Features
Between the Prescriptive and Descriptive: The Challenge for Dictionary Makers
A review of An English Language Primer Focused on Sri Lanka (Especially for Tamil Readers) by Prof. S.R.H. Hoole.
Foreword by: Prof. Charles Ponnuthurai Sarvan, Germany
Publisher: Baldaeus Theological College, Konesapuri, Trincomalee.
Printers: JR Industries, Uduvil.
Year of Publication: 2022. 340 pp. Rs. 1200 in Sri Lanka, 9786246077020.
(Available at Vijitha Yapa and Sarisavi)
By Suresh Canagarajah
Edwin Erle Sparks Professor,
Departments of Applied Linguistics and English,
Pennsylvania State University, USA.
It is said that the first lexicographer Samuel Johnson ushered a new orientation to language studies when he articulated his intention to document how English language is actually used in his Dictionary of the English language in 1755. Previously, it was the grammarians who held sway on any matters of usage or teaching of a language. The grammarians were prescriptivist in orientation. They articulated the norms of the language for handbooks, textbooks, and curriculum, which spelled out what was correct, according to their technical expertise. Lexicographers, on the other hand, claim their expertise as descriptive—i.e., documenting how grammar is diverse and changing in society, even when it deviates from what grammarians might find objectionable. This way of classifying their differences would also make us treat grammarians as conservative and lexicographers as progressive.
However, things are not so neat. Soon, dictionaries also started to be treated as prescribing norms. When our friends object to our speech and say “But that’s not in the dictionary!” they are treating the lexicographer as the final arbiter of grammatical judgements. Furthermore, it turned out that the judgements of grammarians were misguided because they treated Latin grammatical properties as the norm for English and other languages, based on Latin’s status as an educated lingua franca at that time. To further complicate the descriptive/prescriptive divide, there are different kinds of dictionaries. While dictionaries that feature semantics, etymology, and phonology are the standard ones and are relatively more descriptive, there are other dictionaries of usage (such as Merriam Webster’s Concise Dictionary of Usage or The Oxford Dictionary of American Usage and Style). These usage dictionaries distinguish between meanings to articulate how the usage might be changing, differ according to context (i.e., region or informality) and relate to style (written versus conversation). In these frankly subjective usage dictionaries, the authors have a strong presence and voice, articulating their own preferences. Their examples and descriptions can be conversational and anecdotal, deviating from the brevity and rigor of generic dictionaries.
There’s a new challenge for dictionary makers when English has now become a global lingua franca and nativized in many countries. English has a history of more than 200 years in many postcolonial communities, as in Sri Lanka. In these communities, English has developed local grammatical and lexical norms that are used by millions of speakers within the countries. Not surprisingly, there are now dictionaries of local English for Australia, Canada, Singapore, Nigeria, and the Bahamas. We are now beyond that point when we can debate whether anything other than British or American English should be accepted as legitimate. The famous Nigerian novelist Chinua Achebe once said that if English is a global language, it should be allowed to spread and diversify. If someone says a global language should be spoken like the British, they probably don’t appreciate the meaning of “global.”
That nativized Englishes are rule-governed, meaningful, and shared by millions of people leaves prescriptivists with a losing battle. Languages diversifying in new social, cultural, and environmental contexts is a fact of life. “Not deficient but different” has become the slogan among sociolinguists on how to assess postcolonial Englishes that deviate from British or American norms. Note that at one point even American English was perceived as a deficient slang by British people. It took Daniel Webster’s dictionary-making efforts to fight back against this bias and demonstrate that Americans had their local norms that were systematic.
