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Appointment to the National Salaries Commission and many others adding to already heavy work load

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My association with committees and commissions of inquiry was still not over. On April 26, 1995, I was appointed to the National Salaries Commission as a Member. The Salaries Commission was appointed by warrant issued under the hand of the President under the provisions of the Commissions of Inquiry Act. The Members of the -commission listed in the warrant were as follows:

Mr. B.C. Perera, former Civil Servant and Ambassador (Chairman), W.D. Gunasekera, former Judge of the Supreme Court, M.D.D. Pieris, Secretary to the Ministry of Education and Higher Education, Cyril Gamage, former Civil Servant and at the time Chairman of the Salaries and Cadres Committee, Professor (Dr.) Dayasiri Fernando, R.N. Asirvathan, Chartered Accountant and at the time Chairman, Bank of Ceylon, P.A.M. Deraniyagala, Senior Engineer and at the time Chairman of the State Engineering Corporation and later of the Ceylon Electricity Board, Major General M.C.H. Fernando, who had retired from the Army and A.R.L. Wijesekera, a senior officer of the Scientific Service and former Government Analyst.

The Secretary to the Commission was senior public servant Mr. D. Wijesinghe, who at the time of this writing is Secretary to the Cabinet.

The Terms of Reference were comprehensive and broad. They were as follows:

(1) To review the Salary Structures, allowances and other forms of remuneration, concessions and related matters of Public Officers, Judicial Officers and Employees of Statutory Boards or Corporations paid out of the Consolidated Fund, with a view to ensuring a contented Public Service required for the efficient and honest discharge of public duties, having regard to:

(a) The cost of living, inflation and minimum living wage;

(b) The necessity to provide for the increasing need for specialization in Administration, Professional, Scientific and Technical skills so as to efficiently cater to all the activities in the Public Sector and the need to ensure that such skills are suitably recognized and adequately remunerated;

(c) Changes in the local job market in respect of skills currently required in the Public Service;

(d) Salary structural relationships among professional and occupational groups in neighbouring countries;

(e) Existing salary structural relationships among professional and occupational groups in the overall Public Sector and the need for their review and rationalization;

(f) Any anomalies created by ad hoc increases in remuneration and benefits that have been granted to sectors and sections of the Public Service and any other anomalies in the salary structure;

(g) The need to introduce principles of remuneration, including flexibility, to enable the Public Sector to be more responsive and efficient;

(h) The financial resources available to the Government and any equitable considerations that may be taken into account.

(2) To make recommendation on the basis of such review, for the comprehensive revision of salaries, allowances and other forms of remuneration and benefits to all employees in the Services referred to in paragraph (1) above and any other matters incidental to the Terms of Reference.

(3) To study and make recommendations as to the polices and measures that need to be taken to avoid ad hoc, unstudied, and uncoordinated adjustments and changes in salary structures in the Public Service.

The President wanted a report within five months. This was a massive task. The government also wanted us to look into the salary structure of the armed forces. The total number of employees that came within the terms of reference of the commission included 558,685 employees of the public service including employees of Provincial Councils and Local Authorities, 45,848 employees in Boards and Corporations falling within the purview of the commission; and over 100,000 service personnel. When the commission began its sittings the government also referred several other specific issues relating to public service salaries for its consideration.

The commission received 2,568 representations in response to a public invitation through the media, of which 822 or 32 per cent were from trade unions, federations of trade unions and professional associations. The commission was assisted by a carefully selected small core staff of considerable experience in the matters under inquiry. The commission arranged for special studies when necessary.

In these it was assisted by the Department of Census and Statistics, the Central Bank and in one instance by the Graduate Studies Department of the University of Colombo. We also obtained through the good offices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and through many of our embassies, information in regard to public service salary structures from Singapore, India, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Malaysia.

The commission sat on several days to hear oral representations from relevant trade unions, federations and associations. In all, we sat through 49 long meetings. For this purpose we had to meet on Saturdays, public holidays and on many occasions after normal office hours. The task also required extensive reading of memoranda, studies, statistical tables, etc., on a regular basis. I used to read a great deal of these in the car whilst commuting. In the end the commission issued a closely printed 113 page report, which with annexures came to 196 pages.

