Editorial
Another volte-face
Saturday 13th March, 2021
The government apparently specialises in making U-turns. It refused to consider burial as an option as regards the disposal of the remains of pandemic victims. It, in its wisdom, let the issue of mandatory cremations become internationalised before agreeing to permit burials. Likewise, it got into hot water by refusing to allow the Attorney General (AG) to have access to all documents related to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) final report on the Easter Sunday carnage. It remained impervious to reason and drew heavy flak for its obduracy. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference, in what can be described as a strongly-worded letter, called upon the government to send the entire report to the state prosecutor.
The government has made another dramatic volte-face; the whole PCoI report was sent to the AG yesterday. Why couldn’t it dispatch the report and all documents related to it to the AG immediately after they were submitted to the President on 01 Feb. 2021? Some SLPP grandees claimed that the documents at issue contained classified information about national security, and the government decision against sending them to the AG was based on a PCoI recommendation; they gave a twist to the penultimate paragraph in the PCoI covering letter to the President, in the report. The Commission has said: “We draw Your Excellency’s attention to the fact that the documents marked ‘X’ have classified information obtained through intelligence agencies of the State. Furthermore, evidence pertaining to national security including intelligence and information was obtained through witnesses testifying in camera. We would, with due respect, recommend that these matters be considered before deciding to make them public.” (Emphasis added.) No mention is made of the AG in this paragraph. But in its Chapter 30 (Conclusions), the report (on page 421) says specifically: “The CoI recommends that Your Excellency the President transmits a complete set of the Report to the Attorney General to consider institution of criminal proceedings against persons alleged to have committed the said offences.” (Emphasis added.) Nobody should blame the PCoI members.
It is not possible that the Presidential Secretariat officials and the President’s legal advisors did not read the above-quoted part of the PCoI conclusions. Instead of acting on it, they apparently sought to make use of the aforesaid section in the covering letter in a bid to justify their claim that the report in its entirety could not be sent to the AG. Something similar happened immediately after the last presidential election. Nobody advised President Gotabaya Rajapaksa properly on the constitutional provisions that prevented him from holding ministerial portfolios. At his inauguration ceremony, in Anuradhapura, on 18 Nov. 2019, he called himself the Minister of Defence, among other things, while addressing the nation. The sobering reality dawned on him subsequently, and he did not appoint himself a minister until the enactment of the 20th Amendment, which did away with the constitutional restrictions at issue.
Now, the question is why the government tried to prevent the AG from having access to the entire PCoI report. Did it seek to conceal anything therein, as its political opponents claim? The only way it can clear doubts and suspicions in the minds of people is to make the whole report public. As for the classified information about national security the PCoI report is said to contain, SJB MP and former Army Commander Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka hit a bull’s eye in Parliament, the other day, while others were getting Maggie’s drawers. He said the Easter Sunday attacks had happened due to a massive national security failure, which everyone was aware of, and therefore the argument that information related thereto should not be made public was specious. On the other hand, during the yahapalana government, the then President Maithripala Sirisena would invite even ordinary MPs loyal to him to the National Security Council meetings, which were few and far between.
The PCoI, we repeat, has not said that the documents containing what it considers sensitive information about national security should not be made public. It has only asked the President to decide whether to do so, after taking into account what it calls ‘classified information obtained through intelligence agencies of the State’. The ball is now in the President’s court. We believe that he should seriously consider making the entire report public. Besides the AG, the lawmakers, the media, the aggrieved parties and the general public have a right to see the whole picture.
Editorial
Jekylls and Hydes
Monday 13th January, 2025
The JVP-led NPP government is drawing heavy flak for its vitriolic attacks on the media. It has taken umbrage at media reports critical of its MPs and much-advertised programmes like the Clean Sri Lanka initiative. It is apparently labouring under the misconception that the media is all out to sabotage its work and turn public opinion against it.
There is hardly any need for the media to do so; the government has amply demonstrated its inefficiency and incompetence much to the resentment of the public. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration also took on the media when it failed to make good on its promises, much less live up to the people’s expectations. Therefore, it may be said, with apologies to Bernard Shaw, that governments that can, do; those that cannot, fight with the media.
Governments in this country expect the media to behave as servilely as the timid curate who, not wanting to embarrass his host, declared that a rotten egg on his plate was good in parts. Sadly, they have the uncritical backing of a section of the media fraternity.
They have control over the state-media, which obsequiously pander to their whims and fancies and would admire their sartorial elegance even if they happened to walk the streets in the buff, but the problem is that they expect all other media organisations to grovel before them and entertain them with journalistic can-can, Raqs Sharqi and pole dancing. There’s the rub.