This brief history brings us to the challenges of dictionary makers and language teachers in Sri Lanka. There are a lot of studies on Sri Lankan English now by leading scholars to demonstrate that many local lexical, grammatical, and phonological features are rule-governed. There is even a Dictionary of Sri Lankan English (published by Michael Meyler in 2007). However, when does a mistake become a norm? When does a deviation become regularized to be called Sri Lankan English? That takes a complex social, historical, and political process: i.e., social—many people start using this “deviation” as a norm and it becomes widespread; historical—over a long period of time such usage becomes patterned, regularized, and systematized; political—there is a policy or public opinion that develops an acceptance and even pride in the local norms. Once these processes occur, trying to stop such language change is like the story of King Canute trying to stop the waves with his mere presence (as once argued by the renowned languist Bernard Spolsky). In fact, Samuel Johnson himself wrote in his introduction to the first dictionary: “They that have frequent intercourse with strangers, to whom they endeavour to accommodate themselves, must in time learn a mingled dialect, like the jargon which serves the traffickers on the Mediterranean and Indian coasts. This will not always be confined to the exchange, the warehouse, or the port, but will be communicated by degrees to other ranks of the people, and be at last incorporated with the current speech.” He conceded that norms would change through the diversity of social interactions. However, since not all changes gain acceptance and normativity, there is value in conversations about which of them are acceptable or worth preservation. Textbooks, handbooks, dictionaries, and language teachers play no small role in the development of new norms.
Professor Hoole’s dictionary has the subtitle: “Raising Alarm Bells on Sri Lankan English” in the cover page. As we can see, a strong motivation for him to publish his usage dictionary is what he perceives as deviations from the British English. Though the title doesn’t announce itself as a dictionary, the main section in his book (Part 2) is titled “The Dictionary Section.” Part 1 introduces some grammatical terms which readers might find useful to understand the meanings elucidated in the dictionary section. The author’s preface is 14 pages long and gives useful information on his motivations for writing this book. He says that this book evolves from his experience teaching English to Tamil students in the Baldaeus Theological College. He has also focused on English corrections on his students’ writing while working as an Engineering lecturer at Peradeniya and the Jaffna University College. In this sense, this dictionary emerges from his practical experiences of observing the typical mistakes of Tamil students. He is also wise to target the dictionary to Tamil speakers as he is able to use Tamil in the book to illustrate the points or identify interference from the first language in the use of English. The dictionary features alphabetically organized words to explain differences between similar sounding terms, mistaken usage, fresh local coinages, and specialized registers. The book also features exercises to help readers distinguish words or identify the mistakes in local usage.
It is clear from the preface that Hoole was schooled in British English, both in Christian schools in Sri Lanka and during his graduate studies in the UK. He has had opportunities to be exposed to the norms of British English through social networks, education, and publications. He also describes the books he read as a child and dictionaries that accompanied him into graduate education, such as H. W. Fowler’s A Dictionary of Modern English Usage (Oxford, 1927). These background details indicate the preferences of the author in the spirit of full disclosure. Referring to errors in the local news media, he states that “reading Sri Lankan English is dangerous to our knowledge of English as bad grammar may be instilled in us in that process of reading bad English” (p. xxiv). He also narrates anecdotes of students from an elite school in Colombo using that ubiquitous Sri Lankanism “bugger” to refer to one’s father as “Pater Bugger”, and criticizes such usage.
It is revealing that Hoole spent much of his life with usage dictionaries such as Fowler’s. His publication is also a usage and style based dictionary, and not descriptive in orientation. The entries are chosen from words featuring frequent errors or confusions to Sri Lankans. In many of the entries, the author offers helpful clarifications. In cases of certain variants, he is reasonable in allowing Sri Lankanisms in less formal contexts, although his preference is for the more formal variant. See, for example, the entries in page 122:
Except, Except for
Both expressions, “Except” and “Except for,” mean excluding the noun that follows:
All of us ate to our full except my mother who felt a little tired.
All of us ate to our full except for my mother who felt a little tired.
Both expressions are said to be correct. But are they? By the Loquacity Rule, “except for” involves an unnecessary word “for,” a pleonasm, and is therefore not the preferred form.
Eyes, I saw with my own eyes
It is needless to say “with my own eyes” in the expression
I saw with my own eyes.
We have a pleonasm in the words “with my own eyes,” because we always see with our own eyes and not other people’s eyes. This is clearly from the Tamil expression, [Tamil example given here].