The commission was chaired most efficiently by Mr. B.C. Perera. He was an administrator with great experience and a former Secretary to the Ministry of Health and a former Ambassador. He knew the public service well. Both Mr. Perera and the Secretary Mr. Wijesinghe showed great diligence and worked very hard to meet deadlines. The Commissioners themselves coming from diverse backgrounds and a multiplicity of disciplines worked harmoniously together.

They were of the maturity, experience and standing to look at wage and salary issues nationally and not parochially. Although the task entrusted to us was quite onerous and the time given limited and everyone had to work quite hard sacrificing much of their leisure, it was a pleasant experience because of the camaraderie and mutual respect that existed amongst us.

Cloaks only, no daggers

I have already mentioned the many different responsibilities a Secretary had to shoulder, and the numerous governing Boards and Councils that I as Secretary to the Ministry of Education and Higher Education had either to chair or be a member of, in addition to my normal duties. It took me a while to discover that representation on some entailed ancillary duties. This time these were of a ceremonial nature, but they still had to be performed.

The National Institute of Education amongst its multifarious tasks also awarded diplomas and degrees in Education. It was a recognized degree awarding institution. The colleges of education awarded a diploma after a two year full time residential course and a year’s practical teacher training. The practice was that after the final examinations there was a convocation for these graduates and diplomates, which the parents also attended. According to convention and practice, the Secretary, who was also the Director General of Education had to perform the role of a Chancellor of a University on these occasions.

There was a special academic dress which one had to wear at these convocations. The first time I was faced with this situation, I refused to wear an academic dress. I said that I was a Civil Servant and not an academic and that I would come in a suit. This horrified the organizers and virtually under duress I had to wear an elaborate cloak. I told my colleagues that when my friends see me on TV in this dress they would think that I had taken leave of my senses. I could see however that being adamant or stubborn was useless. There was no option to being decked out in robes. I therefore went through a few occasions of relative discomfort in the interests of duty.

Fundamental rights

To complicate one’s life further was the fairly recent upsurge of fundamental rights applications before the Supreme Court. It appeared that almost any act of appointment, transfer or discipline led to the filing of a fundamental rights application. In a large Ministry like Education the numbers of such applications were fairly heavy. This meant a special load of work on the Additional Secretary Administration. It also meant not an insignificant amount of time off me.

The reason for this was that every application had the Minister as the first respondent and the Secretary as the second. This resulted in the necessity for us to forward affidavits to the Attorney General, which then reached the relevant State Counsel handling the case for us. Sometimes the matter was important enough for the subject to be handled by senior lawyers in the Attorney General’s Department, and for consultations to take place, some of which I personally had to attend.

There was the further irritation and the disruption to work caused by the relatively short lead time available for the affidavit to be submitted. Generally, by the time when an affidavit reached me for my signature the deadline was almost upon us, and I had to stop whatever work I was doing to rapidly read through it, interrupted in its course by several telephone calls, or sometimes a Member of Parliament walking into my room or some other disturbance.

Although by now we were trained to concentrate amidst disturbances, this was not easy. The fact that some affidavits ran into several pages in response to the averments in the fundamental rights application, made matters worse. In these matters one had to exercise diligence to the extent possible because these were documents that were to be filed before the Supreme Court of the country. There were in effect two issues that one had to bear in mind. The first was the respect one had for the court. The second was one’s own position and standing in the administration and the eternally important issue of one’s credibility in the eyes of the court.

On rare occasions though something comes up which threatens to disrupt these considerations. An affidavit landed on my table one day which I found it impossible to subscribe to. When I discussed matters with the Additional Secretary concerned I was told that after consulting counsel, my affidavit was prepared to support the Minister’s position. I pointed out my difficulty in doing so and stated that I could aver to only a few matters within my knowledge, and that I could not aver to fiction.