The NPP government owes its meteoric rise in national politics to the media, both mainstream and social, just like its predecessor, the SLPP, whose ascent to power was also possible owing to an effective media campaign. Goebbels would have done backflips in his grave if he had known that the NPP leaders and their propagandists outdid him in the so-called repetitive propaganda before last year’s elections. The media also served as a conduit for their misinformation and Machiavellian promises.
The NPP leaders are now doing exactly the opposite of what they said about the IMF bailout programme and denying that they ever promised huge power and energy price reductions. Prior to the presidential and parliamentary elections last year, the NPP rallied a great deal of popular support by promising to make rice freely available at affordable prices with a single stroke of the mighty presidential pen; the media gave such promises a lot of publicity. But rice is in short supply and the powerful millers are ruling the roost with the cantankerous NPP leaders tugging at their forelocks. The government has also baulked at going all out to tame the private bus and trishaw operators.
It is in fact the public who should take on the media outfits that collaborate with political parties to dupe them before elections.
Politicians’ love for the media is inversely proportional to power. Only the Opposition members fight for the rights of journalists. Role reversals occur following regime changes. Some members of the former Rajapaksa governments have taken up the cudgels for the rights of the media; they are hauling the NPP government over the coals for issuing threats to media institutions that refuse to toe the government line. When the NPP politicians were in opposition, they shed copious tears for journalists targeted by previous governments.
Some former SLPP politicians have issued hard-hitting statements in defence of media freedom. They would have us believe that they are even ready to risk their dear lives to protect journalists! They may be thanked for having pledged solidarity with journalists vis-à-vis the NPP’s hostile campaign against the media. But they need to be reminded that they had no qualms about being in oppressive regimes that were responsible for savage attacks on media institutions and journalists.
They must explain why they did not call for thorough probes into various crimes against media practitioners, such as the assassination of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge during the Mahinda Rajapaksa government in January 2009.
Journalists should realise that their liberation lies in themselves, and it is a mistake for them to rely on politicians to protect their rights and freedoms. All it takes for the Jekylls in the garb of opposition politicians to transmogrify into a bunch of Hydes is a mere chance to savour power.
Editorial
Lying abroad for the country
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake last week met four new ambassadors to Qatar, Russia, Kuwait and Egypt and our first high commissioner to New Zealand who will assume their assignments shortly. All of them are members of the Sri Lanka Overseas Service with no political appointee among them. The heads of mission were selected during the incumbency of the last regime and, in fact, had been cleared by the High Posts Committee of the last Parliament. The new Parliament has not yet appointed a committee to oversee senior government appointments requiring such clearance although, as we report in our news columns today, the ruling party has made its nominations and opposition nominations are awaited. Presumably there will be retroactive clearance of those already in office where necessary.
What the president told the new envoys about what is expected of them was all too obvious. No new thrust in the country’s diplomacy under the new order was revealed. President Dissanayake, while expressing his confidence in the newly appointed diplomats, emphasized the importance of their roles in strengthening Sri Lanka’s bilateral ties and fostering mutual cooperation with the countries to which they had been posted. Other matters covered included giving the best possible service to Lankan working in the countries of accreditation, something that is most important as we are heavily dependent on the remittances they send home. A large number of Lankans today work not only in the Middle East as during the early years of foreign employment but also in countries like South Korea and Japan and now Israel. Also the president urged pushing for more foreign investment, supporting the tourism industry, boosting exports etc.
There is reasonable cause for hope that the new administration, unlike its predecessors, will not make blatantly political diplomatic appointments, not only at ambassadorial level but in other positions in our missions overseas. Barely a month ago, Chief Government Whip Nalinda Jayatissa read out in parliament a list of names of politicians who have drawn money from the President’s Fund for whatever reason and promised to make more revelations. A similar list of progeny and close kith and kin of politicians posted to Sri Lanka’s overseas mission would be as revealing. We do not say that all appointments to Sri Lanka missions abroad should only be from the professional diplomatic service. There have been outstanding performances by those coming from outside, notably Mr. Shirley Amarasinghe, CCS, a former Secretary to the Treasury who chaired the UN Law of the Sea Conference with greatest distinction. So much so, when the 1977 JR Jayewardene government refused to keep him in New York as our Permanent Representative to the United Nations, the UN contrived to keep him in his Law of the Sea role.
Soon after the new regime took office, a total of 16 heads of diplomatic missions deemed political appointments were ordered to wind up their affairs and return to Colombo by December 1. As a state visit by the president to India was pending, the serving high commissioner in New Delhi was asked to remain until the visit was concluded. This was a sensible decision as a new appointee or a relatively junior officer may not have been able to competently handle the work involved at an important juncture. Also the high commissioner who was in place in India was a retired member of the Overseas Service with wide experience serving in important capitals. She was re-appointed post-retirement by the previous administration and this, among others, was apparently read as a “political appointment.” The single exception to the recall was former cabinet minister Mahinda Samarasinghe who quit his ministerial position to go to Washington as ambassador. This was purportedly in view of ongoing discussions with the IMF although it is well known that the embassy is little involved in this process.