It is an expression that will, however, stay with us arguing that it is used for emphasis or to say that what the speaker saw refers to a first hand report. Be that as it may, “I saw” is usually good enough.
We can see the Engineering/Math professor in Hoole preferring more economical expressions. In the second example, however, he pragmatically recognizes that the use of “with my own eyes” has become part of local usage and concedes that it can be used for emphasis. It is laudable that the author recognizes the style and context variations in questionable words to allow for diversity.
But in some cases, he is a bit too strict. In page 142, he has the following entry:
How about “I come there”?
This phrase in the heading of this section, and illiterate phrases like it, take the place of the correct
How about my coming there?
How about has to be followed by a noun: How about this? Or How about that?
It is possible that Prof. Hoole might be overlooking the simple distinction between conversational/informal and written/formal usage here. Conversational English grammar doesn’t follow written syntax in even native speaker communities.
Hoole also becomes a bit too prescriptive in page 237 where he chides the common practice of referring to the newspaper as “paper.” He mentions that “paper” refers to the material in which the news is printed, and therefore cannot be used to stand for the newspaper. However, the electronic version of the New York Times announces on its web “Today’s Paper” as an option for readers to click. Similarly, in his treatment of phrases like Thank you very much and Thank you so much, Hoole explains:
However, to me, “so much” implies a comparison like pointing to some rice on a plate and saying I eat only “so much:” Therefore,
“Thank you so much” seems to thank a person a certain amount without saying what that amount is.
I therefore strongly recommend “Thank you very much.”
However, even the usage dictionaries of the British and Americans are more tolerant on this one. They generally state that “Thank you very much” is slightly more formal than “thank you so much”.
Others feel that “very” is a superlative word used to add more emphasis to the appreciation. Therefore, it is not preferred by more reserved speakers who reduce the emphasis with the use of “so.”
These points are meant to demonstrate how complex usage is, especially at the global level for a lingua franca, and not meant to slight Hoole’s painstaking effort in publishing this book.
One has to appreciate his generosity in going outside his field, motivated by a sincere interest in helping local students master English. That the book derives from his teaching, and is still used by him in the theology school, demonstrates that it is not a mere academic exercise. Unlike many books that end unread in bookshelves, this book will be used by teachers and students in Sri Lanka. When there is a dearth of publications from international publishers, compounded now by the unfair currency exchange and inflation, and the lack of an English language publisher in Jaffna, this locally produced book is one that many learners will be able to own—and even treat it as their daily toilet reading (the way Hoole himself read dictionaries when he was growing up, as he describes in his preface). Students can treat the disparity between British English and Sri Lankan English as not mutually exclusive but choices for different contexts. While Sri Lankan English will be used in in-group conversational contexts, those who interact with foreign tourists, business partners, or educational collaborators will appreciate a familiarity with British English. Globalization increasingly calls for “code switching” into different varieties, as speakers shuttle between different communities and contexts where diverse Englishes are used. Therefore, teachers who use this book can remind students of the contexts where the British and formal norms will be useful, and compare the pronouncements in the dictionary with variations in other communities and contexts. Thus Hoole’s dictionary can generate constructive discussions and lessons about language norms.
The author’s website: https://sites.psu.edu/canagarajah/
Features
Making ‘Sinhala Studies’ globally relevant
On 8 January 2026, I delivered a talk at an event at the University of Colombo marking the retirement of my longtime friend and former Professor of Sinhala, Ananda Tissa Kumara and his appointment as Emeritus Professor of Sinhala in that university. What I said has much to do with decolonising social sciences and humanities and the contributions countries like ours can make to the global discourses of knowledge in these broad disciplines. I have previously discussed these issues in this column, including in my essay, ‘Does Sri Lanka Contribute to the Global Intellectual Expansion of Social Sciences and Humanities?’ published on 29 October 2025 and ‘Can Asians Think? Towards Decolonising Social Sciences and Humanities’ published on 31 December 2025.