The additional Secretary was in a difficulty because if my affidavit did not contain the material typed in it, in his opinion the Minister would have had a problem. I said I would speak to the Attorney General, who was Mr. Shibly Aziz, PC. I knew Shibly and had worked with him on various cases in the past. I phoned and told him to kindly sort this problem out, because I was not prepared, under any circumstances to swear to an affidavit which I knew to be inaccurate. He was most sympathetic, personally handled the matter, so that I was able ultimately to sign to the best of my knowledge a truthful but much shorter document.

The disturbance and the impact of personnel matters did not stop at fundamental rights applications. There were times I had to appear before the Human Rights Commission, and the Public Petitions Committee in Parliament. All this meant prior preparation and time. Sometimes, these meetings led to a request for further information and attendance at further meetings. It must be said however that the members of both the commission and the Parliamentary Committee were extremely courteous and understanding, and this to an extent mitigated the pressures one faced.

I had once again to appear before the High Posts Committee in Parliament, a committee consisting of Ministers and senior Members of Parliament from all parties represented in Parliament. This was for the purpose of enabling the committee to judge as to whether I was suitable to hold the present “high” post. As on previous occasions, the members seemed somewhat embarrassed in calling me up. They were most courteous and kind, stated that they had to call me as a matter of formality, said they had no questions to ask, apologized for taking me away from my work and sent me away.

Committee on the allocation of the subject of technical education between ministries

After my appointment to the Salaries Commission I thought that I would enjoy some respite from appointment to any more commissions or committees. I was however wrong. A serious problem had arisen because of the decision by the government to allocate the subject of Technical Education to the Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training. Technical Education was at the time a responsibility of the Higher Education section of the Ministry of Education and Higher Education. The aim of the government was to transfer this subject to the Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training pending the setting up of an entirely new Ministry of Human Resource Development.

The proposed transfer was vehemently opposed by the students who were following the Diploma courses and the Higher National Diploma courses in the Technical Colleges. They strongly felt that their transfer away from Higher Education to Labour was a loss of prestige and would result in a devaluation of their diplomas which could have repercussions in the job market. Some of the lecturing staff were also opposed. Matters were getting to the point of street demonstrations, when the President called up a meeting of the two Ministries, as well as lecturer trade unions and representatives of student groups.

The diploma students were adamant. Therefore, a tentative decision was taken to retain the Diploma and the Higher National Diploma courses under Higher Education, and transfer the certificate and other courses to the Ministry of Labour. The dividing line was the GCE Advanced Level examination. All courses which required the Advanced Level qualifications were to be retained under Higher Education. Other courses were to be the responsibility of the other Ministry. This however necessitated going into a number of difficult questions of implementation including the sharing of the resources of the existing Technical Colleges by the two Ministries and the fixing of numerous responsibilities.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️



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The significance of “Control” in foreign relations

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US Assistant Secretary of State South and Central Asian Affairs, Paul Kapur, Deputy Defence Minister Aruna Jayaskera, and Navy Commande Vice Admiral Kanchana Banagoda and others aboard SLNS Gajabahu.

Foreign Relations are all about “Control” particularly in the context of Relations between Major Powers such as the USA, China and India and small sovereign States such as Sri Lanka. While in the case of such relations, benefits to both parties are inevitable, the need to do so is invariably driven by the national interests of the Major Powers because their interests far outweigh those of small States. This mismatch of interests is what calls for “Control” of relations by Major Powers

The advice to Sri Lanka by Foreign Relations experts thus far has been to balance challenges arising from such Relations, not realising that the compulsions driven by the interests of Major Powers are such that balancing by itself does not have the needed capabilities to overcome the consequences arising from Major Power Rivalries; a fact evidenced by the recent Middle East war.

For instance, the need for the USA to strengthen the capabilities of the Sri Lankan Navy is driven by the strategic location of Sri Lanka since it is the gateway to the Indo-Pacific. Notwithstanding such motivations, it cannot be denied that the infrastructure provided to Sri Lanka’s Navy was handy to meet internal challenges as it was during the final stages of the Armed Conflict to destroy arsenals of the LTTE out at sea and the capacity to meet both external and internal threats to and within Sri Lanka.