However that be, several heads of mission positions, including in important capitals overseas like London and New Delhi as well as the UN in New York, remains to be filled. Whether the existing cadre in the Overseas Service has enough trained and experienced officers to meet this requirement is an open question. The late Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, unquestionably the best foreign minister this country ever had, made some imaginative appointments such as those of business leader SK Wickremesinghe posted to London and eminent lawyer H.L. de Silva who went to New York as our Permanent Representative to the UN. We also had Mr. Mangala Moonesinghe who served in Delhi and briefly in London. The other side of the coin was that there were some rank bad appointments, notably that of a cousin of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to Washington. He was caught with his pants down profiting from a property acquisition for the state and returned the loot. Nevertheless the then government proposed to appoint him high commissioner to Canada. Fortunately, Ottawa declined accreditation.
The current political leadership like all its predecessors will, no doubt be pressured by supporters, friends and fellow travelers to make various diplomatic appointments for which there is an insatiable greed in this country. An Additional Foreign Secretary in Mrs. Bandaranaike’s day, obtained cabinet approval to abolish the Sri Lanka Overseas Service and amalgamate it with the SLAS, opening the doors to a vast number of patronage appointments, Mr. Dharmasiri Pieris who functioned as Secretary to the Prime Minister has revealed in his autobiography of which we are running excerpts. This was fortunately nipped in the bud. Finding the right people for the jobs that must be done, not only in the diplomatic service but also in the local administration, will be a monumentally challenging task. Hopefully, there will at least some success in this regard.
Editorial
Soft punches thrown at heavyweights
Saturday 11th January, 2025
The government has announced a concessionary loan scheme for small and medium-scale (SMS) rice millers and cooperative societies to purchase paddy during the current Maha season. The Treasury has set aside Rs. 10 bn for that purpose, we are told. Successive governments have provided such loans to SMS millers.
One may recall that in February 2024, the Treasury announced that the SMS millers and warehouse owners could obtain loans ranging from Rs. 25 million to Rs. 50 million each under a concessionary pledge loan scheme for paddy purchase during the 2023-2024 Maha season. It was reported that the loans would have to be repaid in six months, and Rs. 9 billion would be disbursed. But that loan scheme did not help make a dent on the problem of powerful millers dominating the paddy market. Such measures could therefore be considered soft punches thrown at heavyweights.
It is doubtful whether the loan amounts to be made available to the SMS millers and cooperative societies will be adequate vis-à-vis the financial prowess of the big-time millers they have to vie with against tremendous odds in purchasing paddy. Most of all, they do not receive funds in time for the commencement of harvesting. The state machinery and lending institutions are geared towards serving the interests of the wealthy millers, who also have politicians on a string.
Worse, large millers double as loan sharks in the rural sector. Many paddy farmers obtain loans from them before the commencement of cultivation seasons on the strict condition that they do not sell their paddy to anyone else. Thus, the Millers’ Mafia keeps the farmers in bondage to all intents and purposes and buys their paddy at unconscionably low prices. Some agricultural experts have pointed out that these millers also keep part of their paddy stocks with the farmers who are beholden to them, and hence it is difficult to trace the hoarded paddy.
Interestingly, the rich millers have taken on the heartless microfinance companies that provide loans to farmers at exorbitant interest rates, and employ draconian recovery methods. They accuse the latter of exploiting farmers! There is hardly any difference between the Millers’ Mafia and the ruthless microfinance companies, where the exploitation of the farming community is concerned. No government has made any serious effort to liberate the hapless farmers from the clutches of the unscrupulous millers and other Shylocks.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared in his New Year message that his government had, inter alia, the goal of eliminating rural poverty high on its agenda. Economically empowering farmers will be half the battle in tackling rural poverty. This ambitious goal however will remain elusive as long as politicians and political parties benefit from the largesse of the big-time millers and baulk at doing what needs to be done to protect the farming community against exploitative practices.
Let the government be urged to make funds available to the SMS millers and cooperative societies expeditiously in sufficient amounts if it is genuinely desirous of making the paddy and rice markets really competitive to safeguard the interests of farmers and consumers. Usually, by the time the government reaches the starting block, the big-time millers are already halfway down the track, sprinting.
The provision of soft loans for paddy purchase is welcome, but much more needs to be done to prevent paddy/rice market manipulations and the exploitation of farmers and consumers. The need for a pro-people government capable of dealing with the exploiters in the garb of millers and wholesalers, with a firm hand, cannot be overstated.
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