At the recent talk, I posed a question that relates directly to what I have raised earlier but drew from a specific type of knowledge scholars like Prof Ananda Tissa Kumara have produced over a lifetime about our cultural worlds. I do not refer to their published work on Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit languages, their histories or grammars; instead, their writing on various aspects of Sinhala culture. Erudite scholars familiar with Tamil sources have written extensively on Tamil culture in this same manner, which I will not refer to here.
To elaborate, let me refer to a several essays written by Professor Tissa Kumara over the years in the Sinhala language: 1) Aspects of Sri Lankan town planning emerging from Sinhala Sandesha poetry; 2) Health practices emerging from inscriptions of the latter part of the Anuradhapura period; 3) Buddhist religious background described in inscriptions of the Kandyan period; 4) Notions of aesthetic appreciation emerging from Sigiri poetry; 5) Rituals related to Sinhala clinical procedures; 6) Customs linked to marriage taboos in Sinhala society; 7) Food habits of ancient and medieval Lankans; and 8) The decline of modern Buddhist education. All these essays by Prof. Tissa Kumara and many others like them written by others remain untranslated into English or any other global language that holds intellectual power. The only exceptions would be the handful of scholars who also wrote in English or some of their works happened to be translated into English, an example of the latter being Prof. M.B. Ariyapala’s classic, Society in Medieval Ceylon.
The question I raised during my lecture was, what does one do with this knowledge and whether it is not possible to use this kind of knowledge profitably for theory building, conceptual and methodological fine-tuning and other such essential work mostly in the domain of abstract thinking that is crucially needed for social sciences and humanities. But this is not an interest these scholars ever entertained. Except for those who wrote fictionalised accounts such as unsubstantiated stories on mythological characters like Rawana, many of these scholars amassed detailed information along with their sources. This focus on sources is evident even in the titles of many of Prof. Tissa Kumara’s work referred to earlier. Rather than focusing on theorising or theory-based interpretations, these scholars’ aim was to collect and present socio-cultural material that is inaccessible to most others in society including people like myself. Either we know very little of such material or are completely unaware of their existence. But they are important sources of our collective history indicating what we are where we have come from and need to be seen as a specific genre of research.
In this sense, people like Prof. Tissa Kumara and his predecessors are human encyclopedias. But the knowledge they produced, when situated in the context of global knowledge production in general, remains mostly as ‘raw’ information albeit crucial. The pertinent question now is what do we do with this information? They can, of course, remain as it is. My argument however is this knowledge can be a serious source for theory-building and constructing philosophy based on a deeper understanding of the histories of our country and of the region and how people in these areas have dealt with the world over time.
Most scholars in our country and elsewhere in the region believe that the theoretical and conceptual apparatuses needed for our thinking – clearly manifest in social sciences and humanities – must necessarily be imported from the ‘west.’ It is this backward assumption, but specifically in reference to Indian experiences on social theory, that Prathama Banerjee and her colleagues observe in the following words: “theory appears as a ready-made body of philosophical thought, produced in the West …” As they further note, in this situation, “the more theory-inclined among us simply pick the latest theory off-the-shelf and ‘apply’ it to our context” disregarding its provincial European or North American origin, because of the false belief “that “‘theory’ is by definition universal.” What this means is that like in India, in countries like ours too, the “relationship to theory is dependent, derivative, and often deeply alienated.”
In a somewhat similar critique in his 2000 book, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Dipesh Chakrabarty points to the limitations of Western social sciences in explaining the historical experiences of political modernity in South Asia. He attempted to renew Western and particularly European thought “from and for the margins,” and bring in diverse histories from regions that were marginalised in global knowledge production into the mainstream discourse of knowledge. In effect, this means making histories of countries like ours relevant in knowledge production.
The erroneous and blind faith in the universality of theory is evident in our country too whether it is the unquestioned embrace of modernist theories and philosophies or their postmodern versions. The heroes in this situation generally remain old white men from Marx to Foucault and many in between. This indicates the kind of unhealthy dependence local discourses of theory owe to the ‘west’ without any attempt towards generating serious thinking on our own.
