non-Aligned Conference approaching, President Kaunda’s visit was particularly important in relation to the discussions of African opinion and issues.
The Prime Minister had arranged an impressive state dinner in honour of the visiting President and party at President’s House in the Fort, with soft music provided by the Navy band. President Kaunda was jovial and relaxed, and very soon he and his delegation which included the Foreign Minister and other distinguished personalities, were clapping to the tune of the music. At the end of the dinner, after the speeches and toasts, President Kaunda got up and whilst thanking the Prime Minister again for a memorable evening called upon his delegation to stand and sing an African song, the name of which he suggested. Soon we were treated to a beautiful and haunting song sung by a number of deep baritone voices, with the visiting President outstanding. A very relaxed President Kaunda was trying to encourage the Prime Minister to initiate singing on our side. But one could see that she was somewhat shy. Altogether, it was a lovely evening.
There were other important visits during 1975. In July, President Echeverria of Mexico arrived. This visit was again, important from the point of view of a discussion on Non-Alignment and other international and bilateral issues. This visit was followed by the arrival of the Yugoslav Prime Minister in September, again extremely important, due to the impending Non-Aligned Conference, where President Tito was expected to play an important role. In November, the Secretary General of the Commonwealth Sonny Ramphal arrived. There were discussions, followed by a public lecture he delivered at the BMICH. He was an excellent speaker.
The middle of December witnessed the arrival of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan. He was polished, bright and an excellent speaker. The discussions were interesting and thorough and included the situation arising from the break up of Pakistan. In between these visits we had a number of other dignitaries visiting Sri Lanka, including Deputy Ministers from various countries and the Rt. Hon. Malcolm Macdonald of Britain. We therefore had much to do on the international front. In addition, preparations for the Non-Aligned Conference were now taking up a significant portion of our time.
The break-up of the coalition
On the domestic front a momentous change occurred. In September 1975, came the final break with the LSSP and that party left the government. As my previous comments would have indicated, this was not a sudden break. The interaction of personalities and issues in a negative direction was gradually leading towards this situation. There were undoubtedly differences that surfaced in many areas including constitutional matters; economic polices; nationalization issues and the pace and timing of policies that were even agreed upon.
But in the end, what I saw from my vantage point at least, was a serious problem of personal relations. In this, the Minister of Plantation Industries, and Constitutional Affairs Dr. Colvin R.de Silva, was an exception. He projected an image of propriety, reasonableness and courtliness, which the Prime Minister appreciated. The Minister of Communications, Hon. Leslie Goonewardena was a silent person by nature. He didn’t speak much, but the Prime Minister thought he was hard line. The fact that the stormy Vivienne Goonewardena, M.P. was his wife did not improve matters. There was a problem of chemistry.
The biggest problem, however, was Dr. N.M. Perera, the Minister of Finance. A D.Sc. from the London University, he was conscious of his intellectual standing. Unfortunately, in his dealings with the Prime Minister, he conveyed a sense of intellectual arrogance and even condescension. Whenever an argument occurred, he appeared to be talking down to the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister had no intellectual pretensions. But she was by now a seasoned politician and a charismatic leader, intelligent, quick on the uptake and much respected at home and abroad.
It was a serious error to treat her as some kind of lightweight. It was a personality flaw, which led to serious repercussions. This was amply demonstrated by the following reference in a statement made by the Prime Minister on the LSSP leaving the government. “There is another matter on which I should say a few words and that is, that unity within the United Front could only be possible on the basis of the acceptance of the leadership of the Prime Minister who is also the acknowledged leader of the United Front. I regret to say that during the last five years there have been several instances of reluctance to accept this fundamental necessity, particularly on the part of the Minister of Finance, who is the leader of the LSSP, as well as on the part of the Minister of Transport, perhaps to a lesser extent. I have with me several letters and documents which support this.” In the end, it was a collapse of chemistry.
This is not to say that Dr. Perera was some kind of boor. He was in many ways quite charming and a gentleman. I remember the occasion when I had invited him, in my capacity as the President of the Government Services’ Cricket Association to the distribution of shields and awards to the winners and runners up of the various Divisions under which the tournament was conducted. I did not invite him because he was Minister of Finance. I did so because of his background as a fine cricketer; a former President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Sri Lanka and as President of the Nondescripts Cricket Club (NCC) one of the leading Cricket Clubs in the country.