Similarly, one of China’s primary interests is its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end, China has established a solid foot print in Sri Lanka by building and owning solid infrastructure projects for 99 years and more, if it is in China’s interest. However, although benefits from such projects cannot be denied, the open question is whether their scale was established to suit China’s interests or sought by Sri Lanka to suit Sri Lanka’s interests. For instance, the offer to build a 200,000 barrels a day Refinery by Sinopec of China has more to do with serving China’s interests, in view of the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to expand the Refinery at Sapugaskanda to 100,000 barrels a day.

In the case of India, the issues are more complex arising from Sri Lanka’s proximity to India, the cultural and historical heritage shared by both and the presence of the Tamil community in both countries. Consequently, India is extremely conscious of the need to keep a sharp eye and “Control” developments taking place in Sri Lanka in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Major Powers. This concern is driven by the notion that the territorial security of India is dependent on Sri Lanka’s Relations with Major Powers; a concern that arises from India’s past territorial history where the territory of India was transformed from a motley group of Princely States into one unified sub-continent and then partitioned into two Nation States under the British Raj. Consequently, the present territory of India has been in existence only since its independence from Colonial Rule in 1947. Hence, the fear of history repeating itself is driven by internal compulsions and by external interventions.

US – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

Against the background of Geopolitical interests presented above, Sri Lanka adopted the Policy of Neutrality in 2019 and this Government continues to exercise and live by its Internationally recognised principles, as it did when Sri Lanka denied landing rights to US Aircraft during the Middle East conflict. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister stated that Sri Lanka was “always neutral” when he met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs to convey Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the assistance rendered to procure fuel during the Middle East crisis and for the maritime vessels and aircraft gifted to Sri Lanka (Daily News, June 23, 2026).

In the meantime, The Island has reported that the “US declares SLN its Indo-Pacific Partner” (June 25, 2026). A statement issued by the US Embassy in Colombo quotes the Assistant Secretary of State as having stated: “Today, we announced the delivery of US satellite communication technology to the Sri Lankan Navy, our Indo-Pacific partner: This secure, real-time connection—representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lankan Navy-– will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels…” (Ibid).

There is no doubt whatsoever that these assets would collectively boost the capabilities of the SL Navy to “strengthen maritime domain awareness, improve operational coordination, support emergency response, help interdict vessels engaged in illicit trafficking etc.” (Ibid). However, the unilateral declaration by US that the SL Navy is a “Indo-Pacific Partner” of the US has NO validity unless such a declaration has the approval of the SL Government. Furthermore, such an approval by the SL Government would compromise its Policy of Neutrality to which the country has pledged.

Therefore, the declaration should be accompanied with a caveat, that being, that the partnership should NOT extend to the entirety of the Indo-Pacific but be limited to Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEC). It is only then that the SL Government is Internationally entitled to exercise its rights as a Neutral State, namely, to protect its territory under the UN Law of the Sea. Furthermore, considering the extent of Sri Lanka’s EEC in relation to the extent of the Indian Ocean, the Partnership would be proportionate.

CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

China’s interest is to consolidate its interests in its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end it has attempted to exercise “Control” over Sri Lanka by offering infrastructure projects of a scale that benefits China rather than Sri Lanka as evidenced by the example of the offer by Sinopec Refinery cited above. This example demonstrate that Sri Lanka should be faulted for accepting projects offered without question and when questioned, based on local evaluations of scale to meet Sri Lankan needs as in the case of the existing Refinery at Sapugaskanda, the scale of projects become significantly less. The lesson to be learnt from this experience is that no project offered should be accepted without question in respect of its suitability to Sri Lanka in all respects, if Sri Lanka is not to become a victim of self-inflicted debt traps.

INDIA –SRI LANKA RELATIONS

How India “Controls” Sri Lanka is by making Sri Lanka politically and economically vulnerable and dependent on India, not only through physical connectivity, but also by being a handmaiden in internal political arrangements where power is devolved to Provinces that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity (13th Amendment) and also by focusing development that benefit the Tamil community in Sri Lanka. The end result is to keep relations between communities in Sri Lanka on the “boil”, much against the interests of Sri Lanka to function as a united Nation State.