In his 2002 essay, ‘Dismal State of Social Sciences in Pakistan,’ Akbar Zaidi points out how Pakistani social scientists blindly apply imported “theoretical arguments and constructs to Pakistani conditions without questioning, debating or commenting on the theory itself.” Similarly, as I noted in my 2017 essay, ‘Reclaiming Social Sciences and Humanities: Notes from South Asia,’ Sri Lankan social sciences and humanities have “not seriously engaged in recent times with the dominant theoretical constructs that currently hold sway in the more academically dominant parts of the world.” Our scholars also have not offered any serious alternate constructions of their own to the world without going crudely nativistic or exclusivist.
This situation brings me back to the kind of knowledge that scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have produced. Philosophy, theory or concepts generally emerge from specific historical and temporal conditions. Therefore, they are difficult to universalise or generalise without serious consequences. This does not mean that some ideas would not have universal applicability with or without minor fine tuning. In general, however, such bodies of abstract knowledge should ideally be constructed with reference to the histories and contemporary socio-political circumstances
from where they emerge that may have applicability to other places with similar histories. This is what Banerjee and her colleagues proposed in their 2016 essay, ‘The Work of Theory: Thinking Across Traditions’. This is also what decolonial theorists such as Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel and Aníbal Quijano have referred to as ‘decolonizing Western epistemology’ and ‘building decolonial epistemologies.’
My sense is, scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have amassed at least some part of such knowledge that can be used for theory-building that has so far not been used for this purpose. Let me refer to two specific examples that have local relevance which will place my argument in context. Historian and political scientist Benedict Anderson argued in his influential 1983 book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism that notions of nationalism led to the creation of nations or, as he calls them, ‘imagined communities.’ For him, unlike many others, European nation states emerged in response to the rise of ‘nationalism’ in the overseas European settlements, especially in the Western Hemisphere. But it was still a form of thinking that had Europe at its center.
Comparatively, we can consider Stephen Kemper’s 1991 book, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life where the American anthropologist explored the ways in which Sinhala ‘national’ identity evolved over time along with a continual historical consciousness because of the existence of texts such as Mahawamsa. In other words, the Sinhala past manifests with social practices that have continued from the ancient past among which are chronicle-keeping, maintaining sacred places, and venerating heroes.
In this context, his argument is that Sinhala nationalism predates the rise of nationalist movements in Europe by over a thousand years, thereby challenging the hegemonic arguments such as those of Anderson, Ernest Gellner, Elie Kedourie and others who link nationalism as a modern phenomenon impacted by Europe in some way or another. Kemper was able to come to his interpretation by closely reading Lankan texts such as Mahawamsa and other Pali chronicles and more critically, theorizing what is in these texts. Such interpretable material is what has been presented by Prof. Tissa Kumara and others, sans the sing.
Similarly, local texts in Sinhala such as kadaim poth’ and vitti poth, which are basically narratives of local boundaries and descriptions of specific events written in the Dambadeniya and Kandyan periods are replete with crucial information. This includes local village and district boundaries, the different ethno-cultural groups that lived in and came to settle in specific places in these kingdoms, migratory events, wars and so on. These texts as well as European diplomatic dispatches and political reports from these times, particularly during the Kandyan period, refer to the cosmopolitanism in the Kandyan kingdom particularly its court, the military, town planning and more importantly the religious tolerance which even surprised the European observers and latter-day colonial rulers. Again, much of this comes from local sources or much less focused upon European dispatches of the time.
Scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have collected this kind of information as well as material from much older times and sources. What would the conceptual categories, such as ethnicity, nationalism, cosmopolitanism be like if they are reinterpreted or cast anew through these histories, rather than merely following their European and North American intellectual and historical slants which is the case at present? Among the questions we can ask are, whether these local idiosyncrasies resulted from Buddhism or local cultural practices we may not know much about at present but may exist in inscriptions, in ola leaf manuscripts or in other materials collected and presented by scholars such as Prof. Tissa Kumara.