He graciously accepted the invitation, but fairly close to the date of the ceremony came down with pneumonia. I kept in touch with Sena Gunasekera his Private Secretary, because in case he could not come I had to invite someone else. Sena always replied that Dr. Perera said that he would somehow come and not let me down. I was quite touched by this. However, I told Sena to remind him that the function was to take place in the cool of a December evening, out in the open, since group photographs had to be taken, and in view of his bout of pneumonia, I would not advice the Minister to come. But Dr. Perera was determined to come, and in fact he did come wearing his customary suit and a thick pullover. Such was the graciousness of Dr. Perera.
The problem was, that at this time he appeared to be subject to considerable mood swings, from absolute charm at one end, to anger and asperity at the other. At the same time, he was quite a sport having the ability to laugh at a joke or barb directed against him. A classic instance of this was when the Cabinet was debating the issue of our de-linking from Sterling and linking the Rupee to a basket of currencies. The Cabinet Secretary told me of the most amusing episode that occurred at this meeting.
Dr. N.M. Perera as the Minister of Finance had given a most erudite lecture on this complex subject to his Cabinet colleagues reciting in the process economic history, explaining the workings of the gold standard, the current economic thinking of floating currencies, exchange rates, etc. Now everybody was aware that for quite sometime Dr. Perera was being lampooned in the press as “the golden brains.” At the conclusion of his learned lecture, there had been dead silence in the Cabinet. It had been evident that it had gone over the heads of many.
After the moment of silence, one Minister had stood up. He was dressed in white cloth and the flowing banian, of what we loosely term “the National dress.” The Minister was Hon. TB Tennekoon, Minister of Social Services, a Sinhala poet and excellent Sinhala speaker who did not pretend to know too much English. Mr. Tennekoon had addressed himself to the Prime Minister and said, “Madam Prime Minister, I did not understand a word of what the Finance Minister said. I think he referred several times to gold. All I know is that all the gold is abroad, but the brains are here!” This was vintage TB Tennekoon. It was a telling comment on “the golden brains.” The Cabinet had roared with laughter, the Minister of Finance being among the loudest. Such was the complex personality of Dr. Perera.
It would be unfair if I were to create the impression that among other things, Dr. Perera’s personality was almost the sole or principal factor that led to the breach with the LSSP. In my view, the Prime Minister must also share at least part of this responsibility. Those were days of very stringent Exchange Controls and the government did not favour much foreign travel. There also existed at this time a cumbersome process of obtaining “Exit Permits,” in order to leave the country. In this environment the Prime Minister was very strict about her Ministers traveling abroad. In fact she was too strict, and this was causing considerable irritation.
She also liked to check whether the Ministers were back on the day they had stated they would return. I remember an occasion when an indignant Prime Minister called me and asked me to check whether her Minister of Posts & Telecommunications, Mr. Kumarasuriar, was back from his visit abroad, because he had promised to return the previous day. When I checked I found that he was due the next day, that is, one and half days later than originally planned. The Prime Minister was quite upset at this.
I told her that she was being too strict with her Ministers on matters like this and that these were not major infringements. Sometimes a plane could be delayed, or there could be some other matter, which could cause a small delay. She was not prepared to agree with me. I told her that this was causing considerable irritation among her Ministers. She disagreed. She thought that they should be more responsible. I enjoyed complete freedom of speech with her, and on one occasion I told her “Madam, you are acting like the Principal of a school dealing with some errant pupils.” She enjoyed that.
This kind of thing unfortunately caused a degree of irritation and frustration among members of her Cabinet, more so in the case of persons such as Dr. N.M. Perera, who would have found these Prime Ministerial interventions carping, somewhat demeaning, and unnecessary in the case of someone of his stature. In the end, the break-up was accelerated as a result of personality conflicts and a rapidly eroding understanding and trust among the two main coalition parties. There was stubbornness on both sides, and once there is a diminution of trust even small matters tend to get magnified, and when there were two interpretations possible of a given matter, the more negative one tended to be given credence.