The proposal to connect Sri Lanka with India with under-water pipelines to transfer petroleum products from the Middle East and Power Grids would make Sri Lanka vulnerable and dependent on India as Germany was with Natural Gas from Russia when Nord-Stream I and II were sabotaged. Similarly, the road access through a Land Bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka would legalize access between the two countries that today takes place illegally because of the disparity in wages and livelihoods.

Despite such possible outcomes, there is a concerted effort by individuals and a body of NGOs who are of the opinion that it is in the best interests of Sri Lanka for Sri Lanka to hitch its wagons to the rising star of India. Others are grateful to India as the first responder to Sri Lanka at times of need, mindless of the weekly destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources etc. caused by thousands of fishing boats from India resorting to illegal fishing practices whose value over the years are beyond assessment.

CONCLUSIION

The reason for the recent conflict in the Middle East is all about “Control” of Nation States by Major Powers in pursuit of their Geopolitical interests. The need to “Control” Sri Lanka by the US is because of Sri Lanka’s location to the Indo-Pacific and by China because Sri Lanka is a vital link to its Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, Relations with India are influenced and guided by India’s obsession with the sustainability of its territorial integrity because that is what makes India a Major Power. The survival of Sri Lanka in such a complex background depends on how astutely Sri Lanka protects its Policy of Neutrality.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

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“Sir”: A prefix or a suffix in Sri Lanka?

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A file picture of King Charles making Sir Stephen Hough a Knight Bachelor at Windsor Castle.

The word “Sir” is classically and linguistically associated with Great Britain and His Majesty’s English Language. As an esteemed prefix, it generally refers to a Knight, but very strictly speaking, that is perhaps a rather narrow and restricted synonym. While a Knight of the British Empire is the most common type of knight people encounter today, Great Britain actually has several different orders of knighthood, as well as an ancient rank that does not belong to any such order at all.

When someone is dubbed a knight in Britain and referred to as “Sir” X, Y or Z, they generally fall into one of three categories. The first is a Knight Bachelor, undoubtedly the oldest rank. This is the most common form of knighthood awarded for public service, arts, or science. In that context, one should think of Sir Elton John, Sir Paul McCartney, or Sir Ian McKellen. It is not a part of an explicit “Order”, like that of the British Empire. It is the oldest mechanical form of knighthood, dating back to the 13th century under King Henry III. The recipients are simply styled as Sir, followed by the first name, such as Sir Ian, without any post-nominal letters like KBE or OBE attached to the end of their name.

The second is a Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE). This is a specific group, established relatively recently in 1917 by King George V, to fill a gap for rewarding civilian and military effort during World War I. To qualify to be called “Sir” within this specific order, a man must be appointed as a Knight Commander (KBE) or a Knight Grand Cross (GBE).

The third is a group of Chivalric Orders, the so-called Elite and Ancient Orders. Several highly exclusive, ancient orders of knighthood sit much higher in precedence than the Order of the British Empire. These include the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the pinnacle of British honours founded in 1348, and scrupulously limited to the Monarch, the Prince of Wales, and only 24 other companion members. Then there is the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, the highest chivalric honour in Scotland. The last of this group is the Most Honourable Order of the Bath; typically awarded to high-ranking military officers and senior civil servants.

The Summary Rule of this entire scenario is that every Knight of the British Empire (KBE) is a British Knight, but not every British Knight is a Knight of the British Empire. If you see a modern British knight who does not have military or diplomatic ties, odds are high that they are actually a Knight Bachelor.

With reference to the title of this presentation, now for the flip side of this, as we see things in our region of the globe. In Great Britain, it is the standard form of address to refer to a Knight as Sir John, Sir Ian etc. However, in Sri Lanka, as well as in the Indian sub-continent, very often people use the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix to honour someone and frequently use “X Sir”; the name followed by the word “Sir” as a suffix or postfix.