For me, familiarizing ourselves with this under- and unused archive and employing them for theory-building as well as for fine-tuning what already exists is the main intellectual role we can play in taking our cultural knowledge to the world in a way that might make sense beyond the linguistic and socio-political borders of our country. Whether our universities and scholars are ready to attempt this without falling into the trap of crude nativisms, be satisfied with what has already been collected, but is untheorized or if they would rather lackadaisically remain shackled to ‘western’ epistemologies in the sense articulated by decolonial theorists remains to be seen.
Features
Extinction in isolation: Sri Lanka’s lizards at the climate crossroads
Climate change is no longer a distant or abstract threat to Sri Lanka’s biodiversity. It is already driving local extinctions — particularly among lizards trapped in geographically isolated habitats, where even small increases in temperature can mean the difference between survival and disappearance.
According to research by Buddhi Dayananda, Thilina Surasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna, Sri Lanka’s narrowly distributed lizards are among the most vulnerable vertebrates in the country, with climate stress intensifying the impacts of habitat loss, fragmentation and naturally small population sizes.
Isolation Turns Warming into an Extinction Trap
Sri Lanka’s rugged topography and long geological isolation have produced extraordinary levels of reptile endemism. Many lizard species are confined to single mountains, forest patches or rock outcrops, existing nowhere else on Earth. While this isolation has driven evolution, it has also created conditions where climate change can rapidly trigger extinction.
“Lizards are especially sensitive to environmental temperature because their metabolism, activity patterns and reproduction depend directly on external conditions,” explains Suranjan Karunarathna, a leading herpetologist and co-author of the study. “When climatic thresholds are exceeded, geographically isolated species cannot shift their ranges. They are effectively trapped.”
The study highlights global projections indicating that nearly 40 percent of local lizard populations could disappear in coming decades, while up to one-fifth of all lizard species worldwide may face extinction by 2080 if current warming trends persist.
- Cnemaspis_gunawardanai (Adult Female), Pilikuttuwa, Gampaha District
- Cnemaspis_ingerorum (Adult Male), Sithulpauwa, Hambantota District
- Cnemaspis_hitihamii (Adult Female), Maragala, Monaragala District
- Cnemaspis_gunasekarai (Adult Male), Ritigala, Anuradapura District
- Cnemaspis_dissanayakai (Adult Male), Dimbulagala, Polonnaruwa District
- Cnemaspis_kandambyi (Adult Male), Meemure, Matale District
Heat Stress, Energy Loss and Reproductive Failure
Rising temperatures force lizards to spend more time in shelters to avoid lethal heat, reducing their foraging time and energy intake. Over time, this leads to chronic energy deficits that undermine growth and reproduction.
“When lizards forage less, they have less energy for breeding,” Karunarathna says. “This doesn’t always cause immediate mortality, but it slowly erodes populations.”
Repeated exposure to sub-lethal warming has been shown to increase embryonic mortality, reduce hatchling size, slow post-hatch growth and compromise body condition. In species with temperature-dependent sex determination, warming can skew sex ratios, threatening long-term population viability.
“These impacts often remain invisible until populations suddenly collapse,” Karunarathna warns.
Tropical Species with No Thermal Buffer
The research highlights that tropical lizards such as those in Sri Lanka are particularly vulnerable because they already live close to their physiological thermal limits. Unlike temperate species, they experience little seasonal temperature variation and therefore possess limited behavioural or evolutionary flexibility to cope with rapid warming.
“Even modest temperature increases can have severe consequences in tropical systems,” Karunarathna explains. “There is very little room for error.”
Climate change also alters habitat structure. Canopy thinning, tree mortality and changes in vegetation density increase ground-level temperatures and reduce the availability of shaded refuges, further exposing lizards to heat stress.
Narrow Ranges, Small Populations
Many Sri Lankan lizards exist as small, isolated populations restricted to narrow altitudinal bands or specific microhabitats. Once these habitats are degraded — through land-use change, quarrying, infrastructure development or climate-driven vegetation loss — entire global populations can vanish.