With the break up of the coalition, there was a Cabinet reshuffle, and once again, we were spending hours on the allocation of the new Departments, Subjects and Functions to Ministers. We also had to work on a major statement to Parliament by the Prime Minister on the reconstitution of the government.
1976, was quite hectic. The Prime Minister had to undertake a number of foreign visits. Elections were approaching in 1977 and there were many domestic political and economic issues that engaged her time and attention. Besides, the Non-Aligned Summit was due to take place in August, and the preparations for it were quite formidable.
Features
ANANDA COOMARASWAMY: HIS CONTRBUTION TO UNDERSTANDING ART
BY D.B.T. Kappagoda
Dr. Ananda Kentish Coomaaswamy was not an Indian by birth but in his writings he showed more than any scholar of his time that he had a wider understanding of the cultural heritage of India than most. He was the only child of Sir Muthu Coomaraswamy and English mother Elizabeth Clay Beeby, and he was born at Rhineland Place in Kollupitiya, on August 22, 1871.
His father Sir Muthu Coomaraswamy was the first non-Christian to be called to the English Bar and the first Asian Knighted by Queen Victoria, was a popular figure among the socialites in London and he also enjoyed the company of Lord Palmerston, Lord Tennyson and Benjamin Disraeli who portrayed him as Kusinara in one of his novels.
In Sri Lanka he was a leading member of the Legislative Council and he was responsible for the establishment of the Colombo Museum in 1871. He was well versed in Western classics as well as Pali, Sanskrit, Sinhala and Tamil. He translated Dhatavamsa (History of the Sacred Tooth relic of the Buddha) from Pali into English.
When his son Ananda was almost two years old, Sir Muthu Coomaraswamy died. And his son was brought up by his mother in England and sent to school, Wycliff College Stonehouse in Gloucestershire and later he entered University of London and graduated in Natural Sciences, Botany and Geology.
In 1903 he was appointed as the Director of Mineralogical Survey in Sri Lanka and served till 1907. His contribution to geology in Sri Lanka won him the Degree of Science of the London University, and later he was elected a Fellow.
During his official duties, he travelled widely across the country in search of minerals and in 1903 he discovered two minerals Serendibite and Thorianite at Gangapitiya in Gampola. The first discovery Serendibite was a new borosilicate which he described, “It was a beautiful blue colour discovered in narrow contact zones between acid moonstone bearing granulite and limestone which occur in alternating bonds at Gangapitiya.”
Thoriamite, the second mineral he discovered is a cubic mineral of high specific gravity which analysis proved to be a side of Thoriam and Uranium. The cubes were small (2/3 inch) and the colour is dark brown. The importance of this mineral is derived from its radio active properties.
During his travels around Kandy in search of minerals, he had the opportunity of visiting villages known for traditional arts and crafts. The age old arts and crafts practiced by the artisans threw new light on different aspects of Sinhalese culture.
The information he gathered went into his monumental book Medieval Sinhalese Art which he published in England in 1908. He compiled the manuscript with the help of his German wife Ethel Mary and published it at his expense under his supervision at the Essex House Press, Broad Campden Chapel in Gloucestershire.
The first impression of this compendium with 425 copies hand bound began its printing in September and was completed in 1908.The publication of his magnum opus has been hailed by scholars as a landmark for the revival of arts and culture of the Sinhalese.
The success of his maiden effort was due to his ability as a scholar to delve into the source to gather information objectively. Explaining the reason for him to write his book said, “It is a memorial of a period which the Sinhalese people were not willing to understand their cultural heritage.”
And, he added, “It is only to realize the ideals of the past, the possibility of a time recognition and revitalizing the national heritage of the Sinhalese.” According to his assessment the art of the Sinhalese medieval period was religious art and essentially the art of the people whose kings were one with religion and people.
He opined that the Sinhalese art is Indian in Character, hence there is a close affinity between Sri Lankan and Indian art. The studies he made revealed that Sri Lanka as “a perfect window through which to gaze on India’s past than any can find in India itself.”
Ananda Coomaraswamy, two years prior to his writing the Medieval Sinhalese Art said that he had a special interest in Sinhalese art and culture and he found in them a survival of the Aryan past and early Persian artistic traditions. Therefore for the preservation of art lost elsewhere, we owe our artisans much, for otherwise the world would be vastly poor in interest and ideals.