It is a fascinating linguistic oddity, and Sri Lanka is definitely not alone in this, and most definitely, we are second to none in that outlook. While using “Sir” as a suffix or postfix (e. g., De Silva Sir, Nihal Sir) completely cartwheels over the standard British etiquette, where “Sir” must strictly prefix a first name. This charming practice of using it as a suffix is actually widespread across South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. It is a classic example of dialectal crossbreeding, where local grammatical structures and cultural norms go to the extent of rewriting even the rules of the standard English as a language.

In a very broad sense, this phenomenon is very definitely seen in the Indian Subcontinent (E.g. Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan). This is arguably where the “Name + Sir” phenomenon is largest and perhaps even the strongest. Across Sri Lanka, India and Bangladesh, you will constantly hear people refer to superiors, teachers, or public figures as Karu Sir, Vijay Sir, Sachin Sir, Shahrukh Sir, or Ahmad Sir, etc.

Then there is the Indian “Ji” Factor: In Indian languages like Hindi or Punjabi, it is a strict cultural taboo to call an elder or a superior by their bare name. People naturally append the respectful suffix “Ji” (e. g., Gandhi-ji, Sharma-ji). It is then no surprise at all that when switching to English, the Indian mind seamlessly swaps the local suffix Ji for the English honorific Sir, thereby turning Vijay-ji into Vijay Sir.

In Hong Kong, a very specific variation of this exists within the police force and civil service. Influenced by decades of British administration, mixed with Cantonese naming customs, junior officers and the public address superiors by their surname followed by “Sir”, such as “Wong-Sir” or “Chan-Sir“. There is even a universal colloquial generic term, “Ah-Sir“, used commonly to address male police officers or teachers.

In the Philippines, while the syntax is slightly different, the sheer density of “Sir/Madam, Ma’am” usage matches that of Sri Lanka. Filipinos deeply value hierarchical courtesy. While they might say “Sir Jason“, it is incredibly common to use “Sir” almost like a pronoun or a mid-sentence suffix punctuation mark when addressing superiors, bosses, or clients, to ensure that respect is suitably maintained conscientiously.

The mismatch between British English and South/Southeast Asian English comes down to how different native cultures view status and intimacy. In South Asia, especially in Sri Lanka, there is the Linguistic Tradition of the suffix, where an extension in the nation’s own language is inserted into a word to enhance its status. In languages like Sinhala (-thuma / –mahathmaya), in Tamil (-ayyah / –avargal), and in Hindi (-ji), respect is always attached to the end of a name. It simply means that forcefully bringing a sleek word that implies social deference to the front, like Sir John, feels syntactically peculiar or even inappropriate to a native speaker of these local languages.

The “First Name Dilemma” is another type of rather quaint occurrence. In the West, calling your boss simply “John” is seen as a gesture that is egalitarian, free and open. In South Asia, calling an elder or superior by their first name feels somewhat jarringly rude. Conversely, using just “Mr Perera” can also feel too cold, official and even distant. “Perera Sir” or “Silva Sir” strikes the perfect culturally mitigatory concession, as it maintains a warm, personal connection by using the surname while also overtly and safely conveying a layer of professional public respect by adding the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix.

Yet for all that, it is worth noting that fundamentally, all languages are symbolic expressions of human thought and human intelligence. Whether expressed as spoken, written or sign language, all dialects are means of human communication. The type of words like “Sir” that we use in the English Language and the real context in which they are used indicate our thoughts in our human intellect. When they are used appropriately, they reflect our commitment to uninhibited respect and even admiration. While the British people and even their Monarch might feel quite a bit confused to hear someone called “Perera Sir”, right across Sri Lanka and its neighbouring nations. Yet for all that, it is simply the most natural and fusion technique to bridge and integrate traditional deference and admiration with modern expressive English.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.

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The Murder Room

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 8

The Murder Room gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

James

I took several books with me when I went to England earlier this year, but as usual I read hardly any of them, finding enough and more of interest in the shelves of those I stayed with. My first stop was at New College, where, as on several previous occasions I stayed in what is known as the Bishop’s Room, on the topmost storey of the Warden’s Lodgings. Sadly, I shall not stay there again, for my friend who has been Warden there for a decade now, Miles Young, retires this year.