“Species confined to isolated hills and rock outcrops are especially at risk,” Karunarathna says. “Surrounding human-modified landscapes prevent movement to cooler or more suitable areas.”
Even protected areas offer no guarantee of survival if species occupy only small pockets within reserves. Localised disturbances or microclimatic changes can still result in extinction.
Climate Change Amplifies Human Pressures
The study emphasises that climate change will intensify existing human-driven threats, including habitat fragmentation, land-use change and environmental degradation. Together, these pressures create extinction cascades that disproportionately affect narrowly distributed species.
“Climate change acts as a force multiplier,” Karunarathna explains. “It worsens the impacts of every other threat lizards already face.”
Without targeted conservation action, many species may disappear before they are formally assessed or fully understood.
Science Must Shape Conservation Policy
Researchers stress the urgent need for conservation strategies that recognise micro-endemism and climate vulnerability. They call for stronger environmental impact assessments, climate-informed land-use planning and long-term monitoring of isolated populations.
“We cannot rely on broad conservation measures alone,” Karunarathna says. “Species that exist in a single location require site-specific protection.”
The researchers also highlight the importance of continued taxonomic and ecological research, warning that extinction may outpace scientific discovery.
A Vanishing Evolutionary Legacy
Sri Lanka’s lizards are not merely small reptiles hidden from view; they represent millions of years of unique evolutionary history. Their loss would be irreversible.
“Once these species disappear, they are gone forever,” Karunarathna says. “Climate change is moving faster than our conservation response, and isolation means there are no second chances.”
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Online work compatibility of education tablets
Enabling Education-to-Income Pathways through Dual-Use Devices
The deployment of tablets and Chromebook-based devices for emergency education following Cyclone Ditwah presents an opportunity that extends beyond short-term academic continuity. International experience demonstrates that the same category of devices—when properly governed and configured—can support safe, ethical, and productive online work, particularly for youth and displaced populations. This annex outlines the types of online jobs compatible with such devices, their technical limitations, and their strategic national value within Sri Lanka’s recovery and human capital development agenda.
Compatible Categories of Online Work
At the foundational level, entry-level digital jobs are widely accessible through Android tablets and Chromebook devices. These roles typically require basic digital literacy, language comprehension, and sustained attention rather than advanced computing power. Common examples include data tagging and data validation tasks, AI training activities such as text, image, or voice labelling, online surveys and structured research tasks, digital form filling, and basic transcription work. These activities are routinely hosted on Google task-based platforms, global AI crowdsourcing systems, and micro-task portals operated by international NGOs and UN agencies. Such models have been extensively utilised in countries including India, the Philippines, Kenya, and Nepal, particularly in post-disaster and low-income contexts.
At an intermediate level, freelance and gig-based work becomes viable, especially when Chromebook tablets such as the Lenovo Chromebook Duet or Acer Chromebook Tab are used with detachable keyboards. These devices are well suited for content writing and editing, Sinhala–Tamil–English translation work, social media management, Canva-based design assignments, and virtual assistant roles. Chromebooks excel in this domain because they provide full browser functionality, seamless integration with Google Docs and Sheets (including offline drafting and later (synchronization), reliable file upload capabilities, and stable video conferencing through platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom. Freelancers across Southeast Asia and Africa already rely heavily on Chromebook-class devices for such work, demonstrating their suitability in bandwidth- and power-constrained environments.
A third category involves remote employment and structured part-time work, which is also feasible on Chromebook tablets when paired with a keyboard and headset. These roles include online tutoring support, customer service through chat or email, research assistance, and entry-level digital bookkeeping. While such work requires a more consistent internet connection—often achievable through mobile hotspots—it does not demand high-end hardware. The combination of portability, long battery life, and browser-based platforms makes these devices adequate for such employment models.
Functional Capabilities and Limitations
It is important to clearly distinguish what these devices can and cannot reasonably support. Tablets and Chromebooks are highly effective for web-based jobs, Google Workspace-driven tasks, cloud platforms, online interviews conducted via Zoom or Google Meet, and the use of digital wallets and electronic payment systems. However, they are not designed for heavy video editing, advanced software development environments, or professional engineering and design tools such as AutoCAD. This limitation does not materially reduce their relevance, as global labour market data indicate that approximately 70–75 per cent of online work worldwide is browser-based and fully compatible with tablet-class devices.
Device Suitability for Dual Use
Among commonly deployed devices, the Chromebook Duet and Acer Chromebook Tab offer the strongest balance between learning and online work, making them the most effective all-round options. Android tablets such as the Samsung Galaxy Tab A8 or A9 and the Nokia T20 also perform reliably when supplemented with keyboards, with the latter offering particularly strong battery endurance. Budget-oriented devices such as the Xiaomi Redmi Pad remain suitable for learning and basic work tasks, though with some limitations in sustained productivity. Across all device types, battery efficiency remains a decisive advantage.
Power and Energy Considerations
In disaster-affected and power-scarce environments, tablets outperform conventional laptops. A battery life of 10–12 hours effectively supports a full day of online work or study. Offline drafting of documents with later synchronisation further reduces dependence on continuous connectivity. The use of solar chargers and power banks can extend operational capacity significantly, making these devices particularly suitable for temporary shelters and community learning hubs.
Payment and Income Feasibility in the Sri Lankan Context
From a financial inclusion perspective, these devices are fully compatible with commonly used payment systems. Platforms such as PayPal (within existing national constraints), Payoneer, Wise, LankaQR, local banking applications, and NGO stipend mechanisms are all accessible through Android and ChromeOS environments. Notably, many Sri Lankan freelancers already conduct income-generating activities entirely via mobile devices, confirming the practical feasibility of tablet-based earning.
Strategic National Value
The dual use of tablets for both education and income generation carries significant strategic value for Sri Lanka. It helps prevent long-term dependency by enabling families to rebuild livelihoods, creates structured earning pathways for youth, and transforms disaster relief interventions into resilience-building investments. This approach supports a human resource management–driven recovery model rather than a welfare-dependent one. It aligns directly with the outcomes sought by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour and HRM reform initiatives, and broader national productivity and competitiveness goals.
Policy Positioning under the Vivonta / PPA Framework
Within the Vivonta/Proprietary Planters Alliance national response framework, it is recommended that these devices be formally positioned as “Learning + Livelihood Tablets.” This designation reflects their dual public value and supports a structured governance approach. Devices should be configured with dual profiles—Student and Worker—supplemented by basic digital job readiness modules, clear ethical guidance on online work, and safeguards against exploitation, particularly for vulnerable populations.
Performance Indicators
From a monitoring perspective, the expected reach of such an intervention is high, encompassing students, youth, and displaced adults. The anticipated impact is very high, as it directly enables the transition from education to income generation. Confidence in the approach is high due to extensive global precedent, while the required effort remains moderate, centering primarily on training, coordination, and platform curation rather than capital-intensive investment.
We respectfully invite the Open University of Sri Lanka, Derana, Sirasa, Rupavahini, DP Education, and Janith Wickramasinghe, National Online Job Coach, to join hands under a single national banner—
“Lighting the Dreams of Sri Lanka’s Emerging Leaders.”
by Lalin I De Silva, FIPM (SL) ✍️
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Business2 days agoKoaloo.Fi and Stredge forge strategic partnership to offer businesses sustainable supply chain solutions
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Business6 days agoDialog and UnionPay International Join Forces to Elevate Sri Lanka’s Digital Payment Landscape
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Editorial1 day agoThe Chakka Clash
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News6 days agoSajith: Ashoka Chakra replaces Dharmachakra in Buddhism textbook
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Features6 days agoThe Paradox of Trump Power: Contested Authoritarian at Home, Uncontested Bully Abroad
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Features6 days agoSubject:Whatever happened to (my) three million dollars?
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Business2 days agoSLT MOBITEL and Fintelex empower farmers with the launch of Yaya Agro App
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Features1 day agoOnline work compatibility of education tablets