The first essay he wrote ‘Dance of Shiva’ displayed his artistic sensibility and sense of sublime, whereas Rabindranath Tagore pioneered the cultural experiment of Manipuri dancing at Shantiniketan. His creative writings include: History of Indian and Indonesian Painting and Rajput Painting are important for those who study art. His earlier book, Indian Dancing Mirror of Gestures, he wrote with the assistance of D. Gopala Krishnamacharia and his other notable book was Myths of Hindus and Buddhists he wrote in collaboration with Sister Nandita.
In 1943 he published ‘Why exhibit Works of Art’ showing his profound scholarship interpreting the Indian thought on art. Writing on Indian leaders he said, “Our leaders are already degenerated as Macauly could have been, wished them to be a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, morals and intellect because they have yet to discover India….”
The discriminate imposition of western civilization disturbed him and he wrote. “A single generation of English education succeeded in breaking the thread of tradition and caused nondescript and superficial beings depraved of roots….”
The close affinity of Indian and Sri Lankan cultures he found, “the curved boundary of leaf or stem or scroll has always a peculiar character of life and crispness not often sinking into more roundness or softness.” He also added, “Every stem and leaf of the liya vela ornaments of Ceylon and in details of South Indian architectural decoration is never realistic but based on observations or ideal forms.”
These curved forms of ornamentation were used by the Sinhalese craftsmen to depict energy and growth. According to Ananda Coomaraswamy, Sinhalese art is essentially Indian in outlook and Hindu in character. He found Kandyan art as a branch of Indian and the Kandyan architecture is similar to that of Kerala.
The folk art of the Sinhalese especially practiced by women is related to the motif and ritual of the embroidered Kantha of Bengal and this affinity helped to assess the Indian culture in true perspective.
He urged the Indian students studying overseas not to lose their culture, tradition and also identity and wrote on the political thought on spiritual power in theory of government. He also actively associated with a number of learned bodies in the East and West. He knew English, French, German, Latin, Greek Sanskrit, Pali, Sinhalese and Tamil.
He then abandoned his scientific research and devoted himself to the study of the arts and cultures of India and Sri Lanka, and published two monographs: The aims of Indian art, and Bronzes from Ceylon.
In 1905, he formed the Ceylon Reform Society to stress the great social and national traditions of the Sinhalese people and gave lectures and also wrote articles in the Ceylon National Review, of which he was its first Editor. He was the first to urge the use of National languages Sinhala and Tamil in education, and the preservation of indigenous arts and culture for posterity and modes of living.
He actively supported the agitation of his cousin Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan for the establishment of a Ceylon University. He finally resigned from the post of Director of Mineralogical Survey in 1907 and settled down in England but time and again visited India and Sri Lanka and had a close relationship with Rabindranath Tagore.
In 1910, he founded the Indian Society in London to provide a better appreciation of Greater India in the West. He wanted to have a museum built in Varanasi and donate his collection of artifacts to the government and people. Since there was no such prospects from the Indian government, he left for the USA in 1915 where he was appointed as Research Fellow at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts and later he became its curator of the Indian and Eastern section of the museum.
Under his guidance and supervision the Boston Museum acquired some of the finest collection of exhibits and he held this post until his retirement three months prior to his demise on September 9, 1947.
He lived to witness the dawn of Indian independence in 1947. During the last 15 years of the illustrious life he led from 1931 to 1947, he worked unceasingly devoting his time to writings. His publications were voluminous – more than 500 monographs including translations, critical evaluations on art and culture of India. The other writing of his cover a wide range of aspects of historical, sociological, philosophical and in the field of metaphysics.
In spite of his fame and recognition among the literati he remained modest about writing about himself saying “anything personal must not intrude in my work. It would be Aswargya to allow such things…..not I the I that I am but he is the part in me that should interest you.”
After his demise his wife Dona Luisa who edited some of his books he had almost finished, visited India in 1964, like a true Ardhanagi (partner) with his ashes to fulfill his last wish.
(DBT Kappagoda, No.221/3, Pallegunnepana, Polgolla)
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