The bookshelves there have much of interest though on the last couple of occasions I have concentrated on the detective stories, which Miles says are not his, but came with the house. The second I read this time was by the generally workmanlike P. D. James, whose Adam Dalgliesh is in the long line of whimsical but efficient detectives that has Hercule Poirot at its head. Though I had not been impressed by the one novel I read, featuring James’ female detective, Dalgliesh, I liked it, and this novel confirmed my affection.

The Murder Room

gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

The other two trustees, his brother and his sister, obviously benefited from his death, for they promptly renewed the lease. The employees of the museum also clearly benefited, for they had all found some sort of refuge here. These included the caretaker/cleaner, who lived in a cottage on the premises, a manager who was unpaid but used the place for his research, the receptionist, who also looked after the flat at the museum which was used by the sister, and two volunteers plus a gardener’s boy.

The caretaker, Tally, came across the fire before discovery had been intended, for an evening class everyone knew she went to on Fridays had been cancelled. On her way in she was knocked off her bicycle by a speeding car, the driver of which stopped to make sure she was safe, before speeding off again. She manages then to summon everyone else, including Dalgliesh, who had visited the museum for the first time a few days earlier, brought by a friend who relished its strange attractions.

The museum has to be closed for a few days while investigations are carried out, but in the course of them the friend brings some transatlantic visitors, and when they are in the Murder Room a chest (in which a body had been supposed to have been hidden in Victorian times) is opened, and a body found there. That murder, the autopsy indicated, had taken place around the time of the first murder.

The body was that of a girl who had attended a finishing school part-owned by the Dupayne sister. When Tally, by chance, sees the man who had knocked her down, and identifies him as a Lord who was known for his philanthropy, Dalgliesh realises that there are wheels within wheels here. The Lord confesses that he belonged to a group that met for promiscuous sex in the flat, and that he had planned to meet the girl there but she had not turned up.

Lord Martlesham, when the girl failed to appear, thought he should get away after the fire broke out. It was then that he had bumped into Tally, and his stopping to make sure she was all right indicated that he could not have been the murderer. Dalgliesh then deduced that the murderer had seen the girl at the window of the murder room, from which she must have seen the preparations for the murder. That was why she too had been killed.

Dalgliesh then has a fair idea of who the murderer was, but in waiting for proof, he leaves room for yet another murder to happen. For Tally, who had been mulling over something said on the night of the murder, asking about the petrol that caused the fire, realized that she had not mentioned petrol herself. This happened on her way back to her cottage, and not having a phone herself she goes into the museum to call, and then gets back to her cottage and locks herself in.

But then she hears her cat howling and goes out to find him strung up. She cuts him down, but when she goes back to the cottage the murderer is waiting and knocks her down. That happens in the section called The Third Victim, but this is in fact a boy on a motorbike knocked down by the speeding car of the escaping murderer. So Dalgliesh is able to effect an arrest when he turns up as summoned, and fortunately is in time to resuscitate Tally and send her to hospital.

The reason for the murder and the identity of its perpetrator are then fairly straightforward, though the background to the second murder introduces an element of loose living that contrasts with the Victorian age, or at least the image it projected – undercut though that is by the murders highlighted in the Murder Room with their sexual overtones.

And there is another louche element in the adventures of the gardener’s boy, who lives with a Major who is homosexual, though he declares, truthfully it seems, that he was not attracted at all to the boy but had given him shelter because of his vulnerability. He is generally charming, but capable of rages, in one of which he knocked down the major, though he was forgiven. He had taken shelter with Tally, who was fond of him but decided she preferred to live alone, which was why she had sent him away the day before she was attacked.

The murdered brother was a psychiatrist, and it turns out that the mysterious weekends he spent away from his London home were spent at country inns, where he took long walks to clear his mind of the demons his practice kept bringing into it. His profession also contributed to his death, in addition to his standing in the way of the museum continuing to exist, for one of his patients, connected to the murderer, had set fire to herself.

Solid plotting, with all the loose ends tied up, of incidents and the bizarre cast of characters.